As the African Union Commission (AUC) chairperson election looms, Raila Odinga’s campaign team is expressing an unprecedented level of confidence in securing the top position.
With the vote set for the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on February 15 and 16, the former Kenyan Prime Minister’s campaign has been marked by strategic engagements and a broad base of support across the continent.
Raila has been on an extensive diplomatic tour, meeting with key figures across various African regions. His recent visit to Egypt, alongside President William Ruto, was described by Odinga himself as “a momentous diplomatic engagement,” highlighting his commitment to Pan-Africanism and drawing parallels with notable African leaders like Gamal Abdel Nasser. This visit, following others in Mauritania, Tunisia, and Algeria, has not only bolstered his image but also his campaign’s momentum.
The competition is stiff, with Djibouti’s Foreign Affairs Minister Mahamoud Youssouf and former Madagascar Foreign Minister Richard Randriamandrato also in the race.
However, Odinga’s team claims he has secured the backing of at least 28 of the 49 AU member states. This number, if accurate, places him just five votes shy of the two-thirds majority needed for a first-round victory.
Elkanah Odembo, co-chair of Raila’s campaign secretariat with Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary Korir Sing’oei, emphasized the campaign’s progress, stating, “Candidate Raila Amollo Odinga has covered significant ground in the last six weeks.” He noted that Raila has personally engaged with numerous heads of state, showcasing his “remarkable” energy level.
The strategy moving forward involves a three-pronged approach: continued high-level visits by Ruto and Odinga to African leaders, intensified interactions by Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi with foreign ministers, and a direct engagement in Addis Ababa with ambassadors to solidify support.
Strategic Alliances and Regional Support
Support for Raila extends beyond East Africa, with countries like Ghana and Seychelles publicly backing his candidacy. This broad regional support is seen as a testament to his diplomatic prowess and vision for Africa’s future.
The confidence within the campaign is palpable, with insiders suggesting that Odinga’s win could be “resounding.” This optimism is echoed by political figures like Belgut MP Nelson Koech, who chairs Kenya’s National Assembly Defence and Foreign Relations Committee and who sees Raila’s potential leadership at the AUC as bringing “tremendous benefits” not only to Kenya but to the entire East African Community in terms of social, political, and economic diplomacy.
Energy and Petroleum Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi has also added his support with his publicly endorsement of Raila Odinga for the African Union Commission (AUC) chairmanship, emphasizing Odinga’s vast leadership experience as a primary qualification for the role.
During an interview on February 3, 2025, Wandayi praised Odinga’s commitment to pan-Africanism, suggesting that these characteristics make him an ideal candidate for the position. He expressed personal admiration, having learned political skills under Odinga, and firmly believes that no one is more deserving of the AUC chairmanship than Raila.
Wandayi also highlighted the national pride and international leverage Kenya would gain should Odinga win the election. He stated that having such an “iconic son” of Kenya in this high position would not only honor the country but also enhance its influence in African and global affairs.
As the election approaches, the focus is on securing the remaining votes needed for a first-round win. With the campaign now in its final stages, Raila’s team is poised to leverage every diplomatic channel to ensure his candidacy is successful, potentially reshaping Africa’s leadership landscape at the continental level.
Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan has officially unveiled the country’s new presidential jet, a Gulfstream G700, marking a significant upgrade to the nation’s VIP fleet.
The new aircraft, which replaces the aging Gulfstream G550 purchased 23 years ago, was used for the first time yesterday as President Suluhu flew from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma.
The acquisition of the Gulfstream G700 comes after Tanzania’s Parliament directed the government last year to modernize its VIP fleet, citing the need for more efficient and reliable aircraft for presidential and high-level government travel.
Cost and Features of the Gulfstream G700
The Gulfstream G700 is one of the most advanced business jets in the world, with a price tag of approximately $78 million (approx 10.9 billion Kenyan shillings).
