Rwandan-backed M23 rebels have entered Bukavu, the second-largest city in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, seizing the regional governor’s office.
Some people lined the streets to clap and cheer the fighters as they marched and drove into the city centre without resistance. It is the second city after Goma to fall to the rebels in the mineral-rich region in the past few weeks.
The Congolese government has acknowledged its fall and urged residents to stay at home “to avoid being targeted by the occupying forces”.
The UN and European countries have warned that the latest offensive, which has seen hundreds of thousands of people forced from their homes, could spark a wider regional war.
A resident in Bukavu, who asked to remain anonymous because of concerns for her safety, told the BBC on Sunday that most people were still afraid to leave their homes.
“Since yesterday the children and the youth took the weapons. They are shooting everywhere in all directions, they are looting,” she said.
“This morning the M23 entered and they were acclaimed by the people, very happy to see them. We don’t know if it’s because they are afraid or because they found that there were no authorities in the city.
“The place where I live the crackling [gunfire] can still be heard.”
On Friday, the M23 captured Bukavu’s main airport, which is about 30km (18 miles) north of the city – and then began advancing slowly towards the city, which is the capital of South-Kivu province.
The provincial governor, Jean-Jacques Purusi Sadiki, confirmed to the Reuters news agency the fighters were in Bukavu city centre by Sunday morning, adding that Congolese troops had withdrawn to avoid urban fighting.
This left a security vacuum in the city on Saturday with chaotic scenes playing out, including a reported prison break from the central prison.
The UN World Food Programme (WFP) said a warehouse with nearly 7,000 tonnes of food was looted.
The city of around two million people on the southern tip of Lake Kivu borders Rwanda and is an important transit point for the local mineral trade.
Its fall represents an unprecedented expansion of territory for the M23 since their latest insurgency started in late 2021 – and is a blow to the government of President Félix Tshisekedi.
Government spokesman Patrick Muyaya said Rwanda was violating DR Congo’s territorial integrity through expansionist ambitions and human rights abuses.
The Congolese government accuses Rwanda of sowing chaos in the region – as well as having troops on the ground – so it can benefit from its natural resources, something Kigali denies.
President Tshisekedi wants his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame to face sanctions over the latest unrest.
But President Kagame has dismissed such threats – and has repeatedly pointed out that Rwanda’s main priority is its security.
He has long been angered by what he sees as the failure of the Congolese authorities to deal with the DR Congo-based FLDR rebel group, which he sees as a danger to Rwanda.
The group is made up of some members of the ethnic Hutu militia accused of involvement in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda when over 100 days around 800,000 people, mainly from the Tutsi ethnic group, were killed.
Troops from the Tusti-led M23 gathered at the Place de l’Indépendance in central Bukavu on Sunday, where one of its commanders, Bernard Byamungu, was filmed chatting to locals and answering their questions in Swahili.
He urged government forces “hiding in houses” to surrender – and accused the withdrawing military of spreading terror by arming local youths who had gone on a looting rampage.
The African Union (AU) – which has been holding a heads of state summit in Ethiopia this weekend – again urged the M23 to disarm.
“We are all very, very concerned about an open regional war,” Reuters quotes the AU’s peace and security commissioner Bankole Adeo as saying.
Uganda’s government has offered to drop the military trial of opposition leaderKizza Besigye, who has been on a hunger strike since February 10 in protest of his detention.
The 68-year-old Besigye, a former ally of President Yoweri Museveni, is facing treason charges for allegedly threatening “national security.”
Despite the Supreme Court ruling that civilians should not be tried in military courts, the government had initially planned to proceed with a court martial.
However, on Sunday, February 16, 2025, cabinet spokesman Chris Baryomunsi announced that the government would transfer Besigye’s case to a civil court under the court’s ruling.
Baryomunsi, who visited Besigye in prison alongside his doctors, urged him to end his hunger strike while the transfer is processed.
The army, which had previously ignored the Supreme Court ruling, has yet to comment on the development.
Besigye’s health has raised alarm, with his wife, Winnie Byanyima, expressing deep concern for his condition.
Besigye was seen in court on Thursday looking frail, prompting calls from international organisations for the protection of political opposition in Uganda ahead of the 2026 elections.
Amnesty International condemned the trial as a “travesty of justice” and highlighted the increasing repression of political figures in the country.
Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga has come out in support of President William Ruto after failing to secure the African Union (AU) Chairmanship.
Speaking at a dinner hosted in his honor in Addis Ababa on Saturday, February 15, 2025, Odinga emphasized unity and dismissed any notion of attributing blame for the electoral defeat.
“We accept the results and I have congratulated my competitor who has won and I wish him all the best. There will be no blame games that will be played,” Odinga declared. He stressed that his decision to run for the AU chairmanship was personal, with the Kenyan government offering substantial support.
“I made the decision (to run for AU chairmanship) myself. I want to say that Ruto did everything possible. He gave me all the logistical support that I needed to travel the length and breadth of the continent,” he added, acknowledging the efforts of President Ruto.
Pressure
The voting for the AU chairmanship was intense, stretching over six rounds. Initially, Odinga led with 20 votes in the first round, outpacing Djibouti’s Mahmoud Ali Youssouf and Madagascar’s Richard Randriamandrato.
However, as the voting progressed, Youssouf gained ground, eventually overtaking Odinga, who secured 21 votes in the fourth round compared to Youssouf’s 25. By the fifth and sixth rounds, the gap had widened enough for Odinga to decide to withdraw from the race.
Unforeseen factors
Odinga and Ruto share a light moment at the AU Summit before the heads of states embarked on biting for the AUC Chairman.
Odinga’s gracious exit from the competition was marked by his acknowledgment of unforeseen factors that influenced the outcome. “We were sure to win. However, other factors came to play, and those factors are going to be known,” he remarked, hinting at complexities beyond mere vote counts.
The former Prime Minister also expressed optimism about future opportunities, stating, “There will be another time and other things to do,” suggesting his political journey might take new directions.
Ruto’s support.
Over the past year, Ruto actively lobbied for Raila, engaging African leaders and securing endorsements on the sidelines of key continental and regional meetings.
Following Raila’s endorsement, the Kenya Kwanza administration assembled robust and technically skilled campaign team.
The secretariat, led by Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary Korir Sing’oei, included diplomatic heavyweights such as former US Ambassador Elkanah Odembo, Intergovernmental Authority on Development executive secretary Mahboub Maalim and Ambassador.
Other key figures included legal expert Prof Makau Mutua, former Nyeri Deputy Governor Caroline Karugu and Interior Principal Secretary Raymond Omollo.
This moment of political camaraderie between Odinga and Ruto, long seen as political adversaries within Kenya, underscores a potential shift in political discourse, advocating for collaboration over confrontation. It also highlights the intricate dynamics of African politics where personal and national interests often intertwine on the continental stage.
President William Ruto has called on the African Union (AU) to formally recognize Haiti as part of Africa’s Sixth Region. Speaking at the 38th Ordinary Assembly of the AU in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, President Ruto proposed the adoption of a Draft Declaration on AU Solidarity with Haiti.
The proposal, announced by State House Spokesman Hussein Mohammed, seeks to affirm Haiti’s historical and cultural ties to Africa and ensure sustained support for the Caribbean nation, which is grappling with a devastating security and humanitarian crisis.
The Draft Declaration, also advocates for the transition of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti into a full-fledged United Nations Peacekeeping Operation.
This proposal comes as Kenya prepares to lead the MSS mission, deploying 1,000 police officers to Haiti in a bid to restore order and combat the rampant gang violence that has paralyzed the nation.
Haiti’s Crisis:
Haiti’s turmoil has intensified since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021. The power vacuum has been exploited by armed gangs, leading to widespread violence and lawlessness.
As of October 2024, gangs controlled approximately 80% of Port-au-Prince, the nation’s capital, resulting in over 3,661 deaths and displacing around 700,000 people within the year.
The Haitian National Police, undermined by limited resources and support, have struggled to combat these well-armed groups effectively.
Kenya’s Role in Haiti
In response to international calls for assistance, Kenya has taken a leading role in the MSS Mission in Haiti. The United Nations Security Council authorized this mission in October 2023, aiming to assist Haitian authorities in restoring law and order.
Kenya’s commitment has been substantial; by January 2025, it had deployed over 600 police officers to Haiti, working alongside personnel from countries such as Jamaica, Guatemala, and El Salvador.
Despite these efforts, the mission has faced challenges, including insufficient funding and equipment, which have hindered its overall effectiveness.
A new contingent of 144 Kenyan police officers was sent to Port-au-Prince, Haiti in January to join the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission aimed at combating gang violence in the Caribbean nation.
President Ruto’s call for Haiti’s inclusion in the AU’s Sixth Region underscores a broader vision of pan-African solidarity.
By integrating Haiti more closely with African institutions, there is potential for enhanced cultural, economic, and political ties.
This move could also pave the way for more robust support mechanisms to address the ongoing crisis in Haiti, leveraging the collective resources and influence of the African continent.
President Ruto has framed Kenya’s involvement as a moral obligation, citing Haiti’s historical ties to Africa. “Haiti is the daughter of the African continent,” Ruto stated during a recent address. “Their struggle is our struggle, and their freedom is our freedom.”
The proposal to declare Haiti as Africa’s Sixth Region is seen as an extension of this sentiment.
The concept of a “Sixth Region” refers to the African diaspora, which the AU has long sought to engage as part of its broader vision for continental unity and development.
Haiti, with its predominantly African-descended population and rich cultural heritage, holds a special place in this narrative.
Historical Ties: Haiti and Africa
Haiti’s connection to Africa dates back to the transatlantic slave trade, which brought millions of Africans to the Caribbean.
The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), led by figures like Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, was a defining moment in the fight against colonialism and slavery.
The revolution not only established Haiti as an independent nation but also inspired liberation movements across Africa and the Americas.
In recent years, Haiti has sought closer ties with the AU, becoming a full member in 2016. However, the country’s inclusion as part of Africa’s Sixth Region would mark a significant symbolic and political shift, potentially unlocking new avenues for support and collaboration.
Challenges
While President Ruto’s proposal has been welcomed by some as a bold and visionary move, it has also raised questions about its feasibility and implications. Critics argue that the AU, which already faces numerous challenges across the continent, may lack the resources and political will to take on Haiti’s complex crisis.
Additionally, the MSS mission itself has been criticized for its lack of clarity and potential risks. Human rights groups have warned that foreign interventions in Haiti have historically failed to address the root causes of instability and, in some cases, exacerbated the crisis.
Moreover, the legal framework for Kenya’s involvement has been contentious. Earlier, Kenya’s High Court had ruled against the deployment, citing constitutional issues, only for the government to navigate around these through bilateral agreements. This has sparked debates on sovereignty and the international legal precedents being set.
Looking Forward
President Ruto’s vision for Haiti involves not only security but also economic and political stabilization, potentially setting a precedent for how African nations can contribute to global peace efforts.
The proposal at the AU Assembly could lead to a formal declaration, enhancing Haiti’s access to African support mechanisms, from peacekeeping to economic aid and cultural exchanges.
However, the success of this initiative will hinge on several factors: the reception by both AU member states and the Haitian populace, the effective transition of the mission to UN oversight, and the genuine improvement in Haiti’s security and governance.
As the world watches, the unfolding of these events will not only define Haiti’s immediate future but also set a tone for international cooperation in crises across continents.
In a stunning turn of events at the African Union Commission (AUC) summit in Addis Ababa on February 15, 2025, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga watched helplessly as the chairmanship slipped from his grasp.
Mahmoud Ali Youssouf of Djibouti emerged victorious in a fiercely contested race that, despite early signs of a Raila win, ultimately saw his campaign unravel under a series of diplomatic missteps and shifting regional alliances.
From Frontrunner to Fading Hope
For months, Raila Odinga crisscrossed Africa, engaging with presidents and government heads to secure backing for his bid to lead the AUC. In the initial rounds of voting, Raila appeared poised for a sweeping victory, amassing a majority of votes and building momentum among the continent’s anglophone states.
However, as the rounds progressed, a convergence of factors both external and internal began to work against him.
The Francophone Factor
One of the most significant hurdles in Raila’s campaign was the entrenched influence of Francophone nations within the African Union. Despite his team’s early dismissal of the Francophone bloc as a decisive factor, it became clear during the voting process that language and regional alliances played a pivotal role. Raila led in the initial rounds, but after the elimination of Madagascar’s Richard Randriamandrato, a Francophone candidate, votes shifted overwhelmingly to Djibouti’s Ali Youssouf.
Djibouti, a member of the National Ozone Officers Network for French-Speaking Africa, leveraged its position within the 26-member Francophone bloc to secure support. Former UNCTAD Secretary-General Mukhisa Kituyi had earlier warned that Raila’s non-Francophone background would be a disadvantage
“Normally, it is extremely difficult for the bloc to vote for a non-Francophone speaker if there is a French speaker among the candidates,” Kituyi noted. This prediction proved accurate, as Youssouf clinched the chairmanship with 33 votes in the sixth round.
Ruto’s Pro-Israel Stance and Pan-Africanism Questions
Another critical factor that may have cost Raila the AUC seat was Kenya’s foreign policy stance under President William Ruto.
Ruto’s unequivocal support for Israel during the October 2023 Hamas-Israel conflict drew sharp criticism from pro-Palestine African nations.
During the AUC summit, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas was a guest, underscoring the continent’s solidarity with Palestine.
“Kenya has taken a position that is contra-Palestine,” noted legal expert Migai Akech. “This likely alienated some African states that view the Palestinian cause as a symbol of anti-colonial struggle.”
Raila, despite his pan-African credentials, was unable to distance himself from Ruto’s controversial stance, which may have eroded his support among member states.
Additionally, Ruto’s handling of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) crisis further damaged Kenya’s pan-African image.
By seeking French President Emmanuel Macron’s intervention in the conflict, Ruto was seen as sidelining African-led solutions, a move that did not sit well with other African leaders. “Kenya has not been seen to be advancing a pan-African position in DRC,” Professor Migai observed, adding that this could have influenced voting patterns.
The SADC Bloc and Anglophone Divide
Raila’s campaign had initially gained traction among Anglophone nations, with endorsements from key players like Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni and Tanzania’s Samia Suluhu Hassan.
However, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a 16-member bloc, threw its weight behind Madagascar’s Randriamandrato in a last-minute decision. This move split the vote in the early rounds, leaving Raila vulnerable in the final tally.
Uganda’s Museveni, a vocal Raila supporter, notably skipped the voting session, depriving Raila of a crucial vote.
Analysts suggest that Kenya’s involvement in the DRC conflict, where SADC is also active, may have influenced the bloc’s decision to back Randriamandrato initially and later shift support to Youssouf.
Internal Kenyan Issues
Raila’s campaign was also hampered by internal challenges within Kenya. The Ruto administration has faced criticism over a spate of abductions, including the high-profile case of Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye, who was seized in Nairobi and extradited to Uganda.
These incidents raised questions about Kenya’s commitment to human rights and the rule of law, tarnishing Raila’s image as a champion of democracy.
“Why must Africa consider you when your country cannot provide answers on abduction cases in Kenya?” asked Sophie Mokoena, an international news editor for South Africa’s SABC, in a viral social media post.
The abductions, coupled with Kenya’s domestic unrest, painted a picture of a nation struggling with internal stability, which may have deterred some AU member states from supporting Raila.
A Missed Opportunity
In his concession speech, Raila hinted at “last-minute factors” that contributed to his loss, promising to reveal them in due course. While his campaign was well-organized and widely supported, the combination of Francophone influence, Kenya’s foreign policy missteps, and internal issues proved insurmountable.
Raila’s defeat underscores the complex interplay of regional alliances, language politics, and domestic factors in continental elections.
For Kenya, the loss is a diplomatic setback, highlighting the need for a more cohesive and pan-African foreign policy approach.
As Mahmoud Ali Youssouf takes the helm of the AUC, the continent will be watching to see if he can bridge the divides that defined this election.
For Raila, this may not be the end of his continental ambitions. But for now, the AUC chairmanship remains an elusive dream, lost in a web of diplomatic miscalculations and regional rivalries.
Muhsin Hendricks considered the world’s first openly gay imam, was shot dead Saturday near the southern city of Gqeberha, police said.
The imam, who ran a mosque intended as a safe haven for gay and other marginalised Muslims, was in a car with another person when a vehicle stopped in front of them and blocked their exit, the police said.
“Two unknown suspects with covered faces got out of the vehicle and started firing multiple shots at the vehicle,” the Eastern Cape force said in a statement.
“Thereafter they fled the scene, and the driver noticed that Hendricks who was seated at the back of the vehicle was shot and killed.”
Police confirmed the authenticity of a video on social media that purported to show a targeted killing in Bethelsdorp near Gqeberha, formerly known as Port Elizabeth.
“The motive for the murder is unknown and forms part of the ongoing investigation,” police said, urging anybody with information to come forward and help trace the killer.
Hendricks, involved in various LGBTQ advocacy groups, came out as gay in 1996.
He ran the Al-Ghurbaah mosque at Wynberg near his birthplace Cape Town.
The mosque provides “a safe space in which queer Muslims and marginalised women can practise Islam”, its website states.
Hendricks, who was the subject of a 2022 documentary called “The Radical”, had previously alluded to threats against him.
Though he commented that “the need to be authentic” was “greater than the fear to die”.
South Africa has one of the world’s highest murder rates, with some 28,000 murders in the year to February 2024, according to police data.
Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf has been elected as the next Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC).
Youssouf clinched the position by securing the necessary two-thirds majority, garnering 33 votes in the crucial final round.
The election, held amidst intense competition, saw Kenya’s veteran politician Raila Odinga withdrawing from the race after the sixth round of voting.
Odinga had secured 22 votes in this round, while Youssouf led with 26 votes.
The withdrawal of Odinga paved the way for Youssouf to attempt the seventh and last round of voting to secure the position.
The race initially included three prominent candidates following the elimination of Madagascar’s former Foreign Minister Richard James Randriamandrato after the third round.
Randriamandrato’s exit narrowed the field, setting the stage for a head-to-head between Youssouf and Odinga.
Youssouf, known for his diplomatic acumen, has been Djibouti’s Foreign Minister since 2005 and brings over three decades of experience in African diplomacy.
Raila Odinga, a five-time Kenyan presidential candidate and former Prime Minister, had campaigned vigorously with a platform centered on peace, infrastructure development, and economic transformation.
The African Union Assembly has retreated to cast their ballot in the firdst round of election to pick a new commission chairperson and his deputy.
Media has been barred from accessing the closed door session at the Nelson Mandela Hall, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The vote is taking place shortly after closure of the opening ceremony of the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union.
Kenya’s former Prime Minister Raila Odinga is facing Djibouti’s Foreign Affairs Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, and Madagascar’s former Foreign Affairs Minister Richard Randriamandrato in the elections.
The African Union (AU) is preparing to elect a new chairperson for its commission to succeed the outgoing Moussa Mahamat Faki.
The election will take place during the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Vying for the top role are former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Madagascar’s ex-Finance Minister Richard Randriamandrato, and former Djiboutian Foreign Affairs Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. A deputy chair and six commissioners will also be elected.
Youssouf is a seasoned diplomat who is currently serving as Djibouti’s Foreign Minister, a position he has held for more than a decade while Odinga is a well-known Panafricanist who has served as Kenya’s Prime Minister as well as the African Union’s High Representative for Infrastructure.
Randriamandrato is Madagascar’s current Minister of Foreign Affairs. He previously served for one decade in Zambia at the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).
The candidates are not only high-profile senior officials but also inspire lots of confidence regarding their capacity to steer Africa to realise its Vision 2063.
Vision 2063, also known as ‘Agenda 2063’, is a strategic framework for transforming Africa into a prosperous, integrated, and peaceful continent by the year 2063.
It focuses on the inclusive and sustainable socio-economic and political development of the African continent for the benefit of its people.
How will the vote work?
First, Africa has 55 countries. Seven of these countries will not be eligible to vote for the AUC Chairman because their leaders came to power through extra-constitutional means.
The fight for the coveted AUC Chairmanship will be concentrated on the 49 countries that are eligible to vote.
To be able to win, a candidate must garner two-thirds of the votes cast. In this case, the winning candidate must get at least 33 votes.
If none of the candidates manages to get the two-thirds in the first round, a second round of voting will be ordered. Voting is expected to go on until a winner emerges.
The countries are well distributed among regional, linguistic, economic, and religious groupings, which will be the key considerations during the election.
Odinga is being fronted as a candidate of the East African Community (EAC) bloc. The bloc comprises eight countries. If all these EAC countries agree in principle to vote together, then Raila starts with 8 votes.
But there is a twist. Both Tanzania and DR Congo are also members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) simultaneously, putting pressure on the two countries to vote for Richard Randriamandrato who hails from Madagascar, a SADC member state.
Analysts argue that Odinga will start with 6 votes owing to DRC’s involvement with SADC members as well as Tanzania.
Since the three candidates come from the Horn of Africa, eastern Africa, and southern Africa, the battlefields in the first round of the voting are expected to be central Africa, north Africa, and west Africa.
North African countries are Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Sudan and Tunisia, making Islam the common denominator.
The contested votes in central Africa will comprise Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe.
The 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union has kicked off in Addis Ababa as the continet’s leaders convene to set the agenda for 2025.
The Assembly, which is the AU’s supreme policy and decision-making organ convenes, once every year.
A draft program listed high-level engagements, focusing on issues ranging from UN Security Council reforms to climate change and sustainable peace financing.
Under the theme “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” leaders at the summit will deliberate on pressing issues affecting the continent.
Saturday’s program included opening remarks by African Union (AU) Chairperson Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, African Union Commission (AUC) Chairperson Moussa Faki, host Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and United Nations Secretary General Antonio Gutterres.
President Ghazouani (Mauritius) while, after the speeched handover to Angola’s Joao Lorenco who will led the continetal body in 2025.
Thereafter, Heads of State and Government will engage in two closed sessions in the afternoon during which leaders will elect the next AUC Chairperson.
The Summit will finalize its closed sessions on Sunday morning.
Detained Ugandan opposition politician Kizza Besigye has begun a hunger strike as his time spent in detention awaiting trial nears three months.
Besigye, 68, was charged in a military court with possession of pistols and attempting to purchase weapons abroad – accusations which he denies.
On Tuesday, an aide from Besigye’s political movement, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), told the BBC: “We believe he is protesting because he should not still be in prison – he should be home.”
Besigye’s trial was initially postponed until January – it is now unclear when the court case will begin.
Besigye used to be a personal doctor for Uganda’s longtime president, Yoweri Museveni, but went on to become an opposition leader.
He has contested and lost four presidential elections against Museveni, who has been in power since 1986. The veteran opposition figure has previously accused the Ugandan authorities of political persecution.
He has been less active in politics in recent years, and did not contest the 2021 election.
However, Besigye returned to the headlines last month after he was dramatically abducted while visiting Kenya and forcibly taken to Uganda.
The detention sparked widespread condemnation andfears of a clandestine exchange of intelligence between the two neighbours.
Besigye was then charged along with an aide, Obeid Lutale. Mr Lutale also denied the charges.
In a landmark ruling last month, Uganda’s Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional for military courts to try civilians, ordering the transfer of all such cases to civilian courts.
The move angered President Museveni, who dismissed it as “a wrong decision” and vowed to challenge the ruling.
Besigye has had various other run-ins with the law.
On Tuesday, the opposition politician was expected to appear before a civilian court for a hearing on a 2022 case in which he is accused of holding an unlawful demonstration. However, he did not attend the hearing, citing health reasons.
In 2005, Besigye was arrested while returning from a political rally ahead of the 2006 presidential polls and charged with treason. The charges were thrown out by the courts.
He was also charged with rape in a separate case. The charges were later dropped. He said all the allegations were part of a campaign of political persecution.
Museveni has defended the use of military courts to try civilians.
He said any crime involving a gun was dealt with in a military court to ensure the country’s stability as civilian courts took too long to deal with cases.
Opposition parties have frequently complained about restrictions on political activities, alleging that Museveni fears political competition.
Museveni’s supporters deny the allegation, and say he has maintained stability during his rule of almost 40 years.
Raila Odinga, the former Prime Minister of Kenya, is one of the top contenders in the upcoming African Union (AU) Commission Chairperson election, scheduled for February 15-16, 2025, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Odinga has reportedly garnered strong support from at least 28 African nations, with 19 heads of state publicly backing his bid.
Odinga’s candidacy is backed by the following countries:
Kenya
Uganda
Tanzania
Senegal
Guinea Bissau
Togo
Gambia
Zambia
Malawi
Zimbabwe
Equatorial Guinea
Democratic Republic of Congo
Rwanda
Burundi
Ghana
Seychelles
Mauritius
Algeria
South Sudan
Eritrea
The election process involves voting by secret ballot, and if no candidate achieves the necessary two-thirds majority in the first round, further rounds will follow until a winner is determined. If no candidate secures the majority after the third round, the election will be suspended.
It’s important to note that six countries, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Sudan, Niger, and Gabon, will not participate due to sanctions resulting from political instability.
As the election date approaches, Odinga will compete with Mohamoud Youssouf of Djibouti and Richard Randriamandrato of Madagascar.
The Democratic Republic of Congo is in turmoil – fighters from the notorious M23 rebel group have been surging through the country’s east, battling the national army and capturing key places as they go.
In just a fortnight, thousands of people are said to have been killed and the fighting has sparked an ominous war of words between DR Congo and its neighbour, Rwanda.
So how did DR Congo – the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa – get here?
The origins of this complex conflict can be understood through the story of one man – M23 leader Sultani Makenga, who is the subject of various war crime allegations.
He is sanctioned by the US of using child soldiers, which he has denied. The UN has accused him of being responsible for sexual violence.
To go back through Makenga’s life so far is to look into decades of warfare, intermittent foreign intervention and the persistent lure of DR Congo’s rich mineral resources.
His life began on Christmas Day in 1973, when he was born in the lush Congolese town of Masisi.
Raised by parents of the Tutsi ethnic group, Makenga quit school at the age of 17 to join a Tutsi rebel outfit across the border in Rwanda.
This group, named the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), were demanding greater Tutsi representation in Rwanda’s government, which at the time was dominated by politicians from the Hutu majority.
They also wanted the hundreds and thousands of Tutsi refugees who had been forced from the country by ethnic violence to be able to return home.
For four years, Makenga and the RPF fought the Hutu-dominated army in Rwanda. Their battle was enmeshed with the 1994 genocide, when Hutu extremists killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
When looking back at this time in a rare 2013 interview, external, Makenga stated: “My life is war, my education is war, and my language is war… but I do respect peace.”
The RPF gradually seized more and more land before marching into Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, and overthrowing the extremist Hutu government – many of whom fled into what is now DR Congo.
With the RPF in power, Makenga was absorbed into the official Rwandan army and rose to the rank of sergeant and deputy platoon commander.
“He was very good at setting up ambushes,” one of Makenga’s fellow RPF fighters told the Rift Valley Institute, external non-profit research organisation.
His progress in the Rwandan army hit a ceiling however. The fact that he only had a basic education and spoke broken French and English was “an obstacle to his military career”, the Rift Valley Institute said.
Makenga’s M23 fighters are now in charge in Goma. AFP
Makenga is also said – to this day – to be very reserved and to struggle with public speaking.
In 1997, he was part of the Rwanda-backed forces who ended up seizing power in DR Congo, ousting long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko. In his place they installed veteran Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila.
However, Makenga began to clash with his superiors – he was arrested by the Rwandan authorities after refusing orders to return to Rwanda, a UN Security Council report, external said.
He was therefore imprisoned for several years on the island of Iwawa.
Meanwhile, relations between Kabila and Rwanda’s new leaders deteriorated.
Rwanda had sought to crush the Hutu militiamen who were responsible for the genocide but had fled across the border in 1994. Rwanda’s fear was that they could return and upset the country’s hard-won stability.
But Kabila had failed to stop the militants from organising and he also started to force out Rwandan troops.
As a result, Rwanda invaded DR Congo in 1998. When Makenga was released from prison, he was appointed to serve as a commander on the front line with a Rwanda-backed rebel group.
The recent violence in the advance towards Goma and in the city itself reportedly killed thousands of people in just two weeks. Photo: AFP
Over the years, he gained a reputation for being highly strategic and skilled at commanding large groups of soldiers into battle.
After Rwandan troops crossed into DR Congo, there was a surge in discrimination against the Tutsi community. Kabila alleged that Tutsis supported the invasion, while other officials incited the public to attack members of the ethnic group.
Makenga – still in DR Congo – accused the Congolese leader of betraying Tutsi fighters, saying: “Kabila was a politician, while I am not. I am a soldier, and the language that I know is that of the gun.”
Several neighbouring countries had been drawn into the conflict and a large UN military force was deployed to try to maintain order.
More than five million people are believed to have died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.
The fighting officially ended in 2003 but Makenga continued to serve in armed groups opposed to the Congolese government.
In the spirit of reconciliation, Tutsi rebels like Makenga were eventually amalgamated into the Congolese government’s armed forces, in a process called “mixage”.
But the political sands in DR Congo are ever shifting – Makenga eventually defected from the army to join the rising M23 rebellion.
The M23 had become increasingly active in DR Congo’s east, stating that they were fighting to protect Tutsi rights, and that the government had failed to honour a peace deal signed in 2009.
Makenga was elevated to the rank of an M23 general, then soon after, the top position.
In November 2012 he led the rebels in a brutal uprising, in which they captured the city of Goma, a major eastern city with a population of more than a million.
DR Congo and the UN accused Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government of backing the M23 – an allegation which Kigali has persistently denied. But recently, the official response has shifted, with government spokespeople stating that fighting near its border is a security threat.
By 2012, Makenga and others in the M23 were facing serious war crimes allegations. The US imposed sanctions on him, saying he was responsible for “the recruitment of child soldiers, and campaigns of violence against civilians”. Makenga said allegations that the M23 used child soldiers were “baseless”.
Elsewhere, the UN said he had committed, and was responsible for, acts such as killing and maiming, sexual violence and abduction.
Makenga has been involved in several rebellions against the DR Congo government. AFP
Along with asset freezes, Makenga was facing a bitter split within the M23. One side backed him as leader while the other backed his rival, Gen Bosco Ntaganda.
The Enough Project, external, a non-profit group working in DR Congo, said the two factions descended into a “full-fledged war” in 2013 and as a result, three soldiers and eight civilians died.
Makenga’s side triumphed and Gen Ntaganda fled to Rwanda, where he surrendered to the US embassy.
However, months after Makenga’s triumph, another, larger threat appeared. The UN had deployed a 3,000-strong force with a mandate to support the Congolese military in reclaiming Goma, prompting the M23 to withdraw.
The rebel group was expelled from the country and Makenga fled to Uganda, a country which has also been accused of supporting the M23 – an allegation it denies.
Uganda received an extradition request for Makenga from DR Congo, but did not act on it.
Eight years passed. Dozens of other armed groups roamed the mineral-rich east, wreaking havoc, but the Congolese authorities were free of the most notorious militants.
That is, until 2021.
Makenga and his rebels took up arms again, capturing territory in North Kivu province.
Several ceasefires between the M23 and the Congolese authorities have failed, and last year a judge sentencing Makenga to death in absentia.
During the M23’s latest advance, in which the rebels are said to be supported by thousands of Rwandan troops, Makenga has barely been seen in public.
He instead leaves the public speeches and statements to his spokesperson, and Corneille Nangaa, who heads an alliance of rebel groups including the M23.
But Makenga remains a key player, appearing to focus on strategy behind the scenes.
He has said his relentless fighting has been for his three children, “so that one day they will have a better future in this country”.
“I shouldn’t be seen as a man who doesn’t want peace. I have a heart, a family, and people I care about,” he said.
But millions of ordinary people are paying the price of this conflict and if he is captured by the Congolese forces, Makenga faces the death penalty.
In the heart of South Sudan, a nation grappling with corruption and economic instability, a Canadian businessman has quietly built a sprawling empire of interconnected companies under the banner of Kush Bank.
Ryan O’Grady, a name once associated with scandal in Canada, has resurfaced as a central figure in South Sudan’s financial and humanitarian sectors.
But behind the façade of a rising star lies a web of alleged corporate swindling, opaque deals, and questionable partnerships that threaten to unravel the fragile economy of the world’s youngest nation.
This is the story of how Ryan O’Grady, a man with a controversial past, allegedly exploited South Sudan’s kleptocratic system to build a dizzying network of corporate entities—and how his actions may have far-reaching consequences for the country and its people.
A Mysterious Arrival in South Sudan
Ryan O’Grady’s entry into South Sudan around 2016 might have gone unnoticed by many, but his impact has been anything but subtle.
According to a recent exposé by the South Sudan Truth Defenders (SSTD), O’Grady quickly embedded himself in the country’s financial and humanitarian sectors, leveraging his connections to secure influential positions.
He served as the Director of Organizational Development for the Humanitarian Development Consortium (HDC), a South Sudanese NGO with ties to Canada, while simultaneously holding a full-time advisory role at Kush Bank PLC—a move described as ethically dubious and riddled with conflicts of interest.
The report exclusively obtained by Kenya Insights suggests that O’Grady’s arrival in South Sudan was no accident.
With a history of financial controversies in Canada, including a scandal involving Durham College’s failed international campuses in Panama and India, O’Grady allegedly found the perfect environment to apply his skills in a country where corruption and weak oversight institutions are rampant.
The Durham College Scandal: A Blueprint for South Sudan?
The SSTD report draws striking parallels between O’Grady’s current activities in South Sudan and his past controversies in Canada. In 2010, O’Grady was at the center of a scandal involving Durham College’s international expansion efforts, which left the institution with significant financial losses.
Investigative reports at the time described O’Grady as the “evil genius” behind an elaborate scheme that involved opaque contracts, questionable partnerships, and a lack of oversight.
Now, over a decade later, the SSTD report alleges that O’Grady is employing similar tactics in South Sudan.
Through Kush Bank and its affiliated entities, O’Grady has allegedly created a complex network of companies with little financial justification, using Dubai as a hub for questionable transactions.
The report claims that these entities, including Kush Investments and Kush Logistics, may be facilitating money laundering and the diversion of public funds, all while operating under the radar of South Sudan’s weak regulatory framework.
Dubai: A Hub for Shadowy Deals
One of the most intriguing aspects of O’Grady’s alleged operations is his use of Dubai as a base for Kush Bank’s international activities.
The SSTD report highlights how Dubai’s lax financial regulations have made it a global hotspot for money laundering and shady financial dealings.
Under O’Grady’s leadership, Kush Investments and other Dubai-based entities have reportedly entered into multimillion-dollar contracts with companies linked to organized crime and financial scandals.
For example, Kush Investments recently signed a deal with Sparkle, an Italian telecommunications company with a history of legal troubles, including allegations of money laundering.
Despite Sparkle’s questionable reputation, O’Grady’s team hailed the partnership as a groundbreaking move to develop digital infrastructure in East Africa. The SSTD report questions the ethics of such deals, suggesting that O’Grady and his associates prioritized financial gain over due diligence.
A Network of Questionable Partnerships
The report also sheds light on O’Grady’s alleged use of personal connections to secure lucrative contracts.
One such example is his collaboration with Orus Consulting, a firm with no proven track record, which was awarded a significant advisory role in Kush Bank’s operations.
The SSTD report suggests that Orus Consulting’s ties to O’Grady played a key role in securing the contract, raising concerns about favoritism and a lack of transparency.
These partnerships, combined with O’Grady’s rapid expansion of Kush Bank’s operations, have led to growing concerns about the long-term impact on South Sudan’s economy.
The report warns that without proper oversight, O’Grady’s actions could lead to significant financial losses for the country, echoing the fallout from his previous scandals in Canada.
What’s Next for Ryan O’Grady and Kush Bank?
As the allegations against Ryan O’Grady continue to mount, the SSTD report has sparked calls for greater transparency and accountability in South Sudan’s financial sector.
But with O’Grady’s extensive network of legal counsel and his ability to evade scrutiny in the past, holding him accountable may prove to be a daunting task.
In Part 2 of this series, we will delve deeper into the specific allegations against O’Grady, including his alleged involvement in the South Sudanese oil and gas sector, the role of his associates in facilitating questionable deals, and the potential consequences for South Sudan’s economy.
We will also explore the SSTD’s recommendations for holding O’Grady and his network accountable—and whether justice can be served in a system rife with corruption.
Stay tuned for Part 2, where we uncover the full extent of Ryan O’Grady’s alleged corporate swindling and its impact on South Sudan’s future.
Samuel Ebwang, a former Senior Police Officer in Uganda, has reportedly undergone a significant personal transformation after relocating to Australia.
Ebwang, who previously served as the District Police Commander (DPC) in Wandegeya, Nsangi, and Buyende, is said to have transitioned to a woman.
Background:
Reports indicate that Ebwang left Uganda several years ago, leaving behind a wife and three children. He is now said to be married to a man in Australia.
Prior to his departure, Ebwang’s lifestyle had raised questions among his peers. Unlike many officers who resided in standard police accommodations, he opted for hotel stays during his tenure in Koboko.
Colleagues noted that he appeared to live beyond the means of a typical DPC, frequently traveling to Kampala and hosting social events, despite a modest salary.
His sudden disappearance from Uganda led to widespread speculation. It was later revealed that he had been detained at Makindye Military Barracks without formal charges. Following his release, Ebwang managed to leave the country, eventually settling in Australia.
The Transition:
According to Red Pepper, a leading Ugandan tabloid newspaper, the former police officer has undergone gender reassignment surgery and now identifies as a woman.
The before.The after.
Context: Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Laws and Australia’s Role:
Ebwang’s decision to relocate to Australia and undergo this transformation may be linked to Uganda’s harsh anti-LGBTQ+ laws.
Uganda has long been criticized for its stringent legislation targeting homosexuality, including the controversial Anti-Homosexuality Act, which imposes severe penalties, including life imprisonment, for same-sex relationships.
The law has created a hostile environment for LGBTQ+ individuals, forcing many to flee the country in search of safety and acceptance.
Australia, on the other hand, is known for its progressive stance on LGBTQ+ rights and gender diversity. The country offers legal protections for transgender individuals, including access to gender-affirming healthcare and the right to change one’s legal gender. This welcoming environment likely provided Ebwang with the opportunity to live openly and authentically, free from the fear of persecution.
Revered as “father of the nation” and the icon of Namibia’s liberation struggle, Sam Nujoma lived up to these expectations in more ways than one.
His warm, broad smile and easy-going manner made him likable and accessible.
Whether donning a tracksuit to join a fun-run along Windhoek’s Independence Avenue, or insisting his driver hang back from official motorcades, he aimed to be a man of the people.
Now, four decades after leading Namibia through a bitter guerrilla war against South Africa’s racist apartheid government and on to independence, Nujoma has died aged95.
He died on Saturday after being in hospital for three weeks due to “ill health”, President Nangolo Mbumba announced in a statement, adding that the death had “shaken” the country.
Fighting for freedom
The giant who shaped Namibia’s national identity leaves a void few can hope to fill.
Namibia, previously called South West Africa, suffered decades of looting and colonial violence at the hands of Europeans who had flocked to the country around the turn of the 20th Century.
Starting in 1904, German colonisers killed tens of thousands of Namibians in what has been dubbed the world’s “forgotten genocide”. German officers used black Africans as guinea pigs for horrific crimes later repeated by the Nazis during the Holocaust.
Namibia was under German occupation from 1884 until 1915, when Germany lost its colony in World War One.
Namibia then fell under the rule of white South Africa, which extended its racist laws to the country, denying black Namibians any political rights, as well as restricting social and economic freedoms.
The introduction of sweeping apartheid legislation led to a guerrilla war of independence breaking out in 1966.
By this stage, Nujoma was already involved in the fight against white-minority rule.
The self-confessed “elder son of a peasant family” from the northern village of Etunda had a modest start in life, with little more than a primary school education.
Married to Kovambo Theopoldine Katjimune with whom he had four children, and working on a railway, he held a deep passion for politics and yearned to see his people free from the injustice and indignity of colonialism.
Inspiration came in the stories of early Namibian resistance leaders, such as Hendrik Witbooi, who fought against the Germans in the 1880s.
By 1959, Nujoma had become the head of the Owamboland Peoples organisation, the independence movement that was a forerunner to Swapo.
A year later, aged 30, Nujoma was forced into exile. With no passport, he used his cunning to adopt different personas and blagged his way onto trains and planes – ending up in Zambia and Tanzania before heading to West Africa.
With the help of Liberian authorities who were early backers of black Namibians’ push for independence, Nujoma flew to New York and petitioned the UN to help grant Namibia its independence – but South Africa refused.
Nujoma was branded a “Marxist terrorist” by South Africa’s white leaders for leading forces that fought alongside the anti-apartheid movement, posing a formidable challenge to the oppressive regimes in several southern African countries.
With support from Cuban troops who were fighting in neighbouring Angola, Swapo guerrillas were able to attack South African bases in Namibia.
Returning from exile, Nujoma was swiftly rearrested by the South African authorities and deported to Zambia six years later.
“We knew that only military force and mass political mobilisation backed by the support of the people would force South Africa out of Namibia,” Nujoma narrated in his autobiography Where Others Wavered, which was published in 2001.
He led Swapo forces from exile, before returning to the country in 1989, a year after South Africa had agreed to Namibian independence.
South Africa was becoming more isolated internationally and the cost of military intervention was increasing. Namibia finally gained independence in 1990 after almost 25 years of warfare.
Building a nation
In Namibia’s first democratic elections in 1990, Swapo won a huge majority and Nujoma became the country’s first president.
Nujoma was especially concerned with the plight of children, introducing maintenance payments obliging absent fathers to contribute to the cost of raising their offspring.
He also championed the advancement of women, helping to change traditional patriarchal practices that forced widows out of the family home once their husband died.
He also appeared keen to preserve stability to ensure development efforts were supported by international donors.
Nujoma was re-elected for two more terms in 1994 and 1999 – when he was criticised for having the constitution changed so that he could stand for a third term in office.
When criticised for his style of government or questioned about his party’s political past, the wide smile could turn sour. Pointing a finger at whoever dared openly question or criticise, he would sometimes lose his countenance and hurl insults.
He openly abhorred same-sex relationships, but never went as far as changing the constitution or the law to make them illegal.
Nujoma always valued his close friendship with Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, yet as Namibia’s president he mostly steered clear of open aggression against those who did not agree with him.
However through the Swapo machinery, he would quite happily exert pressure on the common man to tow the party line and allow the party to delve into government coffers to ensure continued rule.
Nujoma’s cabinet was often dictated to rather than reaching decisions by joint debate, such was his power.
When he stepped down as president in 2005 and as Swapo president in 2007 after serving as the party leader for 47 years – he handed power to his successor, Hifikepunye Pohamba.
Even after leaving office, Nujoma still wielded considerable power over the party and government from behind the scenes.
Yet his achievements while in office are undeniable, with many Namibians praising him for leading the country’s smooth transition to democratic rule.
Since independence, Namibia has been seen as one of Africa’s success stories, with regular peaceful and democratic elections.
And, despite the humiliations and injustices heaped upon black Namibians by white colonisers, Nujoma upheld the country’s constitution in safeguarding the basic rights of all Namibians whatever their race or colour.
The policy of national reconciliation encouraged the country’s white community to remain, and they still play a major role in farming and other economic sectors.
Nujoma’s ability to unify a nation of three million people – across 10 ethnic and linguistic communities – won him many admirers.
In recognition of his towering achievement, the Namibian parliament granted him the official status of “Founding Father of Namibia” in 2005. Numerous international honours included the Lenin Peace Prize, the Indira Gandhi Peace Prize and the Ho Chi Minh Peace Prize.
In his latter years, Nujoma disappeared from the limelight, preferring instead to spend time with his large family.
He is remembered for his easy charm and unwavering conviction – father not just to a family but a whole nation.
A diplomatic impasse occurred on Saturday during the high-stakes EAC-SADC summit in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, when African Union Commission (AUC) Chair Moussa Faki was asked to leave the closed-door session on the escalating crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo).
Announced by the masters of ceremonies, the closed-door session of the meeting held in the Tanzanian capital Dar es Salaam was only open with delegations of the two regional blocs.
Each delegation was only allowed to have 5+1 delegates in the room.
The summit, aimed at addressing the worsening security situation in eastern DR Congo, began smoothly with opening remarks from Kenya’s President William Ruto and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the respective chairs of the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC).
However, during the opening session, Faki’s name was notably absent from the list of dignitaries acknowledged by protocol, an unusual oversight considering his pivotal role in the ongoing peace efforts in the region.
Tensions flared shortly after the session commenced when the Master of Ceremony requested Faki’s departure, despite the AUC Chair’s initial invitation to attend the meeting.
Reliable sources indicate that Faki was invited to the high-level summit by President William Ruto, the current Chairperson of the EAC.
The incident immediately caught the attention of other leaders, including President Paul Kagame, who voiced concerns over the decision.
“Who made this misguided decision and why?” Kagame questioned, emphasizing that Faki, as the AUC Chair and a key figure in ongoing peace efforts in eastern DRC, should not have been excluded from the meeting.
According to sources at the summit, it was unclear who had issued the instruction for Faki to leave. “There was no justification,” one source added.
Recognizing the diplomatic misstep, summit organisers quickly sent a message to reinvite Faki to rejoin the closed-door session. However, by the time the invitation arrived, the damage had already been done.
