Tensions have escalated after a provocative headline in Kenya’s The Standard newspaper. In response, the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU) has threatened to organise a demonstration outside the Kenyan High Commission in Kampala.
The planned protest, scheduled for next Wednesday, comes in response to an article titled “Four-star brat,” which sharply criticized General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the son of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and a towering figure in the country’s military and political spheres.
The controversial headline.
The PLU, a vocal group of supporters rallying behind Gen. Kainerugaba, has condemned the Kenyan publication as an affront to their leader, who serves as the organization’s chairman.
PLU Secretary-General Daudi Kabanda minced no words in his reaction, accusing The Standard of crossing a line with its “insulting” portrayal.
“PLU is going to hold an energetic demonstration at the Kenyan High Commission next week on Wednesday,” Kabanda declared in a statement.
“They burnt our High Commission last year and we did not respond. Now, one of their newspapers has insulted our PLU Chairman. We will respond with full force!”
The Standard article in question took aim at Gen. Kainerugaba’s growing influence in Uganda, spotlighting his controversial social media activity, which it argued has previously stoked regional tensions.
Describing his behavior as “diplomatic missteps,” the piece painted a critical picture of the general, who commands significant loyalty among his supporters, including the PLU.
This is not the first time Kainerugaba has faced scrutiny; just weeks ago, the group staged a protest in Kampala against Ugandan lawmakers who criticized him for dodging a parliamentary summons over similar social media remarks.
On X, Gen. Kainerugaba himself has not directly addressed the article as of this writing, but his past posts offer insight into his defiance.
However he has posted cryptic statements carefully balanced not to escalate the situation.
He has also called for the arrest of The Standard journalists behind the story.
Following The Standard piece, Ugandan voices on X amplified the PLU’s outrage. Balaam Ateenyi, a prominent PLU member, posted, “The Standard newspaper’s publication of fake news has shown blatant disrespect towards our supreme leader, @mkainerugaba. We demand accountability… unless they’re willing to rectify their actions.” Others called for drastic measures, including a ban on the newspaper in Uganda.
The reaction has not been unanimous, however. Some Ugandans on X expressed skepticism about escalating the situation. One user, @UgCitizen256, wrote, “This is just a newspaper article. Why are we threatening embassies over words? Let’s focus on real issues.” Meanwhile, in Kenya, defenders of press freedom have pushed back. A Nairobi-based journalist, @KenyaVoiceKE, posted, “The Standard has every right to critique public figures. This is journalism, not an attack on Uganda. PLU should respect free speech.”
The brewing conflict revives memories of past friction between the two East African neighbors.
Kabanda’s reference to the burning of Uganda’s High Commission in Nairobi last year—a still-sensitive incident—underscores the potential for this dispute to spiral.
This latest episode follows a pattern of PLU mobilizing in defense of Kainerugaba, whose political ascent has stirred both admiration and controversy. His refusal to answer to Uganda’s Parliament last month sparked a similar outcry, with supporters marching to protest what they called “targeted political maneuvering” against him. Now, with the Kenyan High Commission in their sights, the PLU appears determined to send a message across borders.
Two bombs exploded on Thursday at an M23 rebel rally in Bukavu, the city captured by the armed groups in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, killing at least 11 people and injuring 65.
The blasts at Independence Square in Bukavu occurred shortly after Corneille Nangaa, the coordinator of the Alliance Fleuve, a rebel alliance that includes M23 rebels, spoke to the audience, according to Bertrand Bisimwa, the head of M23’s political wing.
“The attack in Bukavu killed 11 people, including a woman,” Corneille Nangaa, the coordinator of the Alliance Fleuve rebel alliance, told reporters in Bukavu, adding that “65 people were injured, with six in critical condition.”
Nangaa said he and the “other leaders” escaped unharmed.
Congo President Felix Tshisekedi, in a statement issued by his office, condemned the attack as a “heinous terrorist act” and blamed it on “a foreign army illegally present on Congolese soil,” referring to the Rwandan army.
Tshisekedi said he is saddened to learn of the deaths of several compatriots as a result of explosions during a forced rally in Bukavu, South Kivu province’s capital, according to the statement.
However, the M23 blamed the explosions on government forces and expressed their “deep and sincere condolences to the population of Bukavu.”
The M23 group has increased its territorial control in eastern Congo since December, seizing the provincial capitals of Goma and Bukavu.
Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of backing the M23 rebels and sending forces to eastern Congo when the latest offensive began, which Kigali has repeatedly denied.
Fighting in eastern Congo has already led to the deaths of more than 7,000 people this year, Congo’s Prime Minister Judith Suminwa Tuluka told the UN Human Rights Council on Monday.
The second edition of Trace Awards and Festival which took place in Zanzibar, from February 24-26, with a celebration of Africa’s leading artists and the cultural narratives that inspire their craft.
Sauti Sol’s Bien was recognized as Best East African Artist.
The 2025 event featured 28 categories, honoring the continent’s most popular music genres and talents, with live broadcasts in over 200 countries in English, French, and Portuguese.
The awarding ceremony held on February 26, brought together the biggest stars in the industry to celebrate the incredible achievements of African artists, producers, and performers. Rwandan artists The Ben, Bruce Melodie and Element Eleeeh were present at the awarding ceremony.
The event, however, experienced setbacks before kickoff with strong winds which made it to be pushed to 8pm GMT for the ceremony and 6:30pm GMT for the red carpet.
The livestream also faced technical issues which left virtual viewers disappointed as all Trace broadcast channels couldn’t broadcast the awards live as earlier planned.
The winners
From Afrobeat to dancehall, Hip-Hop, Amapiano, and Bongo Flava, the awards spotlighted outstanding achievements across Africa’s diverse music scene.
Bruce Melodie joined Tanzania’s singer Harmonize on stage to perform ‘Zanzibar’, a song they released a year ago.
South African duo Titom & Yuppe took home the coveted Song of the Year Award for their smash Amapiano hit ‘Tshwala Bam’, beating Diamond Platnumz for his hit single Komasawa, Burna Boy’s Higher, Rema and Shallipopi’s Benin Boys, Tems’ Love Me Jeje, and Coup du Marteau by Team Paiya and Tamsir, Tyla’s Jump, Mnike by Tyler ICU and Active by Asake and Travis Scott.
Nigerian superstar Rema continued his meteoric rise, winning Album of the Year for Heis, a project that seamlessly blends Afrobeats with international sounds, further cementing his place as one of Africa’s most dynamic artists. He also took home the Best Male Artist award.
Diamond Platnumz continued his global domination, winning Best Global African Artist, while Ivorian rapper Didi Bi stood out in the Best Hip Hop Artist category with his sharp flow and undeniable talent.
Chelsea Dinorath of Angola stood out as Best Portuguese-Speaking Artist for her undeniable talent. Representing Tanzania, Nandy was honoured as Best Tanzanian Artist for her remarkable contributions to the industry.
Regional winners included Ivorian singer Josey, who was crowned Best French-Speaking Artist, and Nigerian sensation Ayra Starr, who continues to dominate West Africa with her powerful voice and hit songs. In Southern Africa, Tyler ICU secured the award, affirming his place as a key player in the region’s music scene.
South Africa’s Tyla was named Best Female Artist, a well-deserved recognition for her originality and unique style that won hearts and ears of listeners worldwide.
Over the past four years, Afro-centric music has surged to global prominence, with genres like Afrobeats, amapiano, dancehall, Afropop, zouk, kizomba, genge, coupé décalé, bongo flava, gospel, hip-hop, kompa, R&B, and rumba dominating charts worldwide.
The Trace Awards and Festival aim to elevate Afro-urban music to even greater heights, seamlessly blending music promotion with collaborations in the Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions (MICE) sector to boost tourism in host destinations.
Star-studded Performances
The awarding ceremony featured a line-up of performers from across the continent and its diaspora, including Nigerian artists Rema and Yemi Alade, Tanzanian musicians Diamond Platnumz, alikiba, Zuch, Marioo, and Nandy, as well as Congolese sensations Fally Ipupa, Innoss’ B, and Gaz Mawete. South African amapiano duo Titom & Yuppe, Kenyan artist Bien, and Senegal’s Wally Seck also took the stage.
Other performers included Ivory Coast’s Did N, Josey, Tasmir, KS Bloom, Team Paiya, and HIMRA, along with King Promise, Qing Madi, and producer P Priime from Nigeria.
Tanzania, as the host country, was strongly represented, with multiple homegrown artists’ performances.
It was the late 19th century and European nations were beginning to look at the African continent as a more permanent resource base for their newly growing industrial sectors.
More than the ongoing trade between the two continents that had run for decades, though, the Europeans wanted direct control of Africa’s natural resources. In addition, these countries aimed to “develop and civilise Africa”, according to documents from that period.
Thus began the mad “Scramble for Africa”, as it would later be called. Great Britain, Portugal, France, Germany, and King Leopold II of Belgium began sending scouts to secure trade and sovereignty treaties with local leaders, buying or simply staking flags and laying claim to vast expanses of territory crisscrossing the continent rich with resources from palm oil to rubber.
Squabbles soon erupted in Europe over who “owned” what. The French, for example, clashed with Britain over several West African territories, and again with King Leopold over Central African regions.
To avoid an all-out conflict between the rival European nations, all stakeholders agreed to a meeting in Berlin, Germany in 1884-1885 to set out common terms and manage the colonisation process.
No African nations were invited or represented.
(Al Jazeera)
What was the Berlin Conference about?
In November 1884, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck took up the task of calling for and hosting the conference in Berlin at the Reich Chancellery, his official residence on 77 William Street.
For months leading up to that, French officials, in missives to Bismarck, had raised worries about Britain’s gains, especially its control of Egypt and the Suez Canal transport route. Germany, too, was worried about conflicting areas with the British, such as Cameroon.
The Bismarck-led talks lasted from November 15, 1884 until February 26, 1885. On the agenda was the clear mapping and agreement of who owned which area. Regions of tax-free commerce and free navigation, particularly in the Congo and Niger River basins, were also to be clarified.
Who attended?
Ambassadors and diplomats from 14 countries were present at the meeting.
Four of them – France, Germany, Britain, and Portugal – already controlled the most African territory and were thus the chief stakeholders.
Belgium’s King Leopold also sent emissaries to secure recognition of the “International Congo Society”, an association formed to establish his personal control of the Congo Basin.
No African leader was present. A request by the Sultan of Zanzibar to attend was dismissed.
Aside from those were nine other countries, most of whom would end up leaving the conference with no territory at all. They were:
Austria-Hungary
Denmark
Russia
Italy
Sweden-Norway
Spain
Netherlands
Ottoman Empire (Turkey)
United States of America (US)
What was the outcome?
Over three months of haggling, European leaders signed and ratified a General Act of 38 clauses that legalised and sealed the partition of Africa. The US ended up not signing the treaty because domestic politics at the time began to take an anti-imperialist turn.
The colonising nations drew up a ragged patchwork of new African colonies, superimposed on existing “native” nations. However, many of the actual borders recognised today would be finalised at bilateral events after the conference, and following World War I (1914-1918) when the Ottoman and German Empires fell and lost their territories.
In addition, the General Act internationalised free trade on the Congo and Niger River basins. It also recognised King Leopold’s International Congo Society which was controversial because some questioned its private property status. However, Leopold claimed he was carrying out humanitarian work. Areas that ended up under Leopold, known as the Congo Free State, would suffer some of the worst brutalities of colonisation, with hundreds of thousands worked to death on rubber plantations, or punished with limb amputations.
Finally, the Act bound all parties to protect the “native tribes … their moral and material wellbeing”, as well as further suppress the Slave Trade which was officially abolished in 1807/1808, but which was still ongoing illegally. It also stated that merely staking flags on newly acquired territory would not be grounds for ownership, but that “effective occupation” meant successfully establishing administrative colonies in the regions.
November 9, 1895: Colonial administrator Major Lothaire listening to a dispute in the Congo Free State [Hulton Archive/Getty Images]Who ‘got’ which territories?
Western “ownership” of African territories was not finalised at the conference, but after several bilateral events that followed. Liberia was the only country not partitioned because it had gained independence from the US. Ethiopia was briefly invaded by Italy, but resisted colonisation for the most part. After the German and Ottoman empires fell following World War I, a map closer to what we now know as Africa would emerge.
This list illustrates which colonial rulers claimed the continent in the early 20th Century:
France: French West Africa (Senegal), French Sudan (Mali), Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), Mauritania, Federation of French Equatorial Africa (Gabon, Republic of the Congo, Chad, Central African Republic), French East Africa (Djibouti), French Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Dahomey (Benin), Niger, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Libya
Britain: Cape Colony (South Africa), Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Bechuanaland Protectorate (Botswana), British East Africa (Kenya), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Nyasaland (Malawi), Royal Niger Company Territories (Nigeria), Gold Coast (Ghana), Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (Sudan), Egypt, British Somaliland (Somaliland)
Portugal: Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique), Angola, Portuguese Guinea (Guinea-Bissau), Cape Verde
Germany: German Southwest Africa (Namibia), German East Africa (Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi), German Kamerun (Cameroon), Togoland (Togo)
Belgium: Congo Free State (Democratic Republic of the Congo)
Italy: Italian Somaliland (Somalia), Eritrea
Spain: Equatorial Guinea (Rio Muni)
What did the conference change?
Historians point out that unlike what is widely believed, the Berlin Conference did not kick-start the colonisation process; instead, it accelerated it.
While only about 20 percent of Africa – mainly the coastal parts of the continent – had already been staked by European powers before the conference, by 1890, five years after it, about 90 percent of African territory was colonised, including inland nations.
Colonialists were believed to have largely disregarded previous alignments and grouped peoples of different cultures and languages together, even groups that were never friendly towards each other.
But there are also those, like researcher Jack Paine, who say the conference itself was of little consequence: That some African countries were already mapped out in earlier expeditions, and that many of the borders we recognise now would not be formalised until much later.
“The Conference itself established little in the way of making states, with the lone exception of creating today’s Democratic Republic of the Congo,” Paine, a political studies lecturer at Emory University told Al Jazeera, referring to the then Congo Free State.
“The reason the conference convened in the first place was because Europeans had already initiated a ‘scramble’ for African territory,” he added. “It is difficult to give much credence to the standard idea that the Berlin Conference was a seminal event in the European partition of Africa.”
Tom Mboya, Kenya nationalist leader and member of the legislative council, is cheered by supporters at Nairobi Airport, February 27, 1960, on his return from a London conference where he won concessions from the British to give Africans a greater voice in their government – part of the surging tide of nationalism in Africa [AP Photo]
Paine, and many other political scientists, however, agree that colonisation determined the future of the continent in ways that continue to have profound geo-political effects on today’s Africa.
Resources were looted; culture and resistance subjugated.
Even after African leaders successfully fought for independence and most countries became liberated between the 1950s and 1970s, building free nations was difficult due to the damage of colonisation, researchers say.
Because of colonialism, Africa “had acquired a legacy of political fragmentation that could neither be eliminated nor made to operate satisfactorily”, researchers Jan Nijman, Peter Muller and Harm de Blij wrote in their 1997 book Realms, Regions, and Concepts.
Following independence, civil wars broke out across the continent, and in many instances, caused armies to take power, for example in Nigeria and Ghana. Political theorists link that to the fact that most groups were forced to work together for the first time, causing conflict.
Meanwhile, military governments would continue to rule many countries for years, stunting political and economic development in ways that are still obvious today, scholars say. Former colonies such as Mali and Burkina Faso, both led by the military, have now turned against France because of perceived political interference they say is an example of neo-colonialism.
In a famous quote, Julius Nyerere, the former Tanzanian president, articulated what researchers agree is the current state of Africa: “We have artificial ‘nations’ carved out at the Berlin Conference in 1884, and today we are struggling to build these nations into stable units of human society … We are in danger of becoming the most Balkanised continent of the world.”
A Joint Summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) reported significant progress in efforts to restore peace and security in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
M23 rebels have taken control of the region following clashes the DRC troops.
The summit, co-chaired by Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, President of Zimbabwe and SADC Chairperson, and William Samoei Ruto, President of Kenya and EAC Chairperson, was held in Dar es Salaam on February 8, 2025.
The meeting was critical in addressing the escalating security challenges in the eastern DRC, and the participants discussed their recent progress toward a solution.
During the summit, the two leaders, along with other SADC and EAC heads of state, agreed to appoint three distinguished facilitators to lead the peace process.
The newly appointed facilitators are former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, and former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe.
These appointments will bring together the previously separate Luanda and Nairobi peace processes, demonstrating a concerted effort to promote stability in the volatile eastern DRC region.
Preparatory meetings between the EAC Chiefs of Defence Forces (CDFs) were held in Nairobi on February 21, 2025, in accordance with Joint Summit directives.
Similarly, SADC CDFs met in Dar es Salaam to discuss regional security concerns.
These meetings followed extensive discussions by the EAC Defense Experts Working Group, which met for two days prior to the CDF meeting.
The discussions were guided by a series of critical directives aimed at improving the security and humanitarian situation in the eastern DRC, such as an immediate ceasefire, humanitarian aid, the reopening of key supply routes, and a focus on securing Goma and its surroundings.
A joint meeting of the EAC and SADC Chiefs of Defense Forces was scheduled for February 24, 2025, in Dar es Salaam.
This meeting will precede a Joint Ministerial Meeting slated for February 28, 2025, where further actions regarding the ceasefire and security measures will be addressed.
The meetings will play a crucial role in implementing the key directives from the summit, and the peace process is expected to gain additional momentum as discussions on the ceasefire details continue.
In light of the developments, all parties involved, including the M23 and other armed groups, are urged to follow the cease-fire agreement announced at the EAC-SADC Summit.
The ongoing fighting in the area has left many dead and others displaced.
The Managing Director of UAP Insurance Company, Mr. Japheth Omare Omwero, a Kenyan national, was arrested in South Sudan yesterday, February 22, 2025, for failing to comply with court summons and skipping a scheduled hearing.
The arrest follows a warrant issued by Presiding Judge Francis Amum, who charged Mr. Omwero with contempt of court after he neither appeared for a hearing on February 21 nor provided any explanation for his absence.
Mr. Omwero’s arrest stems from an ongoing legal battle between UAP Insurance and its national staff, which has drawn significant attention in recent months. He is expected to appear in court at the next session, though a specific date has yet to be announced.
The case traces back to October 2024, when UAP Insurance dismissed at least ten South Sudanese employees who had demanded better pay and equitable treatment.
The decision sparked outrage among the workforce and contradicted a directive from South Sudan’s Ministry of Labor, which had ordered the reinstatement of the sacked staff.
The National Staff Association (UNSA) responded by filing a lawsuit against the insurance firm, accusing it of unfair labor practices.
Tensions between UAP management and its national employees have been simmering for some time, driven by allegations of discriminatory wage gaps between local staff and foreign expatriates.
Last year, approximately 70 national employees staged a sit-in strike, briefly shutting down UAP operations. While some workers eventually resumed their duties, the underlying grievances remained unresolved.
In a letter dated September 29, 2023, Luka Nyarsuk Nason, Chairman of the Labor Advisory Council, urged UAP management to suspend all punitive measures against its staff.
The Ministry of Labor later intervened, issuing a verdict in October 2024 that upheld the employees’ claims. Mary Hillary Wani, Undersecretary in the Ministry of Labor, explicitly directed UAP to reinstate the ten dismissed workers, a ruling the company appears to have ignored.
Mr. Omwero’s arrest marks a significant escalation in the dispute, raising questions about UAP’s compliance with South Sudanese labor laws and its treatment of national staff.
Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces signed a charter with allied political and armed groups late on Saturday to establish a “government of peace and unity”, signatories al-Hadi Idris and Ibrahim al-Mirghani told Reuters.
Among the signatories to the charter is Abdelaziz al-Hilu, a powerful rebel leader who controls vast swathes of territory and troops in South Kordofan state, and who has long demanded that Sudan embrace secularism.
Such a government, which has already drawn concern from the United Nations, is not expected to receive widespread recognition, but is a further sign of the splintering of the country during a civil war that has lasted almost two years.
The RSF has seized most of the western Darfur region and parts of the Kordofan region in the war, but is being pushed back from central Sudan by the Sudanese army, which has condemned the formation of a parallel government.
Idris, a former official and head of an armed group, said the government’s formation will be announced from inside the country in the coming days.
According to the text of the charter, the signatories agreed that Sudan should be a “secular, democratic, non-centralised state” with a single national army, though it preserved the right of armed groups to continue to exist.
The charter said the government did not exist to split the country, but rather to unify it and to end the war, tasks it said the army-aligned government operating out of Port Sudan had failed to do.
General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, head of the paramilitary RSF, which has been accused of widespread abuses including genocide, was hit with sanctions by the U.S. earlier this year.
Dagalo had previously shared power with the army and civilian politicians as part of an agreement following the ouster of Omar al-Bashir in 2019. The two forces ousted the civilian politicians in a 2021 coup before war erupted between them over the integration of their troops during a transition to democracy.
The conflict has devastated the country, creating an “unprecedented” humanitarian crisis and driving half the population into hunger, with famine in multiple areas.
The signing took place in a closed event, in contrast to a flashier kick-off earlier this week in Nairobi.
Both events were hosted in Kenya, drawing condemnation from Sudan and domestic criticism of Kenyan President William Ruto for plunging the country into a diplomatic melee.
The Sudanese government has accused the United Arab Emirates of backing the RSF militarily and financially, charges U.N. experts and U.S. lawmakers say are credible. The UAE denies the accusation.
Sudan earlier this week passed changes to the country’s constitutional document, giving the army expanded powers. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan says the army would be announcing its “war cabinet” soon.
In the unrelenting saga of Uganda’s political titans, Yoweri Museveni and Kizza Besigye, a quieter, more personal wound festers beneath the surface—one that refuses to heal.
For decades, their rivalry has shaped the nation’s narrative, but woven into this public battle is a private story of love, betrayal, and heartbreak involving Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s wife and a figure tied to Museveni in ways that still stir raw emotions.
The echoes of this tangled past reverberated recently when Byanyima, in a candid radio interview in Uganda, addressed long-standing rumors of her relationship with Museveni.
She dismissed the notion that it played a role in her husband’s unending political struggles, framing it instead as a relic of history distorted by time and malice.
“What happened decades ago has no bearing on Kizza’s tribulations today,” she insisted, her voice steady but carrying the weight of years spent navigating this shadow.
Muhoozi
Yet, her words did little to quiet the storm brewing in the Museveni family—particularly from an unexpected source: the president’s son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba.
Muhoozi, the brash and unpredictable commander of Uganda’s armed forces, wasted no time firing back. In a series of incendiary posts on X, he unleashed a torrent of venom that laid bare a deep, unresolved pain.
“There was NOTHING normal about your relationship with my father,” he wrote, his words dripping with accusation. “You found a happy home and tried to wreck it. You’re a DISASTER of a woman!!”
He went further, painting a dramatic scene of December 1986, claiming Museveni forcibly expelled Byanyima from their home—“dragged you to the car while you were crying and sent you to your parents.”
The outburst didn’t stop there. Muhoozi, who has long harbored a visceral hatred for Besigye, dangled a threat: “I may bring Besigye back to General Court Martial. It depends on how Besigye behaves? Especially his extremely STUPID ex-wife Winnie. If she even utters the names of my father or mother, Besigye will be back in court.”
Byanyima, for her part, didn’t flinch. In the same radio interview, she suggested Muhoozi’s erratic behavior—his calls for Besigye’s execution included—might stem from a deeper issue, perhaps one requiring medical attention.
Winnie Byanyima has cautioned Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba against making further remarks about her past relationship with President Yoweri Museveni, who is Kainerugaba’s father.
“He needs help,” she said pointedly, a subtle jab at the general’s well-documented penchant for inflammatory rants. Muhoozi’s X tirades have become infamous, targeting everyone from foreign nations (he once threatened to invade Nairobi) to individuals who cross his path.
Fueled by a love for the bottle and an apparent disdain for restraint, his outbursts have sparked diplomatic headaches, prompted apologies from his father, and even led to temporary bans from the platform.
Yet, like a figure wielding unchecked power, he persists—Uganda’s little big man, as some have dubbed him.
This latest clash peels back layers of a feud that transcends politics, revealing a saga steeped in personal grievance.
Byanyima and Museveni’s relationship, whatever its nature, dates back to their shared revolutionary days in the 1980s, before Museveni’s ascent to power and long before Byanyima married Besigye, his fiercest rival. While the details remain murky—shrouded in rumor and conflicting accounts—the fallout is undeniable.
For Muhoozi, it’s a wound that festers, a betrayal he attributes to Byanyima’s presence in his father’s life.
For Museveni, it’s a chapter he rarely acknowledges, though his son’s rage suggests the president hasn’t fully escaped its ghosts.
And for Besigye, whose defiance has landed him in jail, exile, and now the crosshairs of Muhoozi’s threats, it’s a complication that may fuel the persecution he’s endured for decades.
Besigye and Byanyima in the past during happy times.
Winnie Byanyima, now a prominent figure in her own right as the executive director of UNAIDS and a globally recognized advocate for social justice, has long moved beyond the drama of her youth.
Yet, her every word about that era seems to reignite a fire that neither time nor distance can extinguish. In her telling, it’s a footnote; in Muhoozi’s, it’s an origin story for his family’s pain.
Somewhere in between lies the truth—a heartbreak that binds these three lives together, threading through Uganda’s turbulent history.
As Besigye faces yet another chapter of trials and tribulations, the question lingers: How much of his struggle is political, and how much is personal? With Muhoozi at the helm of the military—a figure whose growing political influence and rumored ambitions to succeed his father add weight to his threats—the line between the two blurs.
What’s clear is that the wounds of yesterday—of love lost, loyalties broken, and a home once torn apart—continue to shape the battles of today.
For Museveni, Besigye, and the woman caught between them, the heartbreak of Winnie remains an open scar—one that no amount of power, time, or defiance can heal.
President William Ruto on Friday, February 21 had a telephone conversation with U.S Secretary of State Marco Rubio on the current crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
In their conversation, the two leaders agreed that there was no military solution to the conflict in eastern DRC, calling for an immediate ceasefire.
“Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke with Kenyan President William Ruto to discuss the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the unacceptable capture of Goma and Bukavu by the Rwanda-backed M23 armed group,” the State Department said.
“Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to push for a diplomatic resolution to the crisis.”
“We emphasised the crucial role of the EAC-SADC joint-led process in de-escalating tensions and advancing peace efforts. This includes the appointment of facilitators, the implementation of the ceasefire, and the broader political process towards a lasting resolution,” President Ruto said.
Additionally, the two discussed the situation in the Republic of the Sudan and Kenya’s crucial role in providing a platform for key stakeholders – including political parties, civil society, and other actors – to engage in a process aimed at stopping the tragic slide of Sudan into anarchy and ensuring a pathway towards sustainable peace.
UN Security Council warns Rwanda
The phone call between the two leaders came on the same day the United Nations (UN) Security Council passed a resolution over the escalating conflict in eastern DRC.
The UN Security Council, for the first time, called on Rwanda Defence Forces to stop supporting M23 rebels in eastern DR Congo. This, despite the fact that Rwanda denies supporting M23.
The critical UN body adopted the resolution that strongly condemned the ongoing offensive and advance of M23 rebels in the region, calling on Rwanda to immediately withdraw from Congolese territory “without preconditions”.
The Council reiterated its urgent appeal for all parties to conclude an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, as called for by leaders from East and Southern Africa.
They Council also strongly urged the DRC and Rwanda “to return without preconditions to diplomatic talks as a matter of urgency to achieve a lasting and peaceful resolution of the protracted conflict in the region.”
“This delivers a clear message: there is no military solution to the conflict in the east of the DRC,” Ambassador Nicolas de Rivière, the Permanent Representative of France to the UN in New York, who submitted the resolution, said. “The offensive carried out by the M23 supported by Rwanda must be put to an end.”
In a scathing open letter addressed to Kenyan President William Ruto, Sudan’s Vice President and Vice Chair of the Sovereign Council, General Malik Agar Eyre, has accused Kenya of flagrant interference in Sudan’s internal affairs, warning of potential consequences if such actions persist.
The letter, issued on February 21, 2025, highlights a series of alleged violations by Ruto of African Union (AU) principles, which Agar claims threaten Sudan’s sovereignty and regional stability.
Agar’s grievances center on what he describes as a pattern of deliberate meddling by Ruto, beginning with a meeting of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) heads of state in Djibouti from June 10-14, 2023.
During this summit, Ruto proposed a roadmap that included provisions for military intervention in Sudan (Articles 4-8), a move Agar asserts was neither ratified by the Sudanese government nor approved by the IGAD assembly.
Following the session, Ruto unilaterally announced a four-country mechanism—comprising South Sudan, Djibouti, Uganda, and Kenya, with himself as chairman—further sidelining Sudan’s input and drawing ire from Khartoum.
The Sudanese vice president also pointed to an extraordinary IGAD meeting on September 18, 2024, held in Uganda to discuss Somalia.
Agar alleges that Ruto exploited this platform to insert Sudanese matters into the agenda, proposing that the leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)—a paramilitary group sanctioned by the United Nations for its role in Sudan’s ongoing conflict—represent Sudan.
This, Agar argues, constitutes a “clear violation” of AU and UN principles barring non-state actors from participating in state-level meetings, undermining Sudan’s legitimate government.
Tensions escalated further on February 18, 2025, when Ruto permitted members and supporters of the RSF, alongside other Sudanese factions, to convene in Nairobi.
According to Agar, the gathering aimed to establish a parallel government in Sudan—an act he deems a direct affront to the AU’s commitment to Sudan’s territorial integrity, reaffirmed just days earlier on February 14, 2025.
“This act not only contravenes AU principles but also erodes Kenya’s standing as a peacemaker,” Agar wrote, accusing Ruto of prioritizing foreign interference over addressing Kenya’s own pressing domestic challenges, such as youth unemployment and poverty.
“It is essential to remind President William Ruto that his own country-Kenya, to whom he owes a duty of care, faces numerous internal challenges, including youth unemployment, poverty, and demands for transparency-issues that require his utmost attention.
How can he claim to mediate Sudanese affairs when he has never experienced the scale of violence currently unfolding in Sudan?” He posed.
The RSF, implicated in widespread human rights abuses during Sudan’s civil war, has been a particularly contentious point.
Agar questioned the moral and legal justification of Kenya’s apparent backing of the group, asking, “What precedent does this set for the AU, international law, and the principles of sovereignty?” Sudan’s conflict, which erupted in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the RSF, has claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions, drawing international concern but little consensus on resolution.
Agar emphasized that Sudan’s “patriotic people” are capable of resolving their own challenges, rejecting the notion of a parallel government as a distraction from the urgent need to halt the fighting.
He accused Ruto of pursuing an “alarming trend of external interference” that risks fragmenting Sudan, a practice explicitly prohibited by the AU Charter and condemned by its Peace and Security Council.
The VP has called the upholding of the AU’s principles of sovereign equality and the resolution of African problems “in-house,” free from foreign aggravation.
Agar hinted at potential escalation, noting Sudan’s right to seek “justice and proportionate accountability” through the AU if Kenya’s actions persist unchecked.
Analysts suggest that this public rebuke could strain Kenya-Sudan relations, already fragile amid the broader regional dynamics of the Horn of Africa.
Kenya has positioned itself as a mediator in regional conflicts, hosting peace talks for Sudan in the past, but Agar’s accusations may cast doubt on its neutrality. With the AU set to address Sudan’s crisis in upcoming sessions, Ruto’s next moves will likely face intense scrutiny.
The Kenyan government has issued a security advisory to its citizens residing in or traveling to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), urging them to exercise extreme caution amid escalating conflict in the region.
The advisory was released by the Office of the Prime Cabinet Secretary and the Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs.
The advisory follows concerns raised after attacks on the Kenyan Embassy in Kinshasa on January 28, 2025, by a riotous mob protesting the ongoing violence in Eastern DRC.
The Kenyan government has expressed deep worry over the intensifying conflict between security forces and the M23 militant group, which initially began in the eastern part of the DRC near the Rwandan border and has since spread to other regions.
Given the deteriorating security situation, Kenyan authorities have advised their nationals in the DRC to take all necessary precautions and, where feasible, consider evacuation, particularly from volatile areas.
The Kenyan government is also considering facilitating the evacuation of its citizens, instructing them to seek assistance from the consulate in Goma and the temporary offices in Brazzaville, Congo.
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi during an interview at his Treasury house office in Nairobi on June 20,2023.EVANS HABIL
Furthermore, the Kenyan government continues to call for an immediate ceasefire in the DRC.
The advisory references the resolutions adopted by the Heads of State at the Joint East African Cooperation (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) High-Level meeting in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, urging all parties to the conflict to embrace peace.
This travel advisory underscores Kenya’s commitment to safeguarding its citizens abroad and playing an active role in regional peace efforts.
Kenyan citizens in the DRC are encouraged to stay updated on security developments and remain in close communication with diplomatic offices for assistance.
For further updates and emergency support, Kenyan citizens in DRC are advised to contact the consulate in Goma or the temporary offices in Brazzaville.
The Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs has recalled its Ambassador to Kenya, Kamal Jabara, for consultations, signaling a sharp deterioration in diplomatic relations between Sudan and Kenya.
The move comes as a protest against what Sudan describes as a “hostile act” by the Kenyan government, which recently issued a statement defending its decision to host meetings for the Rapid Support Militia (RSF), commonly known as the Janjaweed, and its allies in Nairobi.
In a strongly worded statement, the Sudanese Ministry condemned Kenya’s actions, accusing it of facilitating the activities of a “terrorist militia” bent on establishing a parallel government in Sudan.
The ministry rejected Kenya’s justification, which referenced its historical role in hosting the Machakos negotiations—an earlier peace process between the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. Unlike those talks, which were conducted with Sudan’s consent under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and international sponsorship, the current meetings in Nairobi involve a group Sudan views as a direct threat to its sovereignty.
Sudanese officials escalated their rhetoric, alleging that Kenya’s actions amount to a conspiracy to undermine Sudan’s legitimate government.
The ministry pointed to the timing of the Nairobi meetings, which coincided with the Qataina massacre—a brutal attack that claimed the lives of 433 civilians—as evidence of the militia’s destabilizing agenda.
It further accused Kenya of transforming Nairobi into a hub for the RSF’s political, financial, and logistical operations, with the Kenyan leadership offering overt support.
Notably, the ministry highlighted a previous instance in which Kenya’s government welcomed the militia’s leader with a presidential-level reception, a gesture that has fueled Sudan’s outrage.
Aim at Ruto
Khartoum also took aim at President William Ruto, accusing him of prioritizing personal and commercial interests—linked to the militia’s regional sponsors—over Kenya’s national interests and the broader goal of regional stability.
This, Sudan argues, represents a flagrant violation of international and regional conventions, including those aimed at preserving sovereignty and preventing interference in the affairs of other states.
Despite attempts to address the issue through diplomatic channels, Sudan claims Kenya has persisted in its support for the RSF, disregarding the historical ties between the two nations.
The recall of Ambassador Jabara goes to show Khartoum’s frustration and its determination to take a firm stand against what it perceives as a betrayal of regional solidarity.
The Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs has however praised countries that have rejected interference in Sudan’s internal affairs and welcomed a recent statement by the UN Secretary-General refusing to recognize any parallel government in Sudan.
The RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), has been involved in a power struggle with the Sudanese army since the country’s coup in 2021.
The conflict has resulted in significant violence and displacement, with both sides accused of committing war crimes.
The United States on Thursday said it was imposing sanctions on a Rwandan government minister and a senior member of an armed group for their alleged role in the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The Rwanda-backed M23 militant group has overrun eastern Congo’s two major cities in recent weeks, deepening a dire humanitarian crisis and sparking open talk of a coup against President Felix Tshisekedi’s government in Kinshasa.
“This aggression has undermined the territorial integrity of the DRC,” State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a statement, warning that Rwanda should end its support for M23 and return to Angola led negotiations.
“This violence risks escalating into a broader regional conflict,” Bruce added.
Lawrence Kanyuka, the spokesperson for M23.
The U.S. Treasury Department, announcing the financial sanctions, said Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Integration James Kabarebe, a retired general, was targeted for orchestrating Rwandan support for M23.
M23 itself has been under U.S. sanctions since 2013 for alleged violations of international law including targeting children, killing and maiming civilians and sexual violence.
“In addition, Kabarebe manages much of Rwanda and M23’s generation of revenue from the DRC’s mineral resources. He has coordinated the export of extracted minerals from mining sites in the DRC for eventual export from Rwanda,” the Treasury said.
Also targeted on Tuesday was Lawrence Kanyuka Kingston, an M23 and Congo River Alliance senior member and spokesperson, and two companies he controls in Britain and France, the Treasury said.
Rwanda rejects allegations from Congo, the United Nations, and Western powers that it supports M23 with arms and troops. It says it is defending itself against the threat from a Hutu militia, which it says is fighting with the Congolese military.
“Sanctions are unjustified, the international community should support not undermine ongoing regional efforts towards a political solution,” Rwanda’s government spokesperson Yolande Makolo told Reuters in a text message. “If sanctions could resolve conflict in eastern DRC, we would have had peace in the region decades ago.”
A United Arab Emirates (UAE)-based company, AIAL Group Ltd., is facing intense scrutiny following allegations that, as of January 2025, it has invested only about $54.99 million in South Sudanese infrastructure projects—yet its tangible contributions are limited to constructing a minor fence at Juba International Airport.
This revelation, brought to light by an anonymous whistleblower, raises serious doubts about the company’s commitment to its contractual obligations and the actual utilization of the substantial funds it claims to have allocated.
According to official documents obtained exclusively by Kenya Insights, AIAL Group pledged a total of $226.17 million for a series of ambitious development projects across South Sudan.
These include the construction of an airport and highways, the digitization of government services, the building of educational institutions, and the upgrading of security systems and automation for the Central Bank and National Legislative Assembly. The company positioned these initiatives as transformative for the region’s infrastructure and economy.
However, in a letter dated January 22, 2025, addressed to Ali Al Tamimi and signed by AIAL Group’s Executive Vice President Dr. Nurudin Mithani, the company acknowledged significant challenges hampering its operations in South Sudan. Dr. Mithani cited government-related obstacles, cash flow crises, and delays in project implementation, emphasizing the firm’s tireless efforts to conduct feasibility studies, site surveys, and negotiations. He sought feedback and recommendations to overcome these hurdles and fulfill the company’s commitments.
The whistleblower’s account, however, paints a starkly different picture.
Speaking on condition of anonymity due to fear of retaliation, the source provided the same documents and alleged that AIAL Group’s physical presence in South Sudan is minimal. “The company’s claims of substantial investments are grossly exaggerated,” the whistleblower stated. “The only visible project is a fence at Juba International Airport, which does not align with the millions they assert to have spent.”
This suggests that, despite the reported $54.99 million investment—approximately 24% of the total pledged funds—little to no progress has been made on the broader portfolio of projects.
A section of Juba International AirPort.
Industry experts expressed skepticism about the feasibility of AIAL Group’s reported investments, given South Sudan’s ongoing political instability and economic challenges. “Large-scale infrastructure projects in this region require not only funding but also stable partnerships and clear governmental support—both of which have been elusive,” said one analyst, who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.
Attempts to verify the whistleblower’s claims with AIAL Group and South Sudanese officials have been unsuccessful, with the company declining to comment and government spokespersons unavailable for response.
This discrepancy has sparked calls for an independent audit of AIAL Group’s operations in South Sudan. Critics argue that foreign investment, while potentially beneficial, must be transparent and deliver tangible results rather than unfulfilled promises.
As the investigation continues, the true extent of AIAL Group’s contributions—and the challenges it faces—remains uncertain, leaving stakeholders questioning the future of this ambitious venture in one of Africa’s most challenging economic landscapes.
Kenya has responded to threats issued by Sudan’s military junta, which warned of “unknown consequences” for allowing the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to hold a convention in Nairobi.
In a diplomatically nuanced statement issued on Wednesday, Kenya clarified its role in the Sudan peace talks, emphasizing its history of conflict mediation and reaffirming its commitment to providing a neutral platform for all parties involved.
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi stated that Kenya remains dedicated to collaborating with regional bodies, including the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), to support Sudanese-led efforts toward stability.
“Kenya has a long history of providing platforms for peace negotiations without taking sides,” said Mudavadi. “We strongly believe the crisis in Sudan can only be resolved through dialogue, not military force.”
Kenya also reaffirmed its alignment with the AU Charter on the Unconstitutional Change of Government, supporting the AU’s October 2021 decision to suspend Sudan from its activities.
The government highlighted that Sudanese groups have previously sought solutions through regional partners, including a January 2024 meeting in a neighboring country where stakeholders discussed the return to civilian rule.
Mudavadi noted that the recent presentation of a roadmap by the RSF and Sudanese civilian groups in Nairobi aligns with Kenya’s role in facilitating dialogue.
“We continue to offer a non-partisan space for conflicting parties to find common ground,” Mudavadi said. “Kenya stands in solidarity with the Sudanese people as they determine their future governance through inclusive discussions.”
He urged all stakeholders to engage in constructive dialogue to safeguard Sudan’s security and regional stability, adding that Kenya remains ready, both individually and through regional mechanisms, to support any agreed-upon efforts to restore peace.
Sudan’s Accusations Against Kenya
On Wednesday, February 19, Sudan condemned Kenya for allowing opposition forces to gather at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre (KICC) in Nairobi to discuss forming a parallel government. This came hours after RSF deputy leader Major General Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo postponed plans to establish a “peace government” until Friday.
In a strongly worded statement, Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Kenya of dishonoring agreements and supporting the RSF’s alleged war crimes and human rights violations.
“Hosting leaders of the terrorist RSF militia and allowing them to conduct political and propaganda activities—while they continue to perpetrate genocide, massacre civilians on an ethnic basis, attack IDP camps, and commit acts of rape—constitutes an endorsement of and complicity in these heinous crimes,” the ministry said.
Sudan’s top army general Abdel Fattah al- Burhan
The Sudanese government further accused Kenya of violating regional diplomatic principles and breaching pledges made at the highest levels to prevent hostile activities against Sudan on Kenyan soil.
“This act by the Kenyan government is not only a violation of good neighborliness but also amounts to hostility against the Sudanese people,” the ministry added.
Sudan also accused Kenya of undermining African state sovereignty and interfering in its internal affairs. It urged the international community to condemn Kenya’s actions and vowed to take necessary measures to “redress the balance.”
RSF Meeting in Nairobi
On Wednesday, RSF supporters gathered at the KICC in Nairobi, singing, dancing, and chanting slogans in praise of their leaders. RSF leader Mohamed Dagalo, also known as “Hemedti,” was absent, but his brother and deputy attended. The meeting, intended to establish a parallel government, was postponed to Friday for the second time.
This development comes weeks after Sudanese Foreign Minister Ali al-Sadiq visited Kenya in January, claiming that Nairobi had revised its stance on the Sudan conflict.
“Nairobi has reconsidered its position towards Sudan based on new developments in the war. The idea of the RSF taking power in the country is over,” al-Sadiq said at the time.
Strained Diplomatic Ties
Since Sudan’s 2021 coup, diplomatic relations between the two East African nations have been tense. In 2023, Sudan’s military leader, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, rejected the nomination of Kenyan President William Ruto as a peace mediator, instead favoring South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. Burhan has accused Nairobi of sympathizing with the RSF.
Rwanda on Thursday described recent criticism of its Arsenal, Bayern Munich and Paris St Germain sponsorship deals by the Democratic Republic of Congo’s foreign minister as a threat to regional peace and stability.
Earlier this month DRC’s foreign minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner urged the three clubs to end their “blood-stained” sponsorship agreements with “Visit Rwanda”, questioning the morality of such partnerships while fighting raged in eastern Congo.
Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have seized key parts of eastern Congo in recent weeks in what is the gravest escalation in more than a decade of a long-running conflict rooted in the spillover into Congo of Rwanda’s 1994 genocide and the struggle for control of Congo’s vast mineral resources.
“The Government of Rwanda rejects recent attempts by the Democratic Republic of Congo to undermine Rwanda’s international partnerships through misinformation and political pressure,” Rwanda Development Board, which oversees the deals, said in a statement on Thursday.
“These efforts not only misrepresent the truth but also threaten the foundations of regional peace, stability, and economic cooperation that we have worked tirelessly to build.”
Congo’s foreign affairs minister did not immediately respond to a request for comment on WhatsApp.
The fighting in eastern Congo has led to human rights violations including summary executions, the bombing of displacement camps, reports of gang rape and other sexual violence, according to the United Nations.
Rwanda says it is defending itself, accusing Congo’s military of joining forces with ethnic Hutu-led militias bent on slaughtering Tutsis in Congo and threatening Rwanda, where Hutus targeted Tutsis in a 1994 genocide and some of them later fled to Congo.
“Visit Rwanda” began their sponsorship of Arsenal in 2018, with the latest deal reported to be worth more than 10 million pounds ($12 million) per year.
Bayern Munich signed a five-year football development and tourism promotion partnership with Rwanda in 2023, while “Visit Rwanda” has been a sponsor of PSG since 2019.
Reuters previously contacted the three clubs about the sponsorship deals but none replied.
Regional Tensions Soar as Khartoum Labels Nairobi’s Moves a “Hostile Act”
The Republic of Sudan has accused President William Ruto of breaking his promises at the highest level, saying Kenya violated the principles of good neighborliness by allowing parallel government talks by RSF to go ahead in Nairobi despite assurances not to allow hostile activities against Sudan to be carried out on its soil.
In a scathing attack through its Foreign Ministry, Sudan has accused Kenya of “hostility against the Sudanese people” for facilitating a political agreement involving the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a group Khartoum labels a genocidal “terrorist militia.”
The escalating diplomatic crisis threatens to destabilize regional peace efforts amid Sudan’s ongoing civil war, which has already claimed over 14,000 lives and displaced 8 million people since erupting in April 2023.
In a sharply worded statement issued Tuesday, Sudan’s government denounced President Ruto’s administration for hosting RSF leaders in Nairobi to sign a controversial political pact, calling the move a violation of international law and “an open declaration of hostility.”
A packed hall at Nairobi’s KICC as Sudan’s RSF and its allies move to establish a parallel government on Tuesday, the event was called off at the last minute and postponed until Friday.
The RSF, originally formed from the Janjaweed militias implicated in Darfur’s early-2000s atrocities, has been locked in a brutal conflict with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) for nearly two years.
The UN estimates that 25 million Sudanese now require humanitarian aid, with reports of ethnic massacres, systematic rape, and attacks on displacement camps proliferating in recent months.
Sudan’s Allegations: Genocide and Sovereignty Violations
The Sudanese Foreign Ministry accused Kenya of breaching the UN Charter, the African Union’s Constitutive Act, and the Genocide Convention by allowing the RSF to “establish a parallel government on Sudanese soil.”
The statement emphasized that Nairobi’s actions “promote the dismembering of African states” and amount to “complicity” in crimes against humanity.
“Hosting leaders of this terrorist militia while they commit genocide and ethnic cleansing is a betrayal of African solidarity,” the ministry declared, referencing RSF-led attacks in Darfur and El Gezira that Human Rights Watch recently likened to “state-sponsored ethnic targeting.”
Sudan further dismissed the Nairobi-brokered agreement as a “propaganda stunt,” insisting the SAF—backed by “the will of the Sudanese people”—would soon reclaim all territory.
Kenya’s Response and Regional Implications
Government officials have yet to issue a formal rebuttal, but a senior diplomat, speaking anonymously to Reuters, defended Nairobi’s role: “Kenya remains committed to an inclusive peace process. Marginalizing armed actors prolongs wars.”
The RSF, meanwhile, has framed the Nairobi agreement as a step toward “inclusive governance,” though details remain undisclosed.
Analysts warn the rift could fracture regional diplomacy. “This isn’t just about Sudan and Kenya—it’s a proxy battle over who dictates Horn of Africa peacemaking,” said Dr. Amira Abdelhalim of the International Crisis Group. “Sudan’s allies like Egypt and Ethiopia may harden stances, while Kenya’s Western partners face pressure to pick sides.”
International Community Under Scrutiny
The African Union (AU), which suspended Sudan’s membership post-2023 coup, has called for an “immediate cessation of hostilities” but avoided direct criticism of Kenya. The UN Security Council remains divided, with Russia and China historically blocking stringent measures against the RSF.
Meanwhile, the US and EU have imposed sanctions on RSF commanders for atrocities but continue engaging with regional mediators.
Humanitarian Catastrophe Deepens
As diplomacy falters, civilians bear the brunt. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that 12 million Sudanese are internally displaced, with 70% of hospitals non-functional.
In Darfur, survivors recount RSF-led raids targeting Massalit communities, mirroring tactics from the 2003 genocide. “They shoot men, enslave women, and burn villages,” a refugee in Chad told AFP this week.
What’s Next?
Sudan vows to “take all necessary measures” against Kenya, though specifics are unclear. With SAF advancements reported in Khartoum and Darfur, military gains may embolden Khartoum’s defiance. However, experts caution that without a negotiated solution, the crisis risks spilling into neighboring states already strained by refugee inflows.
Meanwhile, the RSF and a number of civilian groups plan to sign an agreement to form a parallel government this Friday.
Rwanda has suspended its development cooperation with Belgium, calling out the European country for leading an aggressive campaign, together with DR Congo, to sabotage its access to “development finance, including in multilateral institutions.”
Announcing the development on Tuesday, February 18, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, said Belgium had decided to choose a political side in the eastern DR Congo conflict at a time when the international community is being called upon to support the mediation process mandated by the African Union and the Joint EAC-SADC Summit.
“Belgium has made a political decision to choose a side in this conflict, which is its right, but politicizing development is plainly wrong. No country in the region should have its development finance jeopardized as a tool of leverage,” a statement published by the foreign affairs ministry read.
“Punitive, one-sided measures can only be construed as unwarranted external interference that undermines the African-led mediation process and thereby risks delaying the peaceful resolution of the conflict. Indeed, such measures have repeatedly failed to provide a solution in the past, only adding to the problems and deferring them to the future.”
Such efforts by Belgium, demonstrate that there is no longer a sound basis for development cooperation with Belgium, Rwanda said, noting that it is accordingly suspending the remainder of the 2024-2029 bilateral aid program with the European country.
It is understood that the total value of the programme was €95 million, of which €80 million remained.
“Rwanda will not be bullied or blackmailed into compromising national security. Our only aim is a secure border, and an irreversible end to the politics of violent ethnic extremism in our region,” the statement read.
“Rwanda needs peace and a durable solution, and no one should continue to tolerate the cycles of conflict which continually recur because of the failure of the DRC Government and the international community, decade after decade, to fulfil their commitments to dismantle the UN-sanctioned genocidal FDLR militia, and protect minority rights,” it went on.
Last week, President Paul Kagame’s Press Secretary, Stéphanie Nyombayire called out Belgium’s “hypocrisy” in accusing Rwanda of mineral exploitation in DR Congo, despite the European country’s colonial exploitation of DR Congo and building its wealth from the conflict-ridden country.
Belgium’s accusation, Nyombayire said, should be “a reminder that fake outrage does not erase the facts of history” given that the European country has a fair share of blame in creating the conflicts in DR Congo.
“A country now leading the charge against Rwanda, with accusations of exploiting the very resources on which Belgium’s entire wealth is built. The irony is unmatched.”
“If anyone is to carry part of the blame, it is the nation that was an integral part of creating and fueling ethnic divisions, that continues to harbor and give legitimacy to Genocide perpetrators while Antwerp Diamond District continues to thrive off of DR Congo diamonds,” she added.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has criticized opposition figure Kizza Besigye’s hunger strike, describing it as an ‘unprincipled blackmail.’
Museveni in a statement Tuesday addressed concerns surrounding the detained opposition leader’s health, emphasizing that the government has ensured adequate medical care.
He asserted that the opposition leader has access to government medical facilities in prison and has also been attended to by his personal doctors at private clinics.
“If there was need for any additional medical care, the Government would be advised. However, in this case, Dr. Besigye was on hunger strike,” read his statement in part.
“That is part of the cause for his weakness that we could see in the pictures that were in the newspapers. Is that not unprincipled blackmail?”
The Ugandan leader questioned Besigye’s use of a hunger strike as a means to gain public sympathy and push for bail, rather than seeking a quick trial to address the charges against him.
Museveni also sought to reframe the public discourse, urging Ugandans to focus on why Besigye was arrested rather than his detention conditions.
Besigye, a longtime critic of the Museveni administration and a former presidential candidate, was arrested in Nairobi’s Riverside area last year on allegations of planning to jeopardize Uganda’s security infrastructure.
He would later be charged in a military court with illegal possession of a firearm, threatening national security, as well as treachery, which carries the death sentence. He denies the accusations.
His supporters have called for his immediate release, citing concerns over his health and the political nature of the charges against him.
Besigye’s arrest and hunger strike have sparked a renewed debate over political freedoms in Uganda, with human rights groups calling for due process and fair treatment in his trial.
The opposition has accused the government of using unconstitutional tactics to suppress dissent, a claim the authorities have denied.
Museveni’s remarks come on the back of calls for his unconditional release from the international community including a statement by human right defenders among them Amnesty International.
Diplomatic tensions have flared between Kenya and Djibouti following President William Ruto’s comments on the outcome of the African Union Commission (AUC) chairperson election, which saw Djibouti’s Mahmoud Ali Youssouf emerge victorious over Kenya’s Raila Odinga.
The election, held during the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, concluded with Youssouf securing 33 out of 49 votes in the sixth round, surpassing the required two-thirds majority. Raila, who had initially led in the first two rounds, lost momentum in subsequent voting rounds and eventually withdrew from the race.
In a post on X (formerly Twitter), Ambassador Moussa Mohamed Omar, a communications expert at Djibouti’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, criticized President Ruto’s remarks, accusing him of dishonesty and suggesting that African leaders had rejected Kenya’s attempt to influence the AU with its domestic politics.
“In response to President Ruto on Citizen TV Kenya: claiming Africa ‘lost an opportunity’ is dishonest. 33 heads of state chose Mahmoud, the right choice for Africa’s challenges, refusing to let the AU be hostage to Kenyan domestic politics. Africa deserved better than Raila,” Omar wrote.
President Ruto had expressed disappointment over Raila’s loss during a dinner in Addis Ababa, stating that Africa had missed an opportunity to be led by an outstanding leader. “I regret that Africa missed the opportunity to be served by the finest. Baba made me very proud. He was the best candidate we could have put forward,” Ruto said.
He further praised Raila’s efforts, describing him as a leader who had exceeded expectations. “I’m very proud of Raila. He did his best, and regardless of the outcome, he made us proud. Whenever he was needed, he showed up. Tinga exceeded all expectations,” Ruto added.
Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua also weighed in, offering words of encouragement to Raila. “Africa needed you most, but God, in His own wisdom, found that Kenya, your motherland, and indeed, we Kenyans, your beloved brothers and sisters, have unfinished business with you as their coveted son as we unshackle our country from recklessness,” Gachagua said.
Despite the loss, Youssouf extended an olive branch to Kenya, thanking President Ruto for congratulating him on his victory. In a post on social media, Youssouf expressed his readiness to collaborate with Ruto on continental reforms.
“I thank HE pdt [sic] William Ruto for congratulating me on my victory: he is the African champion for the Reforms: I am honoured to work with him to advance our continental agenda: Asanti sana Mze,” Youssouf posted.
The election outcome has sparked debate across the continent, with some analysts suggesting that Raila’s loss reflects the complexities of continental politics and the challenges of rallying support from diverse regions. Others have pointed to the intense lobbying and diplomatic maneuvers that often characterize such high-stakes elections.
As Kenya reflects on the outcome, the focus now shifts to how the country will navigate its relationship with Djibouti and other African nations in the wake of the diplomatic spat. Meanwhile, Raila’s supporters have hailed him for his resilience and commitment to continental leadership, even as he returns to local politics.
For now, the dust is yet to settle on what has been one of the most closely watched AU elections in recent years, with the continent’s leaders signaling their preference for a new direction under Youssouf’s leadership.
