ODM leader strikes conciliatory tone while demanding justice for families affected by 2023-2024 demonstrations
HOMA BAY – Opposition leader Raila Odinga delivered a measured yet firm message to President William Ruto during Madaraka Day celebrations, calling for compensation to victims of anti-government protests while warning against the revival of colonial-era provincial administration.
Speaking at the packed Raila Odinga Stadium in Homa Bay County, the ODM leader struck a conciliatory tone but insisted that national healing requires acknowledgment of past grievances and concrete action to address them.
Odinga renewed his call for the government to compensate families affected by the violence that marked the 2023 and 2024 anti-government demonstrations, emphasizing that apologies alone are insufficient for national reconciliation.
“I want to say today that we should do compensation to families of those who died and those who were injured. We want Kenyans to live in peace and unity,” Odinga told the crowd, referring to both his party-led protests in 2023 and the youth-driven Gen Z demonstrations of 2024.
The protests, sparked by public dissatisfaction over rising living costs, increased taxation, and demands for electoral justice, were met with heavy-handed police responses.
According to Amnesty International Kenya, at least 65 people were killed, 89 forcibly disappeared, and thousands arrested during the 2024 protests alone.
Odinga defended the protesters as legitimate citizens seeking reform rather than criminals. “We have had several challenges in the country.
Two years ago, we were on the streets, and a year ago, the Gen Zs were also on the streets,” he said.
While acknowledging President Ruto’s recent apology to the youth during the National Prayer Breakfast on May 28, Odinga insisted that words must be followed by action.
“I saw that during the prayer breakfast recently, there were apologies being made, by the Speaker and yourself [President Ruto], which is wonderful as a first step to reconciliation. But there is the issue of people who are injured, the people who died during that time.”
Opposition to Provincial Administration Revival
In a separate but equally significant message, Odinga urged President Ruto not to resurrect the provincial administration system, calling it a colonial relic incompatible with modern Kenya’s devolved governance structure.
“Provincial administration is a relic of colonialism. It has no place today in a free and independent country. Let county governments receive sufficient resources and be allowed to deliver services to the people,” the former Prime Minister declared.
Instead of centralizing power, Odinga called for strengthening devolution by ensuring adequate funding for county governments.
He specifically urged Parliament to honor a previous agreement to allocate Sh450 billion to counties in the upcoming national budget.
“We want to see devolution working. Counties need to be properly funded so that they can provide essential services. There are also some national functions that can be delegated to counties to make governance more effective,” he said.
The ODM leader emphasized that while Members of Parliament should continue their oversight, legislative, and representative roles, development work should remain with county governments.
Throughout his address, Odinga emphasized the need for national unity and inclusion, urging Kenyans to reject divisions based on tribe, gender, religion, or culture.
“This is what our founding fathers envisioned—one nation united in diversity,” he said, echoing the spirit of Madaraka Day, which commemorates Kenya’s attainment of internal self-rule from British colonial rule in 1963.
The Madaraka Day address comes amid a period of political reconciliation between Odinga and President Ruto, who signed a memorandum of understanding in March 2025 to form a “broad-based government” aimed at national unity.
President Ruto, who was present at the ceremony, has adopted a more conciliatory approach in recent months, including his public apology to the youth.
However, Odinga’s message made clear that sustainable peace requires addressing the grievances of those affected by past violence.
As Kenya marks another year of independence, Odinga’s dual message of reconciliation and accountability reflects the delicate balance the country must strike between moving forward and ensuring justice for past wrongs.
His opposition to reviving provincial administration also underscores ongoing debates about the future of Kenya’s governance structure and the role of devolution in national development.
The veteran politician’s measured approach suggests a willingness to work with the current administration while maintaining pressure for systemic reforms and justice for victims of state violence.
Condemns arrest of activist Rose Njeri as betrayal of democratic values
NAIROBI – Former Chief Justice David Maraga delivered a scathing critique of the Kenyan government on Sunday, declaring that the nation’s youth have “nothing to celebrate this Madaraka Day” following the controversial arrest of software developer and activist Rose Njeri.
In a strongly-worded statement issued as Kenya marked its 62nd Madaraka Day celebrations at Raila Odinga Stadium in Homa Bay, Maraga described Njeri’s detention as a “tragic irony” that fundamentally contradicts the spirit of the national holiday meant to commemorate internal self-rule and democratic freedoms.
Rose Njeri was arrested on Friday afternoon in South B, Nairobi, and taken to Pangani Police Station.
Her alleged crime?
Creating an innovative online platform called Civic Email that enabled ordinary Kenyans to easily send formal objections to Members of Parliament regarding controversial provisions in the proposed Finance Bill 2025.
The software developer’s detention without charges or bail has drawn fierce criticism from civil society organizations, digital rights activists, and youth groups across the country, who view her arrest as an attack on civic participation and technological innovation.
“Ms. Rose Njeri is the latest to be abducted for allegedly innovating an accessible system for citizens to express their views on the Finance Bill 2025.
This completely negates the spirit of Madaraka,” Maraga stated in his Sunday declaration.
The former Chief Justice painted a grim picture of contemporary Kenya, particularly for its younger generation.
He highlighted the stark contradictions facing the country as it celebrated its journey toward self-governance while simultaneously suppressing the very democratic participation that Madaraka Day represents.
“Youth unemployment is still soaring, livelihood opportunities keep shrinking, while a minority of the political elite live in opulence, straddling the young majority into servitude,” Maraga observed, drawing attention to the growing inequality that characterizes modern Kenya.
His comments come as the country grapples with persistent economic challenges that have disproportionately affected young Kenyans, many of whom struggle to find meaningful employment despite high levels of education and technical skills.
Maraga’s statement also served as a somber reminder of the events that unfolded exactly one year ago, when widespread protests led to significant loss of life among Kenya’s youth population.
“Today, we begin a solemn month of reflection in memory of the lives of more than 60 young people killed in June 2024,” he said, referring to what he termed the ‘Gen Z Revolution.’
“It is a month to stand in solidarity with those injured and abducted, and to comfort the families of those who lost their loved ones to police brutality.”
The former Chief Justice’s reference to the June 2024 protests underscores the ongoing tensions between Kenya’s government and its youth, who have increasingly turned to digital platforms and peaceful demonstrations to express their dissatisfaction with governance and economic policies.
Rather than allowing Madaraka Day to pass as mere ceremony, Maraga used the occasion to call for deep national introspection about Kenya’s commitment to the values of justice and freedom that the holiday is meant to represent.
“The country needs to rejuvenate the true spirit of Madaraka,” he declared, urging Kenyans to move beyond commemorative rhetoric toward meaningful action that protects and strengthens democratic institutions.
Njeri’s arrest occurs against the backdrop of growing government scrutiny of digital activism and civic technology in Kenya.
Her Civic Email platform represents a new generation of tools designed to make government more accessible and responsive to citizens, particularly younger Kenyans who are increasingly tech-savvy and politically engaged.
The timing of her detention—just days before Madaraka Day and amid ongoing debates about the Finance Bill 2025—has led many observers to view the arrest as politically motivated, designed to discourage public participation in legislative processes.
Seven months after Rigathi Gachagua’s historic impeachment as Kenya’s Deputy President, his successor Kithure Kindiki appears to be walking dangerously close to the same political precipice that claimed his predecessor.
The parallels are striking, the timing suspicious, and the implications profound for both Kenya’s political stability and the Deputy President’s own survival.
Between May 1 and May 23, 2025, Kindiki made an extraordinary 36 visits to Mt. Kenya region—the same political heartland that both elevated and ultimately destroyed Gachagua.
In contrast, he made only eight appearances outside this region during the same period.
This lopsided focus has triggered alarm bells among political observers who witnessed firsthand how regional fixation became Gachagua’s Achilles heel.
The Ghost of Impeachment Past
Gachagua’s downfall in October 2024 was swift and decisive.
The Senate voted 54-13 to remove him from office on charges including gross violation of the constitution, corruption, abuse of office, and—most tellingly—stirring ethnic hatred through divisive politics.
The impeachment motion succeeded because Gachagua had painted himself into a corner as a regional champion rather than a national leader.
The former Deputy President’s fatal flaw was his perceived transformation from a national figure into what critics labeled a “Mt. Kenya supremacist.” His rhetoric increasingly centered on protecting the interests of his home region, often at the expense of national cohesion.
This regional tunnel vision made him vulnerable when President William Ruto needed a scapegoat for mounting political pressures.
Kindiki’s Perilous Path
Now, barely six months into his tenure, Kindiki seems to be following the same playbook with alarming precision.
His intensive Mt. Kenya tour—averaging more than one visit per day to the region—mirrors Gachagua’s strategy of building a regional power base.
The Deputy President has been present at economic empowerment events, fundraisers, development launches, and community gatherings across Kiambu, Murang’a, Nyeri, Kirinyaga, Embu, Meru, Laikipia, and Nyandarua counties.
On May 21, while commissioning the upgraded Limuru Dairy factory, Kindiki declared: “The government is supporting value addition in agriculture. We are also implementing the Bottom-Up Economic Transformation Agenda.”
While seemingly innocuous, such statements delivered exclusively in Mt. Kenya venues create the dangerous perception of regional favoritism—the same accusation that ultimately destroyed Gachagua.
The Political Mathematics of Survival
What makes Kindiki’s strategy particularly puzzling is that he should have learned from Gachagua’s mistakes.
The Mt. Kenya region, while politically significant with approximately 20% of Kenya’s population, is not large enough to sustain a Deputy President who becomes perceived as regionally captured.
Gachagua discovered this harsh reality when his impeachment received support not just from Ruto’s allies, but also from opposition lawmakers who saw him as divisive.
The current political dynamics make Kindiki’s regional focus even more dangerous.
President Ruto is facing his own legitimacy challenges following the Gen Z protests that forced him to withdraw the controversial Finance Bill 2024.
In such circumstances, a Deputy President who appears to be building an independent power base becomes a liability rather than an asset.
The Familiar Warning Signs
Several red flags indicate Kindiki may be repeating Gachagua’s errors:
Regional Capture: The overwhelming focus on Mt. Kenya counties creates an impression that the Deputy President prioritizes one region over others. This perception of regional favoritism was central to Gachagua’s impeachment charges.
Timing and Intensity: Making 36 visits to one region in just 23 days suggests political ambition beyond routine government duties. The frequency mirrors Gachagua’s pre-impeachment hyperactivity in the same region.
Alliance Building: Reports indicate that former Gachagua loyalists are now gravitating toward Kindiki, potentially recreating the same regional political machinery that made the former Deputy President appear threatening to the President.
Economic Messaging: By positioning himself as the champion of Mt. Kenya’s economic interests, Kindiki risks being seen as prioritizing regional concerns over national unity—exactly the trap that ensnared Gachagua.
The Historical Context
Kenya’s history is littered with Deputy Presidents who fell out with their principals, often due to perceived regional overreach.
From Josephat Karanja to Michael Kijana Wamalwa, and most recently Gachagua, the pattern is consistent: Deputy Presidents who build independent regional power bases inevitably clash with Presidents who view such activities as threats to their authority.
Kindiki’s legal background should make him acutely aware of this pattern.
As a constitutional law professor, he understands better than most that the Deputy President’s role is inherently subordinate and precarious.
The constitution provides the President with significant latitude to manage his deputy, and impeachment remains a viable option when political relationships sour.
The Strategic Miscalculation
What makes Kindiki’s approach particularly puzzling is its strategic shortsightedness. By focusing intensively on Mt. Kenya, he risks several negative outcomes:
Presidential Suspicion: President Ruto may begin to view his deputy as building an alternative power center, leading to the same trust deficit that destroyed Gachagua.
National Alienation: Other regions may perceive Kindiki as captured by Mt. Kenya interests, limiting his national appeal and making him politically expendable.
Opposition Ammunition: Critics can easily point to the regional imbalance in his activities as evidence of favoritism, weakening the administration’s national cohesion narrative.
The Path Forward
If Kindiki hopes to avoid Gachagua’s fate, he must urgently recalibrate his approach. This requires:
Geographic Balance: Ensuring visits to all regions reflect Kenya’s national character rather than regional preferences.
Message Discipline: Avoiding rhetoric that can be interpreted as regional favoritism or ethnic mobilization.
Subordinate Positioning: Maintaining clear deference to President Ruto while building his own profile within acceptable bounds.
National Focus: Emphasizing policies and projects that benefit all Kenyans rather than appearing to champion regional interests.
The Broader Implications
Kindiki’s current trajectory has implications beyond his personal political survival.
Kenya’s stability depends partly on the perception that national leaders serve all citizens equally.
A Deputy President who appears regionally captured undermines this principle and potentially fuels the same ethnic tensions that have periodically destabilized the country.
Moreover, if Kindiki follows Gachagua’s path to impeachment, it would establish a dangerous precedent where Deputy Presidents from Mt. Kenya are systematically removed for regional overreach.
This could further inflame political tensions and make the position almost untenable for leaders from the region.
Learning from History
The parallels between Kindiki’s current activities and Gachagua’s pre-impeachment behavior are too stark to ignore.
Both men focused intensively on Mt. Kenya, both built regional alliances, and both risked being perceived as putting regional interests above national unity.
The key difference is that Kindiki still has time to change course.
The Deputy President faces a critical choice: continue down the path that led to his predecessor’s spectacular downfall, or learn from history and chart a different course. His political survival—and Kenya’s stability—may well depend on making the right choice before it’s too late.
The ghost of Gachagua’s impeachment should serve as a sobering reminder that in Kenyan politics, regional champions often become national casualties.
Kindiki would be wise to heed this warning before he, too, falls into the trap that has claimed so many of his predecessors.
NAIROBI, Kenya – In an unprecedented move that signals a shift from traditional Kenyan political deal-making, opposition leaders have quietly retained the services of a professional consulting firm to help them identify the strongest candidate to challenge President William Ruto in the 2027 general elections.
The emerging coalition, led by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and Wiper Party leader Kalonzo Musyoka, has given the unnamed consulting firm six months to deliver preliminary findings, with a final report expected by December 2025 that will scientifically determine their presidential flag bearer.
Sources within the opposition camp, speaking on condition of anonymity, revealed that the decision to hire external experts represents a deliberate break from Kenya’s traditional political horse-trading and boardroom negotiations that have historically determined party nominations.
Data-Driven Selection Process
The consulting firm will employ a systematic, research-backed methodology using opinion polls, ground intelligence, regional voting dynamics, and comprehensive electability assessments to guide the selection of both the presidential candidate and running mate.
“The goal is to rely on facts and data rather than emotion or seniority to select a ticket with the best chance of unseating the incumbent,” disclosed a source within the opposition coalition.
The scientific approach will analyze voting patterns from previous elections, test various ticket combinations through simulated scenarios, and assess the regional and demographic strengths of each potential candidate. Credible polling firms will be commissioned to gauge popularity, trust levels, and national appeal of each contender.
Remember what Raila Odinga did in 2002 with his Kibaki Tosha endorsement? We can have one of the senior members say ‘so-and-so Tosha’, and that’s it. The timing is our secret weapon. We want to keep him guessing.
Daniel Maanzo.
Makueni Senator Daniel Maanzo, a close ally of Musyoka, endorsed the professional approach while speaking to journalists on Saturday.
“I agree with the idea of hiring a consulting firm. The professionals can help us break any ties. I am confident that all of our leaders are united by one goal: to send President William Ruto home,” Maanzo stated.
Coalition Takes Shape
The opposition coalition has been steadily consolidating around several key figures, each bringing distinct regional and demographic strengths to the table. At the center of the emerging alliance are:
Rigathi Gachagua, who recently launched his Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) following his impeachment as Deputy President in October 2024
Kalonzo Musyoka, the veteran Wiper Party leader with a strong base in Eastern Kenya’s Ukambani region
Fred Matiang’i, former Interior Cabinet Secretary whose recent entry into active opposition politics has been closely watched
Eugene Wamalwa of the DAP-Kenya Party, representing Western Kenya interests
Martha Karua, leader of the People’s Liberation Party and former running mate to Raila Odinga in 2022
The coalition also includes former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi, Party of National Unity leader Peter Munya, and former Agriculture Cabinet Secretary Mithika Linturi.
Significantly, former President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Jubilee Party are said to be backing the opposition efforts, providing crucial institutional and financial support.
Strategic Timing and Gen Z Factor
The opposition leaders have deliberately chosen to keep their selection process and timeline secret, viewing timing as a “secret weapon” against President Ruto’s administration.
Senator Maanzo drew parallels to the successful 2002 election strategy: “Remember what Raila Odinga did in 2002 with his Kibaki Tosha endorsement? We can have one of the senior members say ‘so-and-so Tosha’, and that’s it. The timing is our secret weapon. We want to keep him guessing.”
In a move targeting younger voters, the coalition plans to create a powerful position, such as Prime Minister, specifically reserved for Generation Z representatives. Conservative estimates suggest Gen Z voters will number approximately 10 million in the 2027 elections – a demographic large enough to determine the presidency.
Potential Ticket Scenarios
Political analysts have identified several possible ticket combinations emerging from the scientific selection process:
The Matiang’i-Musyoka Option: This pairing would combine technocratic credentials with seasoned political experience, potentially backed by former President Kenyatta. However, it risks alienating Mt. Kenya voters if the region lacks representation in the top two positions.
The Musyoka-led Ticket: With Kalonzo as flag bearer and either Matiang’i or Wamalwa as running mate, this arrangement would fulfill Musyoka’s long-standing presidential ambitions while maintaining regional balance.
The Gender Equity Approach: A Musyoka-Karua ticket would appeal to reformist and gender equality narratives, though it might struggle to gain traction in Mt. Kenya region.
Each scenario presents unique advantages and challenges, with the consulting firm’s analysis expected to provide data-driven insights into which combination offers the strongest path to victory.
Challenges and Risks
Despite the scientific approach, political observers warn that ego and ambition could still override data-driven findings, particularly if popular or seasoned contenders question the methodology or results.
Professor Gitile Naituli, a political analyst, noted that “if executed transparently and backed by all major players in the opposition, it could reshape coalition politics and present a serious threat to President Ruto’s re-election bid.”
The coalition faces the additional challenge of operating in a political landscape significantly altered by Raila Odinga’s apparent neutrality or support for President Ruto ahead of the 2027 elections, creating both opportunities and risks for the emerging opposition.
Government Response and Security Concerns
The nascent coalition has taken extraordinary measures to keep its plans away from government intelligence, fearing infiltration. The decision not to disclose the consulting firm’s name reflects these security concerns.
“We are up against a shrewd opponent, so we must get it right,” explained one presidential aspirant within the coalition.
Meanwhile, President Ruto has been actively consolidating his position, recently incorporating key opposition figures from Mt. Kenya into his administration and deploying Cabinet Secretaries across the country in what observers describe as an early re-election campaign.
Regional Consolidation Strategy
In the immediate term, coalition principals have agreed to retreat to their home regions to consolidate support bases before the final push begins.
“We want to create a kingpin out of each of them. Remember, all politics is local. From there, they all feed into a national pool, creating an even bigger support base. Then, we move on as a team,” explained a strategist from Gachagua’s camp.
The opposition coalition’s deployment of professional consulting services marks a potentially transformative moment in Kenyan politics, where data and scientific analysis could supersede traditional ethnic calculations and political deal-making in determining the country’s next presidential contest.
As the six-month evaluation period unfolds, Kenya’s political landscape appears poised for a more sophisticated and data-driven electoral battle than the country has previously witnessed.
IEBC chair nominee Erastus Ethekon has told MPs that he only applied for the position after being encouraged by young people at a cyber café who believed he had what it takes to lead the electoral body.
Appearing before the National Assembly Justice and Legal Affairs Committee, Ethekon said he was hesitant to apply when the position was first advertised.
“There was too much negativity around the job, and I was reluctant,” he said.
He recalled being at his usual cyber café when three young people, Peter, Purity and Kizito urged him to go for the job.
“They looked at my documents and said, ‘You can lead this country through IEBC,”‘ Ethekon said.
At the time, Ethekon was working in South Africa and was unsure whether to apply for the chair or a commissioner’s role.
The youth went ahead and submitted applications for both. “They sent me a screenshot showing the submission while I was on my way to Angola,” he said.
Ethekon clarified that the application was his own, and that he had signed and prepared all the documents.
“I asked them to submit once everything was ready. I still have a copy of my application,” he said.
Responding to questions from the committee, Ethekon denied claims that he had been pushed by political interests or external forces.
“Let the record show that it was ordinary Kenyans who encouraged me. There was no pressure from any group,” he said.
He added that he went through the public interview process and was shortlisted according to the law. “I gave my reasons for seeking the position, and the process followed the law,” he said.
The trajectory of former IEBC chairpersons, including Wafula Chebukati, who passed away on February 20, 2025, at the age of 63, has been marked by a troubling pattern of health complications, legal battles, threats, and untimely deaths.
Of Kenya’s four electoral commission chairpersons since the start of multiparty democracy in 1992, at least three have faced similar misfortunes.
Justice Zacchaeus Chesoni, a respected Kenyan jurist, served as the Chief Justice of Kenya from 1997 to 1999. Shortly after leaving office, he developed health complications that led to his death in 1999, also at the age of 63.
Samuel Mutua Kivuitu was appointed as deputy head of the defunct Electoral Commission in 1992 under Chesoni.
He later succeeded him as chairman, overseeing the 1997, 2002, and 2005 elections, and presided over the troubled 2007 general election.
His handling of the 2007 presidential results—where he stated, “I don’t know who won the elections,” despite announcing Mwai Kibaki as the winner—triggered post-election violence that claimed at least 1,300 lives and displaced more than 600,000 people.
The aftermath led to the disbandment of the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK).
Kivuitu’s final years were marked by illness.
He died of throat cancer at MP Shah Hospital in Nairobi on February 25, 2013, at the age of 74.
Issack Hassan followed Kivuitu, serving first as chairperson of the Interim Independent Electoral Commission (IIEC) from 2009 to 2011, and then as the first chairperson of the newly formed IEBC from November 2011 to October 2016.
During his time at the helm, the 2013 general election was challenged by former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.
Hassan later returned to public service as chairperson of the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), a position he currently holds.
Wafula Chebukati’s tenure during the 2017 and 2022 elections was also turbulent. He oversaw two hotly contested elections, including the 2017 poll, which was annulled by the Supreme Court—the first such ruling in Africa.
Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Chair nominee Erustaus Ethekon faced intense scrutiny over his mysterious job at the African Union Development Agency (AUDA) in South Africa.
Appearing before Parliament’s Justice and Legal Affairs Committee (JLAC), Ethekon was pushed to explain why a man living and working in Johannesburg should lead Kenya’s electoral commission.
Lawmakers demanded full transparency on his current role, AU ties, and any hidden political affiliations. What followed was a revealing session that unearthed more than Ethekon likely intended.
As the selection panel finalizes its decision, the public must ask: Can someone with deep continental ties and vague political affiliations truly guarantee the independence and integrity of Kenya’s elections? [Photo: Courtesy]
Erustaus Ethekon AU job and its surprising political weight
Ethekon admitted that he currently works as a Senior Advisor to the CEO of the African Union Development Agency, under the NEPAD framework. He focuses on governance, peace, security, and development. This might sound like a diplomatic achievement, but JLAC lawmakers weren’t buying the vagueness.
From the moment he sat before the panel on Saturday, May 31, the mood was tense. West Mugirango MP Stephen Mogaka led the charge, grilling him on how someone so deeply embedded in African Union affairs could fully commit to managing Kenya’s elections.
“Would you abandon this country if things went wrong under your leadership at IEBC?” Mogaka asked bluntly.
Ethekon shot back, “This is my country and I love it very much. That is why I came back and that is why I want to continue serving it.”
His patriotism sounded sincere, but the committee wasn’t convinced that love alone was enough. Members wanted to know if his international job, complete with high-level access to African political networks, made him a risky candidate—someone more loyal to AU bureaucrats than Kenyan voters.
Further probing revealed that Ethekon’s AU job wasn’t just another diplomatic posting. It links him to continental power structures, with responsibilities that potentially overlap with election security and political stability across Africa.
That raised eyebrows. JLAC members questioned whether he had been strategically positioned by political actors to influence Kenya’s electoral processes from a higher perch.
The concerns weren’t merely speculative. Some insiders believe President William Ruto’s administration, along with former Turkana Governor Josphat Nanok, played a hand in grooming Ethekon for this sensitive role.
Lawmakers question his loyalty and timing
The grilling didn’t stop with his job title. Lawmakers demanded to know why Ethekon—who has spent the last year living in Johannesburg—was suddenly ready to uproot and take up a full-time role back in Kenya.
“Why now?” one member asked.
That’s a question that continues to linger. Ethekon maintained that his decision to return was based on national duty, not political ambition.
“If called upon to serve my country, this is my priority and serving my country will be my pride,” he stated.
But JLAC members weren’t satisfied with vague reassurances. They emphasized that elections in Kenya carry high stakes, and the IEBC Chair must be fully grounded, both physically and emotionally, in the country.
There’s also the issue of dual loyalties. Could his AU job influence decisions at IEBC? Could continental diplomatic ties compromise his independence?
The lack of clear boundaries between his AU work and proposed IEBC duties left many unanswered questions.
Links to Nanok raise further suspicion
Adding fuel to the fire were accusations that Ethekon may be politically connected to Josphat Nanok, a close Ruto ally and former governor of Turkana County.
Ethekon strongly denied these allegations.
“For the record, Honourable Chairman, not even close, not at the clan level, let alone family. We come from different villages and have no relationship whatsoever,” he said.
He admitted to working with Nanok during his time as the County Attorney, but emphasized that their relationship was purely professional.
Still, the suspicions persist. Critics say Ethekon’s nomination is part of a wider plan to place trusted allies of the Ruto regime in strategic national positions. With IEBC expected to oversee hotly contested elections in the coming years, the leadership of the commission will shape the country’s political future.
The nomination process has already been dogged by allegations of manipulation and backroom deals, with Ethekon’s case now adding to the list.
Final Thoughts
Ethekon’s vetting session has left more questions than answers. His AU job in South Africa, while impressive on paper, casts a long shadow over his suitability to lead Kenya’s most sensitive democratic institution. His insistence that he is committed to Kenya is noted, but the political connections, foreign residence, and timing of his return all demand deeper scrutiny.
Former Deputy President launches scathing response to President’s criticism, declares 2027 mission crystal clear
NAIROBI, May 31, 2025 – Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has delivered a pointed rebuttal to President William Ruto’s accusations that Kenya’s opposition lacks a coherent agenda, declaring that their primary mission is unambiguously defined: removing the incumbent from office in 2027.
The sharp exchange shows the deepening political divide between the former allies, with Gachagua transforming from Ruto’s deputy to his most vocal critic following his impeachment late last year.
Speaking after a strategic meeting at Wiper Party leader Kalonzo Musyoka’s residence, Gachagua dismissed the President’s repeated assertions that opposition leaders are focused solely on divisive politics without offering alternative solutions to Kenyans.
“The most important thing for Kenya to move forward is that Ruto must go. That is the most important thing. He keeps shouting that we have no agenda; we do have an agenda! The agenda is to remove him first,” Gachagua declared, his tone defiant and uncompromising.
The former Deputy President went further, turning the tables on his former boss, “So William Ruto, don’t dictate our agenda, sort out yours. We have an agenda, and the first is for Kenya to improve, for work to continue, and for the nation to stand tall, you must be a one-term president.”
Gachagua’s remarks came amid intensified opposition coalition-building efforts, with key political figures including Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, and Eugene Wamalwa positioning themselves for the 2027 presidential race.
The meeting at Musyoka’s residence signals the opposition’s attempt to present a united front against Ruto’s administration.
The opposition has indicated they will name their presidential candidate in December 2026, with Gachagua dismissing speculation about cracks within their ranks as government propaganda designed to weaken their resolve.
President William Ruto accompanied by Raila Odinga addressing residents in Kisumu.
President Ruto has remained defiant in the face of mounting opposition pressure.
Recently addressing residents in Kisumu, the President expressed confidence about beating his challengers “hands down” in 2027, dismissing concerns about the growing opposition coalition.
The President has consistently argued that opposition leaders, particularly Gachagua, are more focused on ethnic politics and personal grievances than on presenting viable alternatives to his administration’s policies.
The political dynamics have been particularly intense in the Mount Kenya region, traditionally a key battleground in Kenyan politics.
The region, which has traditionally supported Gachagua, has turned against those who voted for his impeachment, creating significant challenges for Ruto’s allies in the area.
However, the opposition faces its own challenges, with some political observers questioning their unity.
Recently, Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi argued that despite his criticism, Ruto remains “a better choice” than the opposition leaders, highlighting divisions even within the broader opposition ecosystem.
The exchange between Gachagua and Ruto reflects the high stakes surrounding the 2027 general election. For Gachagua, the mission is personal – seeking political vindication after his impeachment and removal from office.
For Ruto, the challenge is maintaining power while facing a potentially unified opposition that includes his former deputy and other seasoned politicians.
Gachagua has launched his own political party, the Democracy for the Citizens Party, positioning himself as a key opposition figure with his own political base, particularly in the Mount Kenya region where he maintains significant influence despite his removal from office.
As Kenya approaches the 2027 elections, the political landscape continues to evolve rapidly. Gachagua’s direct challenge to Ruto’s characterization of the opposition suggests that the coming campaign period will be marked by sharp exchanges and clear ideological differences.
The former Deputy President’s straightforward declaration – that removing Ruto from power is their primary agenda – strips away any ambiguity about the opposition’s immediate political objectives.
Whether this singular focus will resonate with Kenyan voters seeking comprehensive policy alternatives remains to be seen.