The jet is powered by cutting-edge Rolls-Royce Pearl 700 engines, offering a remarkable range of up to 7,500 nautical miles (13,890 kilometers). This allows non-stop flights to virtually any global destination, reducing travel time and minimizing jet lag for passengers.
The G700 is equipped with state-of-the-art amenities, including a spacious cabin that can accommodate up to 19 passengers, advanced noise reduction technology, and customizable interiors.
It also features the latest in-flight entertainment systems, high-speed internet connectivity, and a low cabin altitude, ensuring maximum comfort for long-haul flights.
Comparison with Regional Leaders’ Jets
The acquisition places Tanzania among the few African nations with a modern presidential jet. Here’s how the G700 compares to aircraft used by other regional leaders:
– Kenya: President William Ruto uses a Gulfstream G550, a slightly older model with a range of 6,750 nautical miles. The G550, purchased in 2014, cost approximately $53 million (7.4 billion Kenyan shillings).
– Uganda: President Yoweri Museveni’s fleet includes a Gulfstream G550 and a Bombardier Global Express, both of which are less advanced than the G700.
– South Africa: The South African government owns a Boeing Business Jet (BBJ), a modified version of the Boeing 737, which is larger but less efficient for shorter trips compared to the G700.
Globally, the Gulfstream G700 is favored by prominent figures such as Amazon founder Jeff Bezos and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, who own similar models for their private use.
Reducing Reliance on Commercial Flights
Aviation experts have praised the purchase, noting that the G700 will reduce Tanzania’s reliance on Air Tanzania planes for presidential trips. This move is expected to enhance the efficiency and security of presidential travel while freeing up commercial aircraft for routine operations.
Public Reaction
While the acquisition has been hailed as a step toward modernizing Tanzania’s aviation capabilities, it has also sparked debate over the cost. Critics argue that the funds could have been allocated to pressing social and economic needs, such as healthcare and education. However, supporters contend that the investment is justified, given the need for reliable and secure transportation for the head of state.
President Suluhu’s administration has emphasized that the new jet will also be used for diplomatic missions, boosting Tanzania’s presence on the global stage.
As Tanzania continues to position itself as a key player in East Africa, the Gulfstream G700 symbolizes the nation’s commitment to progress and modernization.
Uganda’s police have detained nine finance ministry officials as part of an investigation into accusations of hacking the central bank’s electronic systems that resulted in theft of 62 billion shillings ($16.87 million), the ministry and police said.
In November last year, State Minister for Finance Henry Musasizi confirmed reports in local media that the central bank’s accounts had been hacked and money stolen.
Those detained include the senior most official of the ministry’s Treasury department, the police and the finance ministry said.
Some officers attached to the accountant general’s office at the ministry “were summoned and detained by the Criminal Investigations Department to facilitate conclusion of the investigations,” the finance ministry said in a post on its X account late on Tuesday.
The ministry did not give the names of those detained or their number. Police spokesperson Kituuma Rusoke, however, told NTV television that nine officials had been detained and also read out their names that included the top Treasury official.
The official and the eight others arrested were not immediately reachable to comment.
State-owned New Vision newspaper had reported that hackers, identifying themselves as “Waste”, accessed the Bank of Uganda’s IT systems and illicitly transferred the funds.
The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) has declared a ceasefire in eastern DRC, citing the worsening humanitarian crisis caused by ongoing military operations. However, the group has made it clear that it will not withdraw from Goma until its grievances are addressed.
In an official communiqué dated February 3, 2025, the group announced that the ceasefire would take effect on February 4. The statement strongly condemns the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) for using military aircraft to bomb civilian-populated areas, calling the attacks unacceptable.
The AFC/M23 reiterated that it has no intention of capturing Bukavu or other territories, emphasizing its commitment to protecting civilians. However, it stated that it will maintain its positions in Goma until the Congolese government addresses its demands. The group also called for the withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops, arguing that their mission is no longer justified.