“Nobody knows who gave that instruction and why it was reversed. But by then, Faki refused to return,” the source said.
A growing rift
Faki had been invited to the summit in his capacity as the AUC Chair and guarantor of both the Luanda Process and Nairobi Process, key peace initiatives in eastern DRC.
He had already participated in the opening ceremony and joined the regional leaders for the traditional family photo. The African Union plays a central role in peace efforts within the EAC and SADC regions, especially regarding the ongoing crisis in eastern DR Congo.
The incident raised concerns about the growing diplomatic rift and fragmented approaches between the African Union and regional organizations.
This confusion about Faki’s participation signals potential challenges in coordinating peace efforts for DR Congo.
Ruto dismisses military solutions as ineffective, urges a diplomatic approach that addresses the root causes of the crisis.
President William Ruto has called for an immediate ceasefire and urgent diplomatic intervention to address the escalating crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Speaking at the joint summit of East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) heads of state in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Ruto urged all parties involved to embrace dialogue and take collective action to restore stability.
“The recent escalation of hostilities in Goma and the surrounding areas is a stark reminder of the increasing fragility the situation presents and that only urgent collective action to facilitate a negotiated solution will offer relief,” said Ruto.
He urged all warring parties, including the M23 rebels and the Congolese armed forces, to cease hostilities immediately.
“We stand together to call on all parties to actualize the ceasefire; and specifically, on the M23 to halt further advancement and the armed forces of the DRC, to cease all retaliatory measures,” Ruto stated.
“The security of the DRC is essential not only to the stability of the country but also to the prosperity and cohesion of the entire EAC and SADC. We call upon all parties to prioritize dialogue, cooperation, and, above all, the protection of civilian lives,” he added.
Ruto, who is also the co-chair of the summit, dismissed military solutions as ineffective and urged a diplomatic approach that addresses the root causes of the crisis.
“We must resist the temptation to think we can shoot or bombard our way into a solution. Only a comprehensive diplomatic approach will establish lasting peace,” he stated.
Ruto further called for the consolidation of the of the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes into a single regional framework to minimizes the risk of parallel efforts that may undermine peace efforts.
President Ruto and his Zimbabwean counterpart Emmerson Mnangagwa are co-chairing the ongoing summit, with DRC President Félix Tshisekedi participating virtually.
US President Donald Trump has signed an executive order freezing financial aid to South Africa, after threatening to do so earlier this week.
Trump said he was bringing in the order because of South Africa’s new land law, which he says is violating people’s rights, and also because of its international court case accusing Israel of genocide.
It escalates a dispute between the two countries nearly a week after Trump threatened to cut funding without citing evidence, that “South Africa is confiscating land” and “certain classes of people” were being treated “very badly”.
Trump’s close adviser Elon Musk, who was born in South Africa, also joined in the criticism asking on X why Ramaphosa had “openly racist ownership laws”.
President Cyril Ramaphosa has not yet commented but previously defended South Africa’s land policy after Trump’s threat on Sunday.
He said the government had not confiscated any land and the policy was aimed at ensuring equitable public access to land.
Land ownership has long been a contentious issue in South Africa with most private farmland owned by white people, 30 years after the end of the racist system of apartheid.
There have been continuous calls for the government to address land reform and deal with the past injustices of racial segregation.
South Africa’s new law allows for expropriation without compensation only in circumstances where it is “just and equitable and in the public interest” to do so.
This includes if the property is not being used and there is no intention to either develop or make money from it, or when it poses a risk to people.
The order said the US “cannot support the government of South Africa’s commission of rights violations in its country”, and as long as it “continues these unjust and immoral practices” then the US will not provide aid or assistance.
The White House said Washington will also formulate a plan to resettle South African farmers and their families as refugees.
It said US officials will take steps to prioritise humanitarian relief, including admission and resettlement through the United States Refugee Admissions Program for Afrikaners in South Africa, who are mostly white descendants of early Dutch and French settlers.
The executive order also references South Africa’s role in bringing accusations of genocide against Israel before the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
The order said: “In addition, South Africa has taken aggressive positions towards the United States and its allies, including accusing Israel, not Hamas, of genocide in the ICJ, and reinvigorating its relations with Iran to develop commercial, military, and nuclear arrangements.”
On Sunday, Trump wrote on his social media platform Truth Social: “I will be cutting off all future funding to South Africa until a full investigation of this situation has been completed!”
He later said, in a briefing with journalists, that South Africa’s “leadership is doing some terrible things, horrible things”.
“So that’s under investigation right now. We’ll make a determination, and until such time as we find out what South Africa is doing – they’re taking away land and confiscating land, and actually they’re doing things that are perhaps far worse than that.”
But, on Monday, Ramaphosa moved to defuse the row with Trump’s new US administration over the new land law by speaking to Musk on the phone.
Ramaphosa’s office said, in that call to Musk the president “reiterated South Africa’s constitutionally embedded values of the respect for the rule of law, justice, fairness and equality”.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio will not attend an upcoming G20 meeting in South Africa, the top U.S. diplomat said on Wednesday, days after President Donald Trump threatened to cut off funding to the African country.
South Africa will host a meeting of foreign ministers of the G20 group of countries from February 20-21 in Johannesburg. South Africa has the G20 presidency from December 2024 to November 2025.
WHY IT’S IMPORTANT
Trump said on Sunday, without citing evidence, that “South Africa is confiscating land” and “certain classes of people” were being treated “very badly”. He said he would cut funding until the matter was investigated.
President Cyril Ramaphosa defended South Africa’s land policy after Trump’s threat, saying the government had not confiscated any land and the policy was aimed at ensuring equitable public access to land.
KEY QUOTES
“South Africa is doing very bad things. Expropriating private property. Using G20 to promote solidarity, equality, & sustainability. In other words: DEI and climate change,” Rubio said in his post on X, without giving details.
CONTEXT
Trump has complained about South Africa’s land policy. South African-born billionaire Elon Musk, who is close to Trump, also accused South Africa, without evidence, of having “openly racist ownership laws”, suggesting white people were the victims.
The question of land ownership is highly politically charged in South Africa due to the legacy of the colonial and apartheid eras when Black people were dispossessed of their lands and denied property rights.
White landowners still possess three quarters of South Africa’s freehold farmland. This contrasts with 4% owned by Black people, who make up 80% of the population compared with about 8% for whites, according to the latest 2017 land audit.
Partly in an effort to redress this imbalance, Ramaphosa signed a law last month allowing the state to expropriate land “in the public interest”.
The Trump administration has attempted to dismantle diversity, equity and inclusion programs across the U.S. government. Rights groups say DEI programs help deal with inequities faced by marginalized groups. Trump calls DEI anti-merit.