The political temperature is expected to continue rising as both sides prepare for what promises to be a highly contested election cycle, with the opposition now clearly defining their mission in the most direct terms possible.
Orange Democratic Movement leader urges public backing of unity government amid spirited opposition and declining approval ratings
In a significant political development, Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader Raila Odinga has come to the robust defense of President William Ruto’s broad-based government, urging Kenyans to support the unity administration while asserting that the current government’s policies mirror his own 2022 presidential manifesto.
Speaking to residents of Homa Bay town on Friday, May 30, 2025, the veteran opposition leader heaped praise on the Ruto administration, describing it as a partnership designed to address Kenya’s longstanding challenges dating back to pre-independence era.
“Haya yote tulikuwa nayo kwa mpango yetu ya Azimio na sasa si mnaona watu wa Kenya Kwanza wameiga mfano yetu na hii ni kitu mzuri nataka hawa wananchi wetu waunge hawa mkono,” Odinga stated, suggesting that Kenya Kwanza had adopted policies from the Azimio coalition’s blueprint.
The ODM leader’s endorsement comes at a time when the broad-based government faces significant public skepticism. Recent polling data reveals a stark reality: only 22 percent of Kenyans support the current unity arrangement, while 54 percent actively oppose it, according to a TIFA Research survey released on May 28, 2025.
President Ruto, responding to Odinga’s support, emphasized the collaborative nature of their partnership. “Mimi na Baba tumekubaliana kuunganisha taifa la Kenya, hakuna jamii itabaki nyuma, hakuna sehemu ya Kenya itabaki nyuma…tutahakikisha wale watu wa hasira na kisirani hawatapta nafasi ili Kenya iweze kuenda mbele,” Ruto declared, using the respectful term “Baba” to refer to Odinga.
The formation of Kenya’s broad-based government traces back to the political crisis that engulfed the country following the Gen Z-led protests in 2024.
These demonstrations, which resulted in numerous casualties and widespread civil unrest, forced President Ruto’s administration into a corner, ultimately leading to the incorporation of opposition figures into his cabinet in July 2024.
The initial cabinet reshuffle saw four ODM ministers appointed to key positions, marking a significant shift in Kenya’s political landscape.
This move was widely interpreted as Ruto’s attempt to stabilize his government and address governance concerns raised during the protests.
Ruto and Raila having a hearty laugh while on tour in Homa Bay.
Mining and Blue Economy Cabinet Secretary Ali Hassan Joho, one of the prominent ODM figures in the current administration, offered a colorful perspective on the political realignment. “Sisi ndio experts tulitoka ODM…Rais Ruto ni founder member wa ODM…sasa tumekutana kati kati. si ni reunion? Na vile (Governor) Gladys Wanga amesema, hapa kazi bila break,” Joho remarked during the Homa Bay event.
The government has continued to expand its ODM integration, with recent appointments of more Raila allies to key positions, including the creation of six new state departments as part of ongoing efforts to cement the unity arrangement.
Despite Odinga’s endorsement, the broad-based government faces considerable opposition from various quarters.
Critics, including former presidential running mate Martha Karua, have described the arrangement as “unconstitutional” and likened it to a “come-we-stay marriage” between Ruto and Raila.
Some political analysts view the partnership with skepticism, questioning whether it represents genuine policy convergence or merely a political convenience for both leaders.
The low approval ratings suggest that a significant portion of the Kenyan electorate remains unconvinced about the merits of the unity government.
Ruto and Raila trying their Havis at frying fish during official inauguration of modern fish market in Homa Bay.
During the Homa Bay visit, several development projects were launched, including an ultra-modern fish market, the Homa Bay pier, and an affordable housing project.
President Ruto also addressed security concerns affecting Lake Victoria fishermen, promising to resolve boundary disputes that have led to harassment by foreign authorities.
“I sent Joho to engage his colleagues in Uganda and Tanzania there is currently a conversation ongoing so that we can have a uniform license for all our fishermen to avoid this country arresting the other country to avoid what is going on at the moment,” Ruto explained.
Odinga’s strong endorsement of the Ruto administration represents a remarkable political transformation, considering their bitter rivalry during the 2022 presidential election.
The ODM leader’s decision to support the government he once vehemently opposed has drawn mixed reactions from his traditional support base.
The unity government arrangement has also been influenced by Odinga’s continental ambitions, as he campaigns for the African Union Commission chairperson position, which may have contributed to his decision to step back from active opposition politics.
As Kenya navigates this unprecedented political arrangement, questions remain about its long-term sustainability and effectiveness.
The government’s ability to deliver on its promises while maintaining unity among traditionally opposing political forces will be crucial in determining whether the broad-based approach can win over public confidence.
The May 30 Homa Bay event demonstrates both leaders’ commitment to selling their unity government to skeptical citizens, but with approval ratings remaining low, they face an uphill battle in convincing Kenyans that this political marriage will deliver the transformation they seek.
NAIROBI, Kenya, May 30 — The US Senate Foreign Relations Committee has raised the alarm over a surge in abductions and torture cases across East Africa, warning that the trend poses a “direct threat” to regional stability and American interests.
The committee’s chair and ranking Republican, Senator Jim Risch, said the escalating human rights violations reflect weakening institutions and a growing culture of impunity in the region.
“Rising abductions and torture in East Africa signal more than abuse — they expose state decay and impunity,” Risch said in a statement Thursday.
“That’s a direct threat to regional stability, security, and U.S. interests.”
Although the senator did not name specific countries, his remarks come amid increasing concerns about political repression, enforced disappearances, and crackdowns on civil liberties in several East African nations.
Senator Risch’s comments follow a recent outcry from Washington over the alleged mistreatment of two prominent East African activists — Ugandan journalist and rights advocate Agather Atuhaire, and Kenyan photojournalist and social justice crusader Boniface Mwangi — during a visit to Tanzania.
The US Bureau of African Affairs expressed “deep concern” over the reported violations and called for a full investigation into the alleged abuse.
“The United States is deeply concerned by reports of the mistreatment in Tanzania of two East African activists — Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire and Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi,” the Bureau said in a statement on May 24.
Ugandan activist awarded
The US noted that Atuhaire, a well-known anti-corruption campaigner, had received the prestigious International Women of Courage Award from the US Department of State in 2024.
The award honors women who demonstrate exceptional bravery and leadership in promoting peace, justice, human rights, and gender equality.
“We call for an immediate and full investigation into the allegations of human rights abuses,” the Bureau added, further urging governments in the region to ensure accountability for those responsible for acts of torture or other rights violations.
Details surrounding the alleged mistreatment remain unclear, and Tanzanian authorities have yet to issue an official response to the allegations or to Washington’s calls for accountability.
Atuhaire and Mwangi are widely recognized across East Africa for their activism, often using their platforms to advocate for government accountability, transparency, and the protection of civil liberties.
The two were part of a delegation of activists who had traveled to Tanzania to observe the trial of opposition leader Tundu Lissu, a vocal critic of President Samia Suluhu.
Lissu faces treason charges and has been barred from participating in the country’s upcoming October 2025 elections.
Shrinking civic space
According to Ugandan media reports, Atuhaire was later found abandoned near the Mutukula border between Tanzania and Uganda, while Mwangi was discovered at the Horohoro border between Tanzania and Kenya.
Human rights organizations across East Africa have echoed US concerns, warning of a shrinking civic space and rising intimidation of dissenting voices.
In a separate incident earlier this year, prominent Tanzanian activist Maria Sarungi Tsehai — an outspoken critic of President Samia Suluhu Hassan — was abducted in Nairobi, Kenya, by armed men and released several hours later.
Tsehai recounted being manhandled, choked, and shouted at by four unidentified men who forced her into a vehicle.
She believes the attack was an attempt to access her social media accounts and silence her whistleblowing efforts.
“I am sure that the reason for the abduction was to get access to my social media and [because of] the whistleblowing job that I do,” she said, adding that her abductors repeatedly asked how to unlock her phone.
Tsehai fled to Kenya in 2020 seeking asylum after threats from the government of the late President John Magufuli.
She blamed Tanzanian authorities for the incident, alleging collaboration between Kenyan and Tanzanian agents.
Kenya has previously faced criticism for enabling foreign security operations on its soil, raising concerns over violations of international law.
In 2024, Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye was reportedly abducted in Nairobi by Ugandan security agents and forcibly taken across the border to face a military court.
While the Ugandan government claimed Kenya assisted in the operation, Kenyan officials denied any involvement.
Kenya has also faced scrutiny over a series of disappearances allegedly linked to state security agents, particularly following youth-led anti-government protests in June last year.
The Directorate of Criminal Investigations has arrested Murang’a County Assembly member Grace Nduta Wairimu in connection with the staged abduction of Juja MP George Koimburi, revealing she spent the entire night with him at a local establishment during his supposed disappearance.
DCI confirmed Thursday evening that Wairimu, who represents Kanyenya-ini ward, was taken into custody as part of ongoing investigations into what authorities have determined was a fabricated kidnapping by MP Koimburi.
Contradicting her alibi
According to the investigative agency, evidence clearly contradicts Wairimu’s claimed whereabouts on May 25, 2025.
While the MCA insisted she was in Kangema attending church services and political rallies that day, investigators established she was actually at Ellis Bar and Restaurant in Kiganjo, Gatundu South, with Koimburi throughout the night.
“Evidence clearly shows that she was at the Ellis Bar and Restaurant in Kiganjo, Gatundu South, with Hon. George Koimburi the entire night,” the DCI stated, directly contradicting her public claims about her activities that weekend.
Grace Nduta having conversation with Rigathi Gachagua in the past.
The arrest came after Murang’a Governor Irungu Kang’ata raised alarm about Wairimu’s disappearance, initially believing she had been abducted.
Kang’ata had personally visited Samuru Police Post in Gatanga following unconfirmed reports that she was being held there, only to find the facility empty.
“Hon City MCA Kanyenyaini Kangema has been picked up by unknown persons,” Kang’ata had posted on social media, expressing concern for her family and constituents before learning of her actual arrest by DCI.
Koimburi’s elaborate deception
The MCA’s arrest is directly linked to the investigation of MP Koimburi’s fake abduction, which DCI boss Mohamed Amin described as an unfortunate attempt to create public drama and fear.
Koimburi disappeared after attending church services and was later found at a coffee plantation in Kibichoi, Ruiru on May 26.
“It is unfortunate for a whole member of parliament to go to that extent of stage-managing his own abduction, creating a lot of fear and tension in the country,” Amin said, noting that investigators were able to track Koimburi’s movements throughout the period, exposing inconsistencies in his story.
The DCI has clarified that Wairimu was not abducted as initially reported on social media, but arrested as a key figure in understanding how the fake abduction was orchestrated.
Her presence with Koimburi during the critical night of May 25 appears central to unraveling the full scope of the staged incident.
Authorities have promised further updates as the investigation continues, with both the MP and MCA now under scrutiny for their roles in what appears to be an elaborate attempt to manufacture a crisis for unknown political or personal gain.
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) wants Sh57.4 billion to run the 2027 General Election.
The number shocked lawmakers and watchdogs already uneasy about rising public spending. With Kenya’s debt growing and the economy under pressure, many are asking whether this budget is justified or even realistic.
The IEBC defends the massive figure, saying it needs to register 6.3 million more voters, replace aging equipment, and settle billions in pending legal bills.
But questions continue to mount over transparency, cost efficiency, and whether the government can afford this price tag.
The IEBC Budget proposal has opened a fierce national debate about cost, accountability, and priorities. As 2027 draws closer, the electoral commission must prove it can spend wisely, act transparently, and deliver a credible vote. Whether or not it secures the Sh57.4 billion, the pressure is now on to justify every shilling. [Photo: Courtesy]
IEBC Budget Draws Scrutiny as Costs Climb
Kenya’s electoral body is seeking one of its largest budgets ever, with the IEBC planning to spend Sh57.4 billion ahead of the 2027 General Election. Appearing before Parliament’s Budget and Appropriations Committee, National Assembly Justice and Legal Affairs Committee Chair Gitonga Murugara revealed that the commission is requesting Sh5.12 billion for electoral preparations and Sh3.7 billion for routine operations.
A key chunk of the proposed budget includes Sh9.6 billion for the 2025/2026 financial year, with Sh788 million specifically allocated for upcoming by-elections. This spending plan is not just about the vote itself.
The IEBC wants to buy 59,352 electronic election kits — enough to cover 55,393 polling stations and provide 3,959 units for training officials. Of the total, 45,352 kits bought in 2017 will be replaced. Another 14,000 units from the 2022 elections will be reused.
High costs linked to result transmission, court rulings demanding new ballot reprints, forex-related losses, and emergency transportation of personnel and materials have all contributed to the rising budget.
According to Murugara, these reasons make the commission’s financial request “reasonable,” but lawmakers are not fully convinced. Also under pressure is the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties, which claims that poor funding may cripple the democratic process.
The registrar has asked for an additional Sh6.98 billion. The breakdown includes Sh256.69 million for election preparedness, Sh530.09 million for programs, and a massive Sh6.19 billion for the Political Parties Fund.
Yet the fund received only Sh1.428 billion in the current financial year — a far cry from the Sh7.618 billion required by law under Section 24(1) of the Political Parties Act. This leaves a gaping deficit of Sh6.19 billion. The shortfall could severely limit political party oversight and campaign transparency.
Legal Bills and Legacy Debts Complicate the IEBC Budget
One of the most troubling parts of the IEBC’s financial request is its ballooning legal bills. The commission is already burdened with Sh3.799 billion in pending payments. Legal fees alone make up Sh2.65 billion of that total.
Chairperson Murugara has ordered the IEBC to submit all relevant documents supporting these bills. He added that the committee will decide whether the Auditor General should carry out a special audit. This move suggests growing unease with how the electoral body handles taxpayer funds.
The source of these legal fees is tied to numerous court battles the commission has faced over the years. Most of the cases are related to past election disputes, contract disagreements, and supplier claims. Critics argue that the IEBC has failed to manage its legal risks effectively and is now passing the cost on to the public.
Election Integrity and Preparedness at Risk if Budget Falls Short
Despite the huge budget proposal, the IEBC has warned that without adequate funding, the credibility of the 2027 elections could be compromised. The commission says registering over 6 million new voters is vital to ensuring a fair and inclusive election.
It also insists that outdated voting kits must be replaced to avoid technical breakdowns that have plagued past elections. Still, several MPs have asked whether the commission has done enough to cut costs and streamline operations.
With the country facing record inflation and ongoing austerity, many feel this is the wrong time for such heavy spending. Others believe the IEBC should work with existing resources while focusing on restoring public trust.
The issue is further complicated by a High Court order that blocked the vetting of President William Ruto’s IEBC nominees. The commission is currently operating without a full team, casting doubt on its capacity to handle complex procurement and electoral planning.
Meanwhile, the registrar’s office remains severely underfunded, threatening political party regulation and citizen participation. If the government fails to boost allocations, election readiness could face major delays and errors.
Former Deputy President abandons reinstatement bid, now seeks full five-year compensation package
NAIROBI, Kenya – Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has dramatically shifted his legal strategy, abandoning his quest for reinstatement and instead demanding substantial financial compensation from the government over what he terms his “unlawful” impeachment.
In a significant turn of events at the High Court on Thursday, Gachagua’s legal team, led by senior counsel Paul Muite, sought permission to amend their original petition to pursue monetary damages equivalent to what the former DP would have earned during a complete five-year term in office.
“The petitioner wishes to challenge the legality of his impeachment and will be seeking leave to amend the prayers. He will be asking for the money he would have earned had he served the full five-year term,” Muite informed the court during proceedings.
The move represents a strategic pivot from Gachagua’s initial legal challenge, which primarily focused on overturning his removal from office and securing his return to the deputy presidency. The former DP’s legal team made it clear they would no longer pursue any declarations for reinstatement.
Muite emphasized the personal nature of the case, distancing it from broader public interest considerations.
“This petition is not a matter of public interest. It is a personal matter that directly affects the petitioner, who is the one impeached,” he stated.
The lawyer also indicated that no interlocutory applications would be filed, requesting the court to schedule the earliest possible hearing dates to expedite the matter.
Notably, the government respondents in the case did not oppose Gachagua’s application to amend his petition, potentially clearing the path for the revised legal challenge to proceed without initial procedural hurdles.
While the exact amount Gachagua is seeking has not been disclosed, the compensation package for a full five-year deputy presidential term would likely run into tens of millions of shillings when factoring in salary, allowances, benefits, and other entitlements associated with the office.
The deputy president’s position comes with substantial remuneration, including basic salary, housing allowances, transport benefits, and various other constitutional entitlements that accumulate significantly over a five-year period.
The change in legal strategy suggests Gachagua’s legal team may have assessed their chances of securing reinstatement as limited, opting instead for what they perceive as a more viable path to financial redress.
By framing the impeachment as unlawful, Gachagua is essentially arguing that his removal violated due process, entitling him to compensation for the financial losses incurred as a result of what he claims was an illegal action by the state.
Gachagua’s impeachment marked a significant political development in Kenya’s recent history, with the former DP becoming the first deputy president to be removed from office through parliamentary proceedings under the current constitutional framework.
The impeachment process attracted widespread public attention and political commentary, with various stakeholders offering differing views on the legality and propriety of the proceedings.
The court is expected to rule on the application to amend the petition in the coming days, which would then pave the way for substantive hearings on Gachagua’s compensation claims.
If successful, the case could set a significant precedent regarding the financial liability of the state in cases where constitutional officers challenge the legality of their removal from office.
The matter highlights the complex interplay between constitutional law, political processes, and individual rights in Kenya’s evolving democratic framework.
KISUMU, May 29 – In a remarkable show of political cooperation, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga has donated five acres of prime land in Kisumu to support President William Ruto’s flagship affordable housing program, marking a significant moment of bipartisan collaboration in Kenya’s often polarized political landscape.
The land donation, announced during a public rally in Kisumu on Thursday, represents more than just a real estate transaction—it signals a potential shift toward unity-focused governance that transcends traditional party lines.
Speaking to enthusiastic crowds, Odinga framed the donation within Kenya’s broader developmental challenges, emphasizing five critical areas: shelter, food security, housing, healthcare, and education. “We cannot say we are waiting for another government.
This current government must work for the people,” he declared, underscoring his commitment to immediate action over political positioning.
The donated land will anchor a comprehensive development project that extends beyond housing. Plans include constructing a school and hospital on the site, creating a multi-purpose community hub designed to address multiple social needs simultaneously.
President Ruto, accepting the donation with visible appreciation, announced a substantial Sh3.2 billion government investment in the project.
The initiative will deliver 750 housing units specifically targeting low-income earners, including vegetable vendors and motorcycle taxi operators—constituencies often overlooked in major development projects.
“This is Raila’s land, but with humility, I must thank him,” Ruto acknowledged, publicly recognizing his former political rival’s contribution.
The President emphasized that the project represents broader principles of equitable development, stating that “development in Kenya must reach every corner of the country.”
The Kisumu project forms part of an ambitious county-wide housing initiative.
Ruto revealed plans for 15,000 affordable housing units across Kisumu County, with 2,400 already under construction.
The strategy aims to transition residents from perpetual tenancy to homeownership through accessible mortgage arrangements.
“We want to stop people from endlessly paying rent. Instead, we want them to pay mortgages so they can become homeowners rather than tenants,” the President explained, articulating a vision of economic empowerment through property ownership.
This collaboration between Odinga and Ruto carries significant political weight, particularly given their historical rivalry and the ongoing tensions in Kenyan politics.
The public display of cooperation in Kisumu—traditionally considered Odinga’s political stronghold—sends a powerful message about the possibility of transcending partisan divisions for national development.
The 18-month project timeline places its completion well within the current political cycle, potentially serving as a tangible example of what cross-party cooperation can achieve when leaders prioritize citizen welfare over political competition.
For Kisumu residents, particularly those in the informal economy, the project represents unprecedented access to homeownership opportunities.
The focus on low-income earners addresses long-standing housing inequities while potentially stimulating local economic activity through construction jobs and related services.
The integrated approach—combining housing, education, and healthcare infrastructure—suggests a holistic development model that could serve as a template for similar initiatives across Kenya.
As the project moves forward, it will test whether this moment of political unity can translate into sustained collaborative governance, potentially reshaping how Kenya approaches major development challenges in an era of increasing political polarization.
Dagoretti North legislator Beatrice Elachi leads call for stricter online regulations following National Prayer Breakfast
Kenyan lawmakers are preparing to introduce stricter regulations on social media platforms following growing concerns over cyberbullying, inappropriate content sharing, and online harassment targeting politicians and citizens alike.
Dagoretti North Member of Parliament Beatrice Elachi announced the legislative initiative during a television appearance, citing the proliferation of harmful content on social media platforms as a key driver for the proposed amendments.
“Social media is good and was meant to build self, but was not meant for Kenyans to send us their nakedness because that’s what they are doing to us. We will amend the law,” Elachi stated during her appearance on Citizen TV.
The MP expressed particular concern about the impact on young people, arguing that social media platforms have become breeding grounds for cyberbullying, child exploitation, pornography distribution, and gambling promotion. She characterized the current situation as an abuse of freedom of expression rather than its legitimate exercise.
“As women parliamentarians, one day we will open our phones and show you the things we see. We will sort that out by amending the law,” Elachi warned, suggesting that female legislators bear a disproportionate burden of online harassment.
The announcement follows a National Prayer Breakfast held on May 28, where Members of Parliament from across party lines gathered to address what they described as a growing crisis of online hate and division. The event, themed “Rise and Rebuild,” saw legislators calling for divine intervention to address social media abuse.
National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula set the tone for the gathering, emphasizing that the annual event had evolved beyond tradition to become a platform for addressing national challenges. During the prayer session, Elachi directly addressed what she termed “the evil spirit behind the abuse of social media.”
“Our youth are hopeless, and we pray that the spirit of social media running our country is dealt with. May we stand for what is best for our nation and future generations,” she declared during the prayer session.
The proposed amendments represent a significant shift in Kenya’s approach to online content regulation, though specific details of the planned legislation have not yet been disclosed. The initiative reflects broader concerns across Africa about balancing digital freedoms with protection from online harm.
Critics of increased social media regulation often argue that such measures could restrict legitimate political discourse and freedom of expression, particularly in countries where social media serves as a vital platform for civic engagement and government accountability.
The timing of the announcement is notable, coming as Kenya grapples with broader questions about digital governance and the role of social media in political and social discourse. The country has previously implemented regulations on digital platforms, though enforcement and effectiveness have varied.
Elachi’s comments suggest that the proposed amendments will target multiple areas of concern, including cyberbullying prevention, restrictions on inappropriate content sharing, and measures to protect minors from exploitation. However, the specific mechanisms for enforcement and the scope of the regulations remain unclear.
The cross-party nature of the National Prayer Breakfast gathering indicates potential bipartisan support for social media regulation, though the legislative process will likely involve extensive debate about the appropriate balance between online safety and digital rights.
As Kenya’s parliament prepares to tackle this complex issue, stakeholders across the digital ecosystem will be watching closely to see how the proposed amendments might reshape the country’s online landscape and what precedent they might set for digital governance across the region.
The success of any such legislation will likely depend on its ability to address legitimate concerns about online harm while preserving the democratic and economic benefits that social media platforms provide to Kenyan society.
Kericho Senator faces explosive claims of land grabbing, tax evasion, and money laundering following failed gag order attempt
NAIROBI, Kenya — A bitter legal battle between prominent blogger Cyprian Nyakundi and Kericho Senator Aaron Cheruiyot has exploded into a full-blown corruption exposé, casting a dark shadow over one of Kenya’s most powerful political figures.
The controversy reached a tipping point on May 20, 2025, when the Milimani Law Court rejected Cheruiyot’s request for a gag order against Nyakundi, allowing the blogger to unleash a torrent of explosive allegations that have sparked widespread public outrage and intensified scrutiny on the senator’s business empire.
Cheruiyot, who serves as Senate Majority Leader in Kenya’s ruling Kenya Kwanza coalition, now finds himself embroiled in accusations involving systematic land grabbing, betting tax fraud, money laundering, and questionable business dealings that allegedly span multiple industries.
Court Victory Unleashes Storm of Allegations
The Milimani Law Court’s decision to lift the gag order came after finding no legal basis to restrict Nyakundi’s exposés.
The ruling rejected Cheruiyot’s bid for interim orders, allowing fresh accusations to surface in what has become a defining moment in the senator’s political career.
With the court ruling in his favor, Nyakundi wasted no time taking to social media to air a series of damning allegations that have struck a chord in a country where corruption among the political elite remains a contentious issue.
The Betting Tax Scandal
At the heart of the controversy are allegations that Cheruiyot has profited from irregularities in betting tax collections, with Nyakundi claiming that intermediaries, rather than the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), are now handling billions in public funds.
Sources allege that under the previous Uhuru Kenyatta administration, betting companies were integrated directly with KRA’s tax collection system, ensuring transparent deposits into government accounts.
However, this system was reportedly dismantled under President William Ruto’s administration, with Cheruiyot allegedly playing a key role.
Nyakundi claims Cheruiyot uses Compulynx Limited, a Kenyan technology firm in which he allegedly acquired substantial shares in 2022, to divert betting taxes for personal gain.
The company’s e-Revenue platform, originally designed for county-level revenue collection, is now reportedly used to handle betting taxes, leading to a significant drop in government revenue despite a 30% increase in betting volume over the past 18 months.
Cheruiyot has dismissed these claims, stating he “doesn’t even know how to bet,” but the allegations have doubled down on earlier accusations of the senator siphoning billions from the industry.
Systematic Land Grabbing Allegations
Among the most serious accusations are claims of systematic land grabbing in Kericho County, where Cheruiyot wields considerable political influence.
Nyakundi alleges that the senator constructed a luxurious mansion in Kamelilo, Ainamoi Constituency, on land originally designated for a coffee factory by Indian investors.
The move, according to the blogger, derailed potential economic development in the area, depriving locals of jobs and investment opportunities.
Further allegations point to Cheruiyot’s involvement in large-scale land grabs in the Kipsigis region, including Angata, Tinga Farm, Sabret Tea Estate, and Homa Line.
An anonymous source, claiming to be a former employee of West Valley Sugar Company, told Nyakundi that the senator was part of a scheme to loot public lands, displacing communities for personal or political gain.
Behind the scenes, the Senator is alleged to have facilitated the entry of Arab investors into Sony Sugar, reportedly linked to the Tayyib family, a wealthy and influential business group based in the Gulf region.
These investors are believed to have secured favorable terms not through competitive bidding, but through political connections and backdoor arrangements orchestrated by Cheruiyot himself.
The Senator’s vested interest in sugar is no longer in doubt. Sources close to the matter insist that he has established himself as a silent but powerful player in the sugar trade, quietly buying into strategic companies and ensuring he controls key supply chains in the Rift Valley and Western regions.
This revelation comes at a time when Kenya’s sugar industry is struggling with collapsed infrastructure, unpaid farmers, and deep corruption, all while state officials push forward with the privatization agenda under the guise of reform.
Insiders now fear that what’s being presented as a rescue effort is in fact a well-coordinated grab by politically connected elites. “The same people who let these factories rot are now buying them at throwaway prices using proxies,” said one industry source who requested anonymity. “And Aaron Cheruiyot is right in the middle of it.”
The accusations extend to Kevoko land in Muhoroni, now reportedly in the hands of Kipchimchim Group, a conglomerate linked to the senator.
Nyakundi claims Cheruiyot bribed Members of the County Assembly (MCAs) to impeach an official who was defending the land from acquisition.
The group, which operates supermarkets and manages over 20 companies across agriculture, manufacturing, and logistics, is said to have taken over West Valley Sugar Company Ltd in a handover that has drawn criticism for threatening the livelihoods of farmers in the Nyando sugar belt.
These allegations carry particular weight given the historical context of land disputes in Kericho County, where the Kipsigis community has long accused British settlers of stealing their land—a grievance that has fueled legal battles against foreign tea growers since at least 2019.
The Adani Airport Deal Connection
Cheruiyot is also linked to the controversial leasing of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) to India’s Adani Group, a deal exposed by whistleblower Nelson Amenya.
In a televised interview, Amenya claimed Cheruiyot brokered the 30-year lease, traveling to India to negotiate with Adani Group bosses.
https://youtu.be/xBVBTUR67bA?si=pICvah_Gp3RjECYO
The senator’s legal team demanded a public apology and retraction, threatening defamation charges, but Amenya stood firm, refusing to apologize. The deal, later canceled by President Ruto following public outrage, has been labeled “daylight robbery” by critics.
Money Laundering and Business Empire
Perhaps the most damning accusation involves Sovereign Communication Ltd, a Safaricom dealership where Cheruiyot is allegedly a major stakeholder.
According to sources cited by Nyakundi, the company has been used as a front for money laundering operations.
The business, originally based at Utalii House in Nairobi, was reportedly relocated to Imara Daima after suspicions arose, with Cheruiyot allegedly firing the entire workforce to cover his tracks.
Nyakundi claims the luxurious mansion in Kamelilo was paid for through funds channeled via Sovereign Communication Ltd.
“Sovereign Communications operates as a Safaricom dealership, and was originally based at Utalii House in Nairobi. This business has long served as a discreet laundering vehicle for illicit funds. But when whispers of suspicion began circulating, the Senator panicked. He relocated the entire operation to Imara Daima, Nairobi County a move seemingly designed to avoid scrutiny.
In a desperate bid to cover his tracks, Cheruiyot fired the entire workforce at the Utalii House office. Not only was this aimed at silencing potential internal leaks, but it was also a cold effort to erase any paper trail connecting him to the suspicious financial activities.