The statement, signed by Lawrence Kanyuka, AFC/M23’s Communication Focal-Point, warns the public against fraudulent solicitations and misinformation allegedly spread by the Kinshasa regime.
Meanwhile, leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are preparing for a joint summit in Dar es Salaam in the second week of February to discuss the escalating conflict. The meeting, confirmed by Kenyan President William Ruto, will bring together regional heads of state, including DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, and Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
The summit follows a recent SADC meeting, where leaders agreed on the need for a coordinated approach to address the crisis. The involvement of both regional blocs signals a growing commitment to finding a diplomatic solution, as tensions continue to rise in eastern DRC.
Despite these efforts, the situation remains highly volatile. The M23’s refusal to withdraw from Goma and continued clashes between FARDC, FDLR militias, foreign mercenaries, and Wazalendo rebels against Tutsi communities underscore the deep-rooted nature of the conflict.
Congo, however, has vowed to reclaim Goma, a city of around 3 million people. Kinshasa has accused Rwanda of sending troops to Goma to back M23.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame who has frequently denied claims of supporting the M23 on Monday reportedly told CNN he does not know if his country’s troops are in the east of the Congo, where fighting between the M23 armed group and Congolese soldiers has killed hundreds.
Observers will be watching closely to see whether the ceasefire holds and if regional leaders can broker a meaningful resolution to the ongoing crisis.
South Africa is the latest country to find itself in the crosshairs of the new US administration, with President Donald Trump saying he will cut all funding to the country over what he claims are “massive” human rights violation against white people due to a new land expropriation law.
“South Africa is confiscating land, and treating certain classes of people VERY BADLY. It is a bad situation that the Radical Left Media doesn’t want to so much as mention. A massive Human Rights VIOLATION, at a minimum, is happening for all to see,” Trump stated on his Truth Social platform.
Billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk, who was born and raised in South Africa and is now one of Trump’s closest allies, also weighed in, sharing a post on X that claimed South African farmers were in “grave danger” following the bill’s approval.
His repost further suggested that “South Africa steadily becomes communist.” Separately, Musk accused South African President Cyril Ramaphosa of implementing “openly racist ownership laws.”
The South African government has rejected Trump’s criticism of the new law, which it said is essentially aimed at addressing the disparities created by decades of apartheid and white minority rule in South Africa that was ended in 1994.
What is the law?
During the apartheid era, the Black majority in South Africa was oppressed in all possible ways, including housing and land ownership.
But decades after the end of the racist system of apartheid, most private farmland in South Africa is still owned by white people, something that Ramaphosa and the ruling African National Congress (ANC) have sought to address.
The new law, the government has emphasized, is a way to right historic wrongs.
The new Expropriation Act, which replaces the apartheid-era Expropriation Act of 1975, was officially signed into law by Ramaphosa on Jan. 23 after nearly five years of public consultation and parliamentary debate.
The legislation outlines the legal framework for the government to expropriate private property for public purposes or in the public interest, setting rules for how compensation should be determined.
While the act generally mandates fair compensation, it also allows for certain cases in which no compensation may be paid, provided it is deemed just and reasonable.
According to the South African parliament, local, provincial, and national authorities will have the power to enforce this law to acquire land for a variety of purposes, including infrastructure development, public services, and land reform. However, the bill explicitly states that expropriation cannot occur arbitrarily or for reasons beyond serving the public good.
A long history of land inequality
Land reform has long been a contentious issue in South Africa, where historical injustices have left the majority Black population with little land ownership despite the official end of apartheid in 1994.
During the colonial and apartheid eras, laws such as the Natives Land Act of 1913 severely restricted Black South Africans from owning or leasing land. The result was widespread dispossession that concentrated land ownership in the hands of the white minority.
Although apartheid officially ended three decades ago, land ownership remains highly skewed, with white farmers still controlling much of the country’s arable land.
The new Expropriation Act is seen as an attempt to address these historical disparities. Deputy Public Works and Infrