Category: Africa

Congo’s government and M23 rebels last week held private talks in Qatar for the first time since the rebels conducted a lightning offensive in the country’s east, a source briefed on the discussions told Reuters.

The talks, which will continue next week in Doha, offer the greatest hope of a halt to hostilities since M23 seized eastern Congo’s two largest cities, a rapid advance that since January has resulted in thousands of deaths and forced hundreds of thousands more from their homes.

The fighting has raised fears of a wider regional war, as Congo’s neighbours Uganda and Burundi also have troops in the region.

Reuters reported last week that Kinshasa and M23 planned to hold their first direct talks in Doha on April 9. But the source with knowledge of the situation said private talks were also held last week.

They were positive, the source said, speaking on condition of anonymity, and prompted the rebels to withdraw from the strategic town of Walikale, in an area rich in minerals including tin, as a goodwill gesture.

M23 and Congo’s government did not immediately comment on Saturday.

The April 9 talks are still expected to go ahead in Doha.

M23 pledged to withdraw from Walikale last month, but initially failed to do so, accusing the Congolese army of going back on its commitments and not withdrawing attack drones. Two residents, a local official and the army confirmed to Reuters last week that M23 had left.

The United Nations and Western governments say Rwanda has provided arms and troops to the ethnic Tutsi-led M23.

Rwanda has denied backing M23 and says its military has acted in self-defence against Congo’s army and a militia founded by perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.

(Reuters)

In the dim glow of a Nairobi nightclub, the champagne flows like water. At famous club in Kilimani, a group of young South Sudanese elites—relatives of the very men who have brought their nation to its knees—snort lines of cocaine off the backs of hired escorts, each line costing more than a South Sudanese teacher earns in a year. The bill for tonight’s debauchery? $5,000, charged to a black Amex card linked to an offshore account. The cardholder? The 32-year-old wife of South Sudan Revenue Authority (SSRA) Commissioner General Simon Akuei Deng, a man who hasn’t paid his civil servants in eight months.

On a different night, champagne bottles pile up in the corner of Nairobi’s most exclusive nightclub Solomon Ajok, the personal assistant of a South Sudanese Finance minister lights a cigar with a 500-dollar bill. Around him, bottles of Ace of Spades champagne – each costing more than a South Sudanese doctor earns in six months – sit half-finished on ice. His girlfriends Instagram story shows the night’s haul: cocaine arranged in the shape of South Sudan’s flag, stacks of cash tossed in the air like confetti, and a Rolex Daytona watch dangling carelessly from his wrist as he pours vodka over the head of a laughing prostitute. This is Ajok Jr., a middle aged personal assistant to one of the most corrupt fortunes in Africa, burning through money that was meant to vaccinate children and pay teachers in what has become the world’s most shameless kleptocracy.

While Ajok snorts lines of premium Colombian cocaine off marble tables at the club in Kilimani, his godfather – Simon Akuei Deng, Commissioner General of the South Sudan Revenue Authority – presides over a financial heist so brazen it makes the looting of the Congo look tame. The numbers are staggering: 30 billion South Sudanese pounds (US200million) diverted to ghost committees; entire government departments going eight months without salaries while the thieves’ children study at the most expensive boarding schools in Kenya and cruise the Mediterranean on yachts.

The mechanics of the theft would be impressive if they weren’t so devastating. In February 2025, Finance Minister Marial Dongrin and Deng authorized the creation of illegal “retention accounts” at Kenya Commercial Bank, bypassing the national treasury entirely. Every month like clockwork, 2 billion SSP would vanish from government coffers – enough to pay 50,000 civil servants their meager salaries. The money traveled through a labyrinth of shell companies: one moment in Juba, the next in Dubai, then suddenly appearing as a penthouse in London’s Knightsbridge for Deng’s teenage bride. Bank records show transfers timed with surgical precision – on the same day Juba’s main hospital reported running out of malaria drugs, US$300,000 landed in the account of “South Sudan Logistics Solutions LLC,” a Dubai front company that exists only on paper.

The human cost unfolds in heartbreaking vignettes across the country. In Aweil, 14-year-old Nyibol Deng (no relation to the corrupt elite) stares at the empty blackboard where her teacher used to stand. The school hasn’t functioned in months – the teachers stopped coming when their pay dried up. Nyibol now spends her days hauling water for construction sites, her notebook gathering dust under her family’s bed. Meanwhile, in Nairobi, 15-year-old Marial Dongrin Jr. gets expelled from his US$50,000-per-term international school for showing up to class high on MDMA – again. His father simply writes another check and transfers him to an even more exclusive academy where his monthly allowance could fund a rural clinic for a year.

In South Sudan, Five-year-old Nyakim writhes in pain on a blood-stained mattress at Juba Teaching Hospital, her tiny body ravaged by malaria. The “out of stock” sign on the empty quinine shelf mocks her mother’s prayers. Just 10km away, SSRA Commissioner Deng’s wife hosts a “charity gala” at their mansion, where guests sip US$5,000 bottles of wine to “raise awareness” about healthcare – while the hospital’s last working ventilator gathers dust in storage, its maintenance budget stolen to fund private jets.

The excess knows no bounds. While South Sudan’s diplomats in Washington DC get evicted from their apartments for unpaid rent, the thieves’ wives take shopping trips to Paris so extravagant they require separate planes for their luggage. Security footage from December 2025 shows Rebecca Aquek, wife of SSRA Deputy Commissioner James Taban Abel Aquek, dropping US$30,000 in a single afternoon shoping at Paris’s Galeries Lafayette – the same week South Sudan’s embassy in Berlin had its electricity cut off for non-payment.

Back home in South Sudan, Little Deng, age 3, will never walk. Polio twisted his legs like pretzels because the vaccination program collapsed when US$2 million meant for refrigerated vaccine trucks became a down payment on Commissioner Aquek’s son’s armored Bentley. As Deng crawls through the dirt outside his family’s hut, Aquek’s son races that same Bentley through the streets of Nairobi, tossing cash at traffic cops who dare question his reckless speed.

Perhaps most galling is the education apartheid this corruption has created. In Juba’s slums, children squeeze 80 to a classroom with no textbooks, while the looters’ offspring enjoy:

Deng’s daughter at an exclusive school (US$40,000/year) where her “study materials” include a gold-plated iPad and designer ski gear

Dongrin’s son at a Lavington based international school(US$3,000/year) where he was recently suspended for arriving via helicopter

Aquek’s twin boys at Kenya’s most exclusive prep school, driven daily in a US$300,000 armored Bentley

The leaked documents tell a story of almost comical greed. One expense report shows US35,000 spent on office supplies. Another reveals USD120,000 billed to the Finance Ministry for “consultancy fees” that funded a birthday party at a Dubai nightclub where champagne was served in a pool shaped like South Sudan.

As the nation crumbles, the elite’s children treat poverty as a fashion statement. Deng personal Assistant Ajok, was recently posted a TikTok account of his teenage girlfriend from his Nairobi mansion’s rooftop pool, laughing as he poured expensive whiskey onto the streets below while captioning it “Trickle-down economics.” The video went viral for all the wrong reasons – the whiskey he wasted in that single stunt could have paid for 10,000 school meals. The video has since been deleted.

In Malakal, 10-year-old Adut stares at the cracked blackboard where her teacher once wrote lessons. Her government-funded school lunch – her only guaranteed meal each day – vanished eight months ago when the money was diverted to Finance Minister Dongrin’s wife’s Paris shopping spree. “Teacher said she can’t work without pay,” Adut whispers, her stomach growling as she walks home past posters of smiling politicians promising “Education for All.” Meanwhile, Dongrin’s newest wife snaps selfies with gold-leaf desserts at Maxim’s Paris, where the bill for one meal could feed Adut’s entire class for a month.

The tragedy extends beyond borders. South Sudanese scholarship students in Uganda and Kenya are dropping out in droves as their stipends disappear into the ether. At Makerere University, 23-year-old engineering student Chol Mawien stares at his dismissal notice – his government scholarship hasn’t been paid in six months. “I was supposed to help rebuild my country,” he says, packing up his dorm room. Meanwhile, at the University of Nairobi, Deng’s nephew drives to class in a US$200,000 Porsche 911 Turbo S, its custom “SSRA 1” license plate a mocking reminder of where South Sudan’s future went.