One notable transaction further exposes the depth of this alleged scheme. The luxurious house recently posted online, which has drawn public attention, is part of the same web. The payment for this property, as I understand it, was channeled through Sovereign Communication Ltd. From there, the funds were transferred to I&M Bank, where it was processed in a way that masked its origin a classic tactic to hide the traceability of dirty money.” Nyakundi cited his source.
Additional claims point to Cheruiyot’s involvement in Stegro Tea Factory, an Export Processing Zone (EPZ) allegedly used to import goods and evade taxes, and his alleged secret ownership of shares in Sony and Nzoia Sugar Factories, positioning him as what Nyakundi calls a “sugar cartel kingpin.”
The senator’s wife, Linah Chesang, is also implicated, with reports claiming she has amassed significant wealth, including properties abroad, since Ruto’s administration took power in 2022.
Senator’s Defense Under Scrutiny
Senator Cheruiyot has vehemently denied all allegations, calling them “character assassination” and “foolish attempts to blackmail him into submission.”
Speaking on the Senate floor, he refuted claims of involvement in the Adani deal and challenged accusers to verify his travel to India, insisting he is a man of integrity who earned his wealth through hard work.
However, his past comments on corruption may undermine his defense. In 2021, Cheruiyot publicly stated that fighting corruption was the responsibility of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), not politicians—a stance that critics now point to as an attempt to deflect accountability.
The senator has challenged Nyakundi to bring his claims to court, but the mounting accusations, coupled with the court’s refusal to silence the blogger, have intensified public scrutiny.
Public Outrage and Political Implications
Public reaction has been swift and polarized. On social media, some users have expressed outrage, with one writing, “If even half of this is true, Cheruiyot should resign immediately.”
Others have cautioned against taking unverified claims at face value, with another user commenting, “Nyakundi needs to provide hard evidence, not just anonymous tips.”
The allegations come at a critical time for Kenya Kwanza’s administration, with critics arguing that Cheruiyot’s alleged actions reflect a broader pattern of corruption within the coalition’s ranks, raising questions about accountability and transparency in government.
Nyakundi’s legal team is reportedly preparing to petition for a lifestyle audit on Cheruiyot, which could further expose his financial dealings.
The blogger has promised to gather more evidence, including potential bank records and audit reports, to support his claims.
What’s Next?
As of May 29, 2025, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC)—which Cheruiyot himself once said should lead the fight against corruption—has yet to comment on the allegations.
Meanwhile, the senator’s political future hangs in the balance as public pressure mounts for an official investigation.
The Nyakundi-Cheruiyot feud has exposed the murky intersection of politics, land, and money in Kenya, raising urgent questions about accountability and transparency.
Whether these allegations will lead to concrete legal action or remain in the realm of online speculation remains to be seen.
What is clear is that the senator’s “dirty deals,” as Nyakundi calls them, have thrust him into the center of a corruption storm that shows no signs of abating.
As social media buzzes with fresh exposés and investigations loom, Cheruiyot may soon face a reckoning that could define not only his political career but also the broader fight against corruption in Kenya’s corridors of power.
Eyewitness accounts from Ellis Bar and Restaurant staff corroborate police claims that Juja MP staged his own kidnapping
Staff at Ellis Bar and Restaurant in Gatundu have provided damning testimony that appears to confirm police allegations that Juja MP George Koimburi staged his own abduction, spending Sunday night drinking and dining with friends at the establishment before leaving early Monday morning.
In exclusive interviews conducted at the hotel, workers detailed how the legislator arrived around lunchtime on Sunday with two male companions, consumed alcohol and food throughout the day, and retired to room one in the accommodation wing—directly contradicting claims that he was kidnapped and tortured by security forces.
The revelations come as Kenya continues to grapple with the explosive allegations surrounding Koimburi’s purported abduction on May 25.
What began as a story of political persecution has transformed into a tale of elaborate deception, according to police investigators and now corroborating witnesses.
“On that issue, it is true that the Juja MP slept here on Sunday,” one male staff member confirmed during the investigations. “When he came with his friends around lunch time, we did not think much about it because he was a customer just like the rest. They drank some alcohol and ate here the entire time before they retired to bed.”
The account paints a picture of leisure rather than terror—Koimburi and his associates enjoying a typical weekend at the rural establishment, unaware that their patron would soon claim to be the victim of state-sponsored violence.
Early morning departure
According to hotel staff, Koimburi departed the premises at approximately 6:30 AM on Monday morning, accompanied by the same two friends who had been with him throughout the previous day.
Hours later, he would be discovered unconscious at a coffee farm in Githunguri, setting off a chain of events that would captivate and divide the nation.
The timing of his departure is particularly significant, as it aligns with police claims that the MP orchestrated his own “discovery” to support the kidnapping narrative.
DCI boss Mohamed Amin revealed that investigators have been able to account for every movement from the church service attendance to the coffee farm discovery.
The hotel employees expressed anxiety about their involvement in what has become a highly politicized case.
“The supervisor who was here that Sunday was taken today (Wednesday) to record a statement. She is yet to come back. We just hope we are not in trouble with the government,” another staff member revealed.
Their concerns reflect the broader tensions surrounding the case, which has drawn support from former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and other political figures who initially rallied behind Koimburi’s claims of police brutality.
Police theory gains credibility
The staff testimonies lend substantial weight to the police narrative that Koimburi, facing potential arrest on land fraud charges, conspired with associates to stage an elaborate abduction.
DCI Director Mohamed Amin outlined two possible motives: avoiding arrest on pending charges and creating political tension through fear-mongering.
“We have two theories: one, the Member of Parliament was very privy to the fact that we were looking for him for two offences,” Amin explained during a press briefing.
“Besides that, we are also reading an element of politics to try to cause fear and anxiety in the country.”
Inspector General Douglas Kanja revealed that five suspects have been arrested in connection with the alleged conspiracy, including three close associates who have reportedly confessed to their roles in the simulated abduction.
When pressed for CCTV footage that could provide definitive proof of Koimburi’s presence, hotel staff claimed the security cameras were not operational—a convenient gap that investigators will likely scrutinize as the case develops.
The absence of video evidence has not deterred police confidence in their theory.
According to their investigation, the staged abduction involved multiple vehicles and careful coordination, with Koimburi allegedly tearing his own shirt to simulate torture.
The case has exposed deep fissures in Kenya’s political landscape, with Koimburi’s allies maintaining his innocence while critics denounce what they see as a cynical manipulation of public sympathy.
The MP remains hospitalized at Karen Hospital, where police suggest he may be “enjoying his five-course meal” rather than recovering from genuine injuries.
DCI boss Amin expressed disbelief at the alleged deception: “It’s quite inconceivable for a Hon Member of Parliament to go to that extent of stage managing his own abduction, creating a lot of tension and fear in the country.”
As hotel staff continue to provide statements to investigators, Kenya finds itself grappling with uncomfortable questions about political theater and the lengths to which public figures might go to avoid accountability.
The contrast between Koimburi’s peaceful Sunday evening and his family’s claims of torture highlights the complex web of allegations and counter-allegations that have gripped the nation.
The case serves as a stark reminder of the fragile nature of truth in Kenya’s charged political environment, where competing narratives vie for public acceptance even as evidence slowly emerges to separate fact from fiction.
Mining Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho has publicly committed Coast region leaders to supporting President William Ruto’s administration until 2032, marking what he describes as an unprecedented level of unity among coastal political figures.
Speaking during a Tuesday meeting at State House Nairobi, where Ruto hosted leaders from six coastal counties, Joho emphasized that regional representatives would execute their assigned duties with “integrity and honesty” while working to improve constituents’ lives.
“We will do the work you have given us to better the lives and unite the people so that we all can prosper,” Joho declared. “We will continue to unite our leaders so that we can move forward from now until 2027 and 2032 going forward. That is the commitment we have made.”
The Cabinet Secretary characterized the current political alignment as historic, noting that Coast leaders have traditionally been divided but are now “solidly united” under Ruto’s leadership. According to Joho, previous administrations saw coastal politicians split into conflicting factions, but the current crop of leaders focuses solely on issues affecting their constituents.
“Your Excellency, the leaders you see here, it is the first time they have united solidly, it has never been like this,” Joho told the President. “There have always been two conflicting sides, and I feel very encouraged because they are issue-driven. When they sit, they discuss issues that affect the people they lead.”
The State House meeting brought together Cabinet Secretaries and elected officials from across the coastal counties of Mombasa, Tana River, Kilifi, Lamu, Kwale, and Taita Taveta.
President Ruto addressing the coastal region at State House Nairobi.
Joho’s declaration extends support beyond Ruto’s current term, which runs through 2027, suggesting backing for a potential second term that would conclude in 2032. The statement comes as political realignments continue to reshape Kenya’s political landscape, with traditional opposition strongholds like the Coast showing increased cooperation with the current administration.
The Mining CS dismissed critics of the regional unity, stating bluntly: “Those who do not want it, it’s up to them, for us we want development.”
This public pledge of extended loyalty represents a significant political development for the Coast region, historically considered an opposition stronghold, and could influence electoral dynamics in upcoming political cycles.
President William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga are set to embark on their first joint tour of the Nyanza region this weekend, even as a new poll reveals that three-quarters of Kenyans believe the country is moving in the wrong direction under their broad-based government arrangement.
The political heavyweights will officially hand over Phase 1 of the Lapfund Makasembo Affordable Housing Project in Kisumu on Saturday, May 31, marking a symbolic show of unity following their landmark political partnership signed on March 7. However, this display of bipartisan cooperation comes against the backdrop of mounting public dissatisfaction with the country’s trajectory.
According to the latest Trends and Insights for Africa (TIFA) National Public Issues Survey released Wednesday, a staggering 75% of Kenyans believe the country is heading in the wrong direction—five times more than the 14% who feel Kenya is on the right track.
The remaining 11% either had no opinion or declined to comment.
The survey attributes this pessimistic outlook primarily to economic pressures, with the high cost of living dominating national concerns.
Notably, the poll found a strong correlation between individual financial circumstances and perceptions of national direction.