The most painful irony? Many of these thieves were educated on government scholarships themselves. Marial Dongrin, the architect of this looting, studied in Kenya on a South Sudanese taxpayer-funded grant. Now he denies that same opportunity to an entire generation.

As the IMF hesitates and the world looks away, the thieves grow bolder. Last month, Deng purchased a US$250,000 yacht and named it “The Revenue Collector” – a joke so cruel it would be funny if children weren’t starving because of it.

South Sudan doesn’t need aid. It needs justice. It needs the mansions sold, the yachts seized, the offshore accounts frozen. Most of all, it needs its stolen billions returned – every dollar, every pound, every life that could have been saved.

The champagne may still flow in Lavington tonight, but history’s judgment is coming. And when it arrives, no amount of stolen wealth will save these men from the wrath of a nation betrayed.

The Theft Machine
The mechanics of this generational robbery are meticulously cruel:

Every SSP 100,000 stolen from school budgets = 10 more girls like Adut forced into early marriage

Every “lost” hospital million = 100 more children dead from preventable diseases like Nyakim

Every diverted vaccine dollar = Another Deng condemned to a lifetime of suffering

Yet the looting continues unabated. Last week, as Nyakim took her final breath in that understaffed hospital, Finance Minister Dongrin approved US$25,000 for his daughter’s “security detail” – a Range Rovers and a team of ex-Israeli commandos to protect her while she parties in Kenya.

The Belgian government on March 17 deployed troops, tanks and drones to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to train and reinforce the Congolese army, FARDC, Wazalendo millitia, and the Rwandan genocidal militia, FDLR, to eliminate AFC/M23 rebels who now control swathes of territory in the east of the country.

Although their official presence is reportedly for training purposes, Belgian Commandos—estimated to number between 300 and 400 soldiers, roughly two companies—are expected to engage the rebels directly alongside the Congolese army coalition which lost large parts of the country’s eastern region, despite receiving support from numerous soldiers, including well-paid European mercenaries.

Based in Lwama Camp, in Kindu, the capital city of Maniema Province, Belgian troops will also train Congolese military instructors of the 31st Brigade of the Rapid Reaction Units (URR), a force also trained by Belgium between 2008 and 2017.

Prior to this military support, on March 14, Congolese media outlet, Actualite, deleted an article which stated that Belgium received 20 million euros from the EU to “equip and restore” the infrastructure of the 31st URR Brigade. This raises questions about the reasons behind this financial injection and, of course, how such funds can be allocated to infrastructure while the country is grappling with a serious security crisis.

According to flight tracking data from Flightradar24, the Belgian Air Force Falcon aircraft departed from Belgium on March 17, heading to Kinshasa. The following day, on March 18, it made a stop at Kindu Airport before returning to Kinshasa later that same day. The aircraft then flew back to Belgium on March 20.

The Belgian reinforcement comes amidst the Kinshasa-Brussels honeymoon, where Belgium always has DRC’s back within the EU, lobbying against Rwanda even if it means crossing certain lines, upsetting traditional balances, and breaking a fragile diplomatic process.

The current good relationship between DRC and Belgium stems largely on the latter’s interest in minerals in the country but also on several Belgian MPs of Congolese origin, particularly those active in the ranks of the party Les Engagés , that of Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévost, who are paid by Kinshasa to push its narrative among European Countries.

George Washington once said, “Truth will ultimately prevail where there is pain taken to bring it to light.” No matter how much Kinshasa may attempt to distort history and obscure the truth behind the raison d’être of AFC/M23, the cause that drove them to leave their families and take up arms in defense of their rights will ultimately triumph.

Belgium only appears when it is defending Kinshasa. Brussels was the first Western capital to rush to recognize the victory of Tshisekedi in the 2023 presidential election, which everyone knows was a fraud.

However, the country never denounced the Congolese bad governance, its involvement in killing, torture and intimidation of Rwandophones or even Tshisekedi’s plans to amend the Constitution to allow him to stay in power.

Belgium often presents itself as a champion of peace, particularly in the ongoing conflict between Kinshasa and the rebels.

However, by sending more soldiers to support FARDC in its fight against fellow Congolese citizens, they are contradicting their own narrative.

They know that the only lasting solution lies in meaningful dialogue between the warring parties, not in the escalation of military intervention.

Backed by Belgium, Tshisekedi’s strategy of lobbying against Rwanda, heaping his country’s insecurity blame to AFC/M23 rebels will only delay peace, escalate the conflict and ultimately lead to his downfall.

A Kenyan-registered cargo plane crashed approximately 24 kilometers southwest of Mogadishu on Saturday, March 22, 2025, claiming the lives of all five people on board, according to the Somali Civil Aviation Authority (SCAA).

The aircraft, a DHC-5D Buffalo with serial number 109 and registration 5Y-RBA, was operated by Trident Aviation Ltd. It had departed from Dhobley (HCDB) in Somalia’s Lower Juba region, where it had delivered supplies to African Union forces, and was en route to Aden Abdulle International Airport (HCMM) in Mogadishu when the incident occurred at around 14:43Z (5:43 PM local time).

Preliminary reports from the SCAA indicate that the crash took place under circumstances that are yet to be determined. Government agencies, alongside partners, have already mobilized to the crash site to conduct search and rescue operations, though the SCAA confirmed that there were no survivors.

“Our thoughts are with the families and loved ones of those affected,” the SCAA stated in a press release. “Further updates will be provided as more information becomes available.”

The DHC-5D Buffalo is a short-takeoff-and-landing (STOL) utility aircraft often used for cargo transport in rugged terrains, making it a common choice for delivering supplies to remote areas like Dhobley, which supports African Union peacekeeping missions in the region. The cause of the crash remains under investigation, with aviation authorities expected to release more details in the coming days.

This tragic incident marks another somber moment for aviation safety in the Horn of Africa, a region that has seen its share of challenges with air transport due to aging aircraft, difficult operating conditions, and limited infrastructure. The SCAA has pledged a thorough investigation to determine the factors leading to the crash.

The Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Félix Tshisekedi and his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame have called for an “immediate ceasefire” in eastern DR Congo, after having direct talks in Qatar.

It is the first time two leaders have met since Rwanda-backed M23 rebels stepped up an offensive in the region, where authorities say 7,000 people have been killed since January.

It is unclear whether the M23 would heed the ceasefire call, after the rebels refused to attend peace talks in Angola on Tuesday.

DR Congo accuses Rwanda of arming the M23 and sending troops to support the rebels in the conflict. Despite assertions from both the UN and US, Rwanda has denied supporting the M23.

Rwanda has said its forces are acting in self-defence against the DR Congo army and allied militias. DR Congo also accuses Rwanda of illegally exploiting its mineral deposits in the east of the country, which Rwanda also denies.

Last December, peace talks brokered by Angola collapsed after Rwanda demanded that the DR Congo government talk directly to the M23.

The rebel group then advanced swiftly, taking control of two key cities – Goma and Bukavu – in the past two months.

According to a joint statement released by Qatar’s Foreign Ministry on Tuesday, the two African presidents reaffirmed their commitment to an “immediate and unconditional” ceasefire, but it was not clear how that would be implemented or monitored.

“The heads of state then agreed on the need to continue the discussions initiated in Doha in order to establish solid foundations for lasting peace,” it added.

The meeting took many by surprise as the two leaders have appeared uncompromising on the conflict often exchanging barbs in public.

While confirming the talks in the Qatari capital, the Rwandan presidency insisted in a separate statement that direct talks between DR Congo and M23 were “key to addressing the root causes of the conflict”.

President Kagame expressed his belief that with “all parties working together, things can move forward faster”.

DR Congo presidential spokeswoman Tina Salama said on X that the talks were initiated by the Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, describing the Gulf nation as a “strategic ally of the two [African] countries”.

In a presidential statement, the Congolese government said the meeting marked the first step towards a basis for a lasting peace in the volatile east, hinting at further talks.

The meeting of the two leaders came as a previous attempt to bring DR Congo’s government and M23 rebels together for peace talks failed. The rebels pulled out on Monday after the European Union announced sanctions on their leadership.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused the international community of using aid as a tool of control over developing nations.

In an interview with Mario Nawfal, a media personality on X, Kagame asserted that foreign assistance is often weaponized to influence the policies and decisions of recipient countries.

Speaking on the issue, Kagame acknowledged that while aid has been essential in Rwanda’s recovery and development, it has also been used to foster dependency and exert influence over governments.

“It [aid] can be a liability on a country depending on how it is managed, and that has been our position from the beginning,” he stated.

“We appreciate aid, we needed it, and we still need it to an extent, but we need it to build capacities so that we don’t need it in the near future.”

Kagame argued that the international community deliberately ensures that developing nations remain dependent on aid, thereby allowing donors to dictate their policies.

“The other [problem] is whoever gives aid controls your life. In fact, that is why they want you to stay with the aid so that they continue controlling your life and even threaten, use it as a tool to direct you where they want you to go,” he said.

Kagame’ s statement comes at a time when the international community has continued to out more pressure stepping up sanctions on Kigali accusing it of backing the M23 rebels—a claim Rwanda has repeatedly denied.

He further pointed out that Rwanda’s stance on responsible aid utilization has often led to criticism and unfounded accusations against its leadership.

“Some of us have been branded as arrogant, insensitive, or dictatorial just because we said we want to differentiate things. It is not that we don’t want aid for the sake of not wanting it. We are saying aid creates dependency—not only dependency but also control,” he added.

Kagame recalled discussions from as early as 1998 when Rwanda, still recovering from the devastating 1994 genocide, was heavily reliant on foreign aid.

He recounted a conversation with Clare Short, the then UK Minister for International Development, where he expressed his desire for aid to be directed in a way that would empower Rwanda to become self-sufficient.

“I told her, ‘I appreciate your aid a lot. It is almost indispensable in that situation we were in. But at the same time, I want to start early, I want to be responsible, and I keep talking to our leaders and other ministers that we need to start being responsible for ourselves,’” Kagame recalled.

Kagame noted that Short was receptive to his ideas, even inviting other ministers from allied countries to listen to his perspective on the use and management of aid.

This engagement according to Kagame eventually led to agreements that ensured accountability and transparency in aid allocation, including independent audits

Kagame insisted that while Rwanda continues to accept aid where necessary, such assistance should be used strategically to build sustainable capacities of developing nations rather than perpetuate dependency.

“It is a standard for us. That is what we say, and that is what we do,” he affirmed.

Sudan’s Ministry of Trade & Supply has imposed an immediate ban on all imports from Kenya, citing national security concerns over Kenya’s alleged support for the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a Sudanese paramilitary group accused of attempting to establish an illegal parallel government.

The announcement made through a circular seen by Kenya Insights from Sudan’s trade ministry ordered an immediate implementation.

“The import of all products coming from Kenya through all ports, crossings, airports, and ports will be suspended as of this day until further notice,” the directive signed by acting Trade Minister Omar Ahmed Mohamed reads.

The decision follows a controversial meeting hosted in Nairobi on February 18, 2025, where the RSF and its allies signed a political charter to form a rival government, a move Sudan views as a direct threat to its sovereignty.

Sudan’s Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Hussein al-Amin labeled Kenya a “rogue state” and accused it of undermining Sudan’s stability amid its ongoing civil war, which has pitted the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) against the RSF since April 2023.

“We will not tolerate external interference that seeks to impose an unlawful political reality,” al-Amin said in a statement. “This economic measure sends a clear message to Kenya and others who support destabilizing forces.” He forewarned.

International Condemnation

The international community swiftly condemned Kenya’s actions. The United Nations Security Council has expressed concern over threats to Sudan’s unity, while UN Secretary-General António Guterres warned on February 24 that the RSF’s charter risks deepening the crisis and destabilizing the region.

Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Somalia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the African Union also issued statements supporting Sudan’s territorial integrity and denouncing attempts to legitimize militia-controlled governance.

“Such escalations pose a serious threat to peace efforts,” Guterres’ spokesperson said, echoing broader fears of renewed conflict in the Horn of Africa.

Kenya’s Internal Backlash

In Kenya, President William Ruto’s administration has faced mounting criticism for hosting the RSF. Opposition leaders, civil society groups, and the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) have called the move “disgraceful,” accusing the government of complicity in RSF atrocities, including war crimes documented in Darfur.

Critics warn that Sudan’s import ban is going to hit Kenya’s economy hard, particularly its tea exports, a key trade staple with Sudan.

Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi defended Kenya’s stance, arguing that the Nairobi meeting was a nonpartisan effort rooted in the country’s history of mediating Sudanese conflicts.

“Kenya remains committed to peace,” Mudavadi said on February 25.

However, Sudan’s recall of its ambassador and now the trade suspension have intensified diplomatic fallout.

Economic and Regional Stakes

The import ban is likely disrupt significant trade flows. Sudan ranks among Kenya’s top tea importers, while Kenya supplies Sudan with other goods critical to its economy. Sudan may also face domestic shortages, given its reliance on imports amid ongoing conflict.

The RSF, evolved from the Janjaweed militias, remains a polarizing force. Though Sudan labels it a “terrorist militia,” no formal international designation exists, complicating the narrative.

The U.S. has sanctioned RSF commanders for war crimes, but stopped short of a terrorist label, reflecting the delicate balance of diplomacy in the region.

Sudan continues to urge the international community to take a firm stance against Kenya’s actions, warning of broader instability in East Africa, a region already strained by conflicts in South Sudan and Somalia.

A group of prominent African political leaders, including Kenyan Senator Edwin Sifuna, Tanzanian opposition chairman Tundu Lissu, and Ugandan opposition figure Bobi Wine, were denied entry into Angola on Thursday despite holding official invitations to attend a conference on democracy

The incident, which occurred at Quatro de Fevereiro International Airport in Luanda, has sparked diplomatic tensions and raised questions about Angola’s stance on hosting opposition voices.

The leaders had traveled to Angola for the Platform for African Democrats (PAD) Dialogue, a high-profile event organized in partnership with The Brenthurst Foundation and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

The conference aimed to bring together political figures from across the continent to discuss governance and democratic challenges.

Among those barred were Zanzibar’s First Vice President Othman Masoud Othman, ACT Wazalendo leader Dorothy Semu, former Botswana President Ian Khama, Mozambican politician Venâncio Mondlane, and opposition figures from Ethiopia, Sudan, Namibia, and even Ukraine.

According to Senator Sifuna, the delegation had been invited by Angola’s main opposition party, UNITA, which had also requested border visas for some members.

However, upon arrival, immigration officials detained the group at the airport without offering an explanation.

“We presented our official invitation, but they refused us entry and held us for hours,” Sifuna said in a statement posted on X. He later confirmed he was on a flight to Addis Ababa after being denied entry.

Tundu Lissu, chairman of Tanzania’s Chadema party, condemned the treatment as “shabby” and a betrayal of African solidarity.

“Tanzania supported Angola’s liberation struggle, and now Tanzanians, who don’t even need visas under SADC agreements, are treated like this,” Lissu said.

However, Angola’s visa policy indicates that Tanzanians do require a visa, as Tanzania is not a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), casting doubt on Lissu’s claim.

Former ACT Wazalendo leader Zitto Kabwe also criticized the move, calling it “disrespectful” to Tanzania and urging the Tanzanian government to respond.

As of Thursday evening, the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs had not issued an official statement. Other affected leaders, including Bobi Wine, known for his outspoken criticism of Uganda’s government, have yet to comment publicly.

Angolan authorities have remained silent on the reasons for the denial, fueling speculation about political motives.

The inclusion of a Ukrainian opposition figure in the group adds an unexpected international dimension to the incident.

The denial has drawn attention to diplomatic relations between Angola and the affected nations, particularly Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, where the barred leaders hold significant influence.

“This could escalate into a broader row if governments choose to retaliate,” said political analyst Maria Njoroge. “It also highlights the challenges opposition leaders face in moving freely across borders.”

The PAD Dialogue was intended to foster open discussion, but the barring of key participants has cast a shadow over its objectives.

Neither UNITA nor the conference organizers have commented on the incident as of press time. With no official word from Luanda, the event underscores the fragile balance of politics and diplomacy in the region.

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has terminated the mandate of the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC).

This decision was announced at the conclusion of a virtual extraordinary summit of the SADC Heads of State and Government held on today.

During the summit, regional leaders also directed the commencement of a phased withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops from the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Since its deployment in 2023, the peacekeeping mission had been operating in the DRC with the mandate to support the Congolese army in combating and eradicating the M23 rebel group and other armed factions that continue to undermine peace and security in the region.

The recommendation to withdraw the troops was put forward by the SADC Organ on Politics, Defense, and Security Cooperation.

The regional bloc has emphasized that diplomatic efforts to achieve lasting peace, including the Nairobi and Luanda Peace Processes, will continue.

In a significant diplomatic setback for Kenyan President William Ruto, Saudi Arabia and Qatar—two of Kenya’s most critical Middle Eastern partners—have forcefully condemned efforts to establish a parallel government in Sudan led by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The rebuke undermines Kenya’s months-long support for the RSF-led initiative and exposes fractures in Ruto’s strategy to position Nairobi as a regional peacemaker.

The RSF, accused by the U.S. of committing genocide in Darfur, signed a controversial charter in Nairobi on June 25 alongside factions of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N).

The agreement aimed to create a secular, decentralized state governed from rebel-held territories, challenging Sudan’s internationally recognized military regime.

While Kenya has defended the charter as a pathway to stability, Saudi Arabia and Qatar this weekend denounced it as a destabilizing “illegitimate step” that risks fragmenting Sudan.

Saudi-Qatar Unity Against Kenyan-Backed Plan

In rare alignment, both Gulf powers issued statements rejecting external interference in Sudan and urging adherence to the Jeddah Declaration—a Saudi-U.S. brokered ceasefire framework from May 2023.

Saudi Arabia emphasized support for Sudan’s “official institutions,” while Qatar warned against “division” and called for inclusive dialogue.

Their stance directly contradicts Kenya’s tacit endorsement of the RSF’s parallel governance model, which critics argue legitimizes a group implicated in atrocities.

The Gulf states’ intervention carries weight: Saudi Arabia and Qatar are pivotal economic partners for Kenya, with bilateral trade exceeding $1.2 billion annually, largely in oil imports and infrastructure investments.

Riyadh’s Vision 2030 projects in Kenya and Qatar’s role as a key LNG supplier further amplify the stakes. Analysts suggest their disapproval could strain economic ties if Nairobi persists in backing the RSF.

Ruto’s Risky Gambit Backfires

President Ruto has positioned Kenya as a mediator in Sudan’s conflict, leveraging its role in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

However, his government’s willingness to host RSF-linked talks has drawn scrutiny. The Nairobi charter signing, notably absent of RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Daglo, was seen as an attempt to legitimize the paramilitary group’s territorial control.

“Kenya’s approach is now backfiring,” said Adjoa Anyimadu, a Horn of Africa analyst at Chatham House. “By aligning with the RSF, Ruto has alienated not just Sudan’s military but also powerful Gulf partners who prioritize stability over fragmentation.”

The U.S. determination of RSF-led genocide in Darfur and the UN’s warning that the charter risks “worsening” Sudan’s crisis further isolate Kenya. With Egypt and the UAE backing Sudan’s military regime, Ruto’s strategy appears increasingly untenable.

Regional Fallout and Economic Implications

The Gulf states’ condemnation complicates Kenya’s diplomatic balancing act. Saudi Arabia’s emphasis on the Jeddah Declaration—which Kenya initially supported—highlights contradictions in Nairobi’s stance.

Meanwhile, Qatar’s call for “inclusive dialogue” undermines Kenya’s bet on a factional solution.

Domestically, opposition figures have seized on the rift. “Ruto’s foreign policy is in disarray,” said Eugene Wamalwa, a former Defence cabinet secretary. “He’s jeopardizing strategic alliances for a flawed Sudan strategy.”

While Kenya’s Foreign Ministry has yet to respond publicly, insiders suggest a recalibration may be inevitable. “The Gulf’s message is clear: drop the RSF or face consequences,” a Nairobi-based diplomat told The EastAfrican.

The crisis underscores the fragility of Ruto’s ambitions to elevate Kenya as a continental power broker. With Sudan’s army advancing on Khartoum and the RSF seeking international legitimacy, Nairobi’s isolation risks diminishing its influence in IGAD and African Union forums.

As pressure mounts, Ruto faces a choice: double down on a controversial alliance or pivot to salvage relations with Riyadh and Doha. Either way, the blow from the Gulf marks a pivotal moment in his presidency—one where regional diplomacy and economic pragmatism collide.

A parallel government being set up by Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) aims to grab diplomatic legitimacy from its army-led rival and ease access to advanced weaponry, politicians who back it and paramilitary sources told Reuters.

The move could prolong a devastating war in which the paramilitary RSF has recently been losing ground, and effectively splintering Africa’s third-largest country by area.

Since conflict between the army and the RSF erupted in April 2023, the army-led government has retained wide international recognition, despite being forced by the fighting to move to Port Sudan on the Red Sea.

But in a bid to challenge that status, the RSF on Saturday signed a political charter in Kenya with political parties and armed groups. The signatories said a “Government of Peace and Unity” would be formed within weeks from inside Sudan.

Politicians and RSF officials participating in talks in Nairobi last week said their government would seize legitimacy from an army they said had pursued “divisive” tactics including air strikes and aid blockages while rejecting peace talks.

“We are not a parallel government and we are not a government in exile, we are the legitimate government,” al-Hadi Idris, head of an armed faction backing the planned government, told Reuters.

Politician Ibrahim al-Mirghani, another backer, said the new government would go to the United Nations and other forums to block the army’s participation.

“If you secure your country and stop the bloodshed, displacement, and terrorism … neighbours will recognise you,” he said.

Military support

The Port Sudan-based government has foreign backers including Egypt and membership of international bodies, though it has been suspended from the African Union since the army and RSF jointly led a coup in 2021, upending a transition towards civilian rule.

According to Jonas Horner, a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, foreign states view the RSF’s planned government as an effort to control the flow of humanitarian aid, access arms markets, and gain leverage at any future peace negotiations.

The RSF has received a stream of military support, including drones and air defences, as both sides have obtained more advanced weaponry from abroad. The army has accused the UAE of sending arms to the RSF, a charge U.N. experts and U.S. lawmakers have found credible but the Gulf state denies.

“Militias are not given advanced weapons but governments are… Our priority is peace but the government must defend its citizens and we have the right to acquire aircraft and defence systems,” Idris said.

Asked for comment, the RSF, long overpowered by the army in the air, denied it wanted a government in order to import weapons but said it would have the authority to do so to defend its population.

The army, which denies blocking aid or targeting civilians, condemned the RSF’s charter as an attempt to expand the war at a time when the paramilitary force was on the back foot.

The UN secretary-general’s office expressed concern, stressing “Sudan’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity”, while the US called the move “unhelpful for the cause of peace and security in Sudan”.

The US has placed sanctions on leaders from both the army and the RSF in connection with the war, which has led to bouts of ethnically charged killings, displaced more than 12 million people, and spread famine and disease.

‘New Sudan’

In recent months the army, previously struggling militarily, has pushed the RSF out of much of the capital and central Sudan.

The RSF retains control of most of the Darfur region, battling the army for control of North Darfur, the capital of al-Fashir.

It also controls most of West Kordofan, while much of South Kordofan is controlled by Abdelaziz al-Hilu’s SPLM-N rebel group, the largest to align itself with the RSF.

Observers were surprised to see the SPLM-N side with the RSF, which has been accused of abuses in areas under the group’s control.

But the SPLM-N’s goal of a secular, pluralist country is a core theme in the charter signed over the weekend, which describes a federalist “New Sudan”.

SPLM-N leaders told Reuters that the alliance was a route to peace after decades of tribal attacks, allowing them to confront ideological foes in the army.

They also said, speaking anonymously, that the alliance would provide access to much-needed funds, aid, and resupply of weapons.

(Reuters)