“Ten times more of those who say they are now better off than they were three years ago consider the country’s direction as ‘right’ than do those who think that it is ‘wrong’ (52% vs. 5%),” the TIFA survey noted.
Conversely, those experiencing economic hardship were significantly more critical, with 86% of respondents whose situations had worsened viewing the country as headed in the wrong direction, compared to just 31% of those who reported improvement.
The timing of the Ruto-Raila unity tour appears strategic, as both leaders seek to demonstrate tangible development progress in a region traditionally supportive of Odinga.
The Makasembo project represents a concrete achievement, with 910 housing units completed in Phase 1 of what will eventually be a 1,870-unit development spanning 11.6 acres.
Kisumu Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o praised the joint appearance as “a powerful sign of unity and shared purpose in improving the lives of our people,” emphasizing the bipartisan nature of development efforts.
Before converging in Kisumu, the two leaders will hold separate engagements—Ruto meeting grassroots leaders in Migori’s Awendo, while Raila addresses the Blue Economy Conference in Homa Bay as chief guest speaker. They will reunite at the Raila Odinga Stadium for Madaraka Day celebrations.
The TIFA poll revealed significant regional variations in public sentiment.
The Northern and Central Rift regions recorded the highest positive ratings at 32% and 28% respectively, with the Central Rift’s optimism attributed to its status as the President’s stronghold.
In Northern Kenya, improved sentiments were partially linked to recent government directives easing national ID acquisition processes, eliminating previously burdensome vetting procedures.
However, regions including Lower Eastern, Mt. Kenya, and Nairobi registered the most critical outlooks, with 81% of respondents in each area saying the country is heading in the wrong direction.
For the majority expressing dissatisfaction, cost of living emerged as the primary concern, cited by 44% of respondents—four times more than the next issue of poor leadership at 11%.
This suggests that despite the political rapprochement between former rivals, bread-and-butter issues continue to dominate public consciousness.
Among the minority who viewed the country positively, 27% cited perceived stabilization in living costs, 11% pointed to infrastructure progress, and 8% credited effective national leadership.
The poll results present a sobering reality check for the Ruto-Raila partnership, which was designed to foster national unity and accelerate development.
While the unity tour showcases their ability to work together on development projects, the overwhelming public pessimism suggests that their political cooperation has yet to translate into improved lived experiences for most Kenyans.
The housing project handover in Kisumu, complete with amenities like kindergartens, solar lighting, and green spaces, represents the kind of tangible development both leaders hope will gradually shift public perception.
However, with cost of living remaining the dominant public concern, the broad-based government faces the challenge of delivering economic relief alongside infrastructure development.
As the two leaders take their unity message to Nyanza—historically Raila’s stronghold—they will be seeking to demonstrate that their political partnership can deliver real benefits to ordinary Kenyans. Whether this tour marks the beginning of a turnaround in public sentiment or merely provides temporary political theater remains to be seen.
The success of their collaboration will ultimately be measured not in joint appearances or project handovers, but in their ability to address the economic anxieties that continue to shape the majority of Kenyans’ assessment of their country’s direction.
In a remarkable display of diplomatic reconciliation, Kenyan and Tanzanian parliamentarians came together in song at the National Prayer Breakfast on Wednesday, offering a moment of unity amid escalating tensions between the two East African nations.
The symbolic gesture unfolded at Safari Park Hotel in Nairobi, where National Assembly Majority Whip Sylvanus Osoro invited a Tanzanian delegation, including a former Prime Minister, to join their Kenyan and Ugandan counterparts in worship. Together, they sang “Bwana ni Mchungaji Wangu” (The Lord is My Shepherd), with Osoro leading the joint choir.
“We have the Ugandan delegation, but we also want to invite our Tanzanian counterparts to join us in this special song. They were with us yesterday for dinner with the former Tanzanian Prime Minister,” Osoro announced from the podium.
The prayer breakfast gathering came against the backdrop of a significant diplomatic crisis that has strained Kenya-Tanzania relations in recent days. The controversy erupted following the detention and deportation of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire from Dar es Salaam, where they had traveled to observe the trial of Tanzanian opposition figure Tundu Lissu.
Reports indicate the activists were allegedly tortured and held incommunicado before being deported, prompting widespread condemnation from Kenya, regional bodies, and international organizations. The United States Bureau of African Affairs expressed “deep concern” over their treatment, adding international pressure to the diplomatic standoff.
The situation deteriorated further during heated debates in Tanzania’s Parliament earlier this week, where lawmakers launched sharp criticisms of Kenyan activists and citizens. Geita MP Joseph Musukuma made particularly inflammatory remarks, claiming Tanzania was “far ahead of Kenya politically and intellectually” and dismissing Kenyan social media criticism of President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
“We top in everything. Speaking good English isn’t a priority for us,” Musukuma declared, accusing Kenyans of interfering in Tanzania’s internal affairs.
The parliamentary exchanges sparked online tensions between citizens of both countries, with some Tanzanian MPs reportedly switching off their mobile phones after being flooded with WhatsApp messages from angry Kenyans. Other Tanzanian lawmakers, including Felista Deogratius Njau, condemned the use of artificial intelligence by Kenyan social media users to create mocking images of their president.
Despite these tensions, Wednesday’s prayer breakfast demonstrated the potential for dialogue and reconciliation between the neighboring countries. The joint worship session was widely interpreted as an effort to thaw relations and find common ground through shared faith and regional solidarity.
The presence of the Tanzanian delegation at the Nairobi event, themed “Rise and Shine,” signals that diplomatic channels remain open despite the recent friction. The gesture of unity comes at a crucial time when East African regional cooperation faces challenges, highlighting the importance of maintaining dialogue even during periods of disagreement.
A storm is brewing around Kenya’s democratic calendar. The 2027 General Election might not happen as scheduled. A powerful clique close to President William Ruto and opposition leader Raila Odinga is quietly working on a strategy to shift the vote to 2028.
Their plan? A national referendum to amend the constitution and push reforms before the next polls.
Kenya Insights has learned that both camps believe the current constitution is outdated and politically toxic.
If the plan succeeds, 2027 will become a voter registration year, with the actual elections held a year later.
Any attempts to engineer the 2028 elections behind closed doors will only sow chaos and distrust. Kenya has walked this road before. The lesson? True change comes not from elite deals but from the will of the people. [Photo: Courtesy]
Why the 2028 Elections Agenda Is Being Pushed Hard
At the heart of the proposed 2028 elections is a move to overhaul Kenya’s 2010 Constitution. Insiders reveal that both President Ruto and Raila Odinga believe that proceeding with the next election under the current framework will only revive old political wounds.
They argue that the document, now 14 years old, contains unresolved issues that continue to threaten national stability.
The plan is to call for a national referendum in 2026. This would allow for key amendments to be introduced — such as redefining election boundaries and revising the official election date.
The same referendum will install a new electoral body to replace the current Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). The proposed new IEBC will then oversee the next General Election.
Critics warn that this push is not just about reforms. Many see it as a way for political elites to buy time and realign their support bases. After the Gen Z protests that rocked the Ruto administration, insiders say State House is in panic mode.
The referendum provides a chance to calm the political heat, rebuild public trust, and perhaps sneak in changes that can help regain lost ground.
One of the biggest justifications being pushed is the need for a fresh voter register. The current one will be used for the referendum, but a new registry is expected to be rolled out in 2027.
That means voters will head to the ballot in 2028 — not 2027 — using the new list. Officials claim this timeline ensures a more credible, inclusive, and peaceful election.
Hidden Hand of the Handshake Era
This proposal marks a clear revival of the “handshake” politics that defined Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga’s power-sharing period. Though that alliance died ahead of the 2022 elections, its shadow still lingers.
The Building Bridges Initiative (BBI), which tried to amend the constitution then, was killed by the courts. Judges ruled that President Uhuru had no authority to initiate constitutional changes.
This time, Ruto and Raila are seeking to do it “by the book” — through a people-driven referendum. But critics are not buying it. They say the plan is simply BBI 2.0 in disguise. Just like before, the proposal includes expanding executive positions and strengthening devolution.
It also pushes for ethnic inclusivity, more youth programs, anti-corruption reforms, and fair public appointments. However, what makes this plot different is timing. The political class is preparing for Raila’s exit from the stage.
Without him, the chances of future “handshake deals” to cool down post-election tensions are slim. Politicians fear that new players won’t entertain such deals, leading to instability. Thus, amending the constitution now is seen as a way to prepare for that uncertain future.
Still, many argue that these moves only serve to entrench elite interests. The very democracy they claim to defend may end up more damaged, not better. Delaying elections to 2028 removes power from the people and gives it to the ruling class.
The 2028 Elections May Erode Kenya’s Democracy
Delaying elections has never been popular in Kenya. It brings memories of manipulation, broken promises, and unrest. While power-sharing agreements have brought short-term peace in the past, they’ve also undermined democratic growth.
Many fear that pushing the elections to 2028 will set a dangerous precedent. If politicians can shift dates to suit their convenience, then democracy becomes a game of numbers — not rights. Today it’s 2028. What about 2034 or 2040?
Kenya is already reeling from economic hardship, youth unemployment, and runaway corruption. Postponing elections will likely worsen public distrust. Citizens may view it as a way to cling to power under the excuse of reforms.
And after the Gen Z-led demonstrations, any move seen as silencing the people could explode. What’s more, the push is happening quietly. No major public campaign has been rolled out yet. The discussions are happening in closed rooms, between political elites — not the people. That secrecy raises red flags.
If the constitution must be changed, it should happen transparently and with full citizen participation. Rushing or hiding it behind referendum technicalities only deepens suspicion.
Conclusion
The move to shift Kenya’s next general election to 2028 is not just a calendar change — it’s a political earthquake. At stake is not just when Kenyans vote, but how their democracy evolves. While some reforms may be necessary, the process must be open, fair, and genuinely people-led. Any attempts to engineer the 2028 elections behind closed doors will only sow chaos and distrust. Kenya has walked this road before. The lesson? True change comes not from elite deals but from the will of the people.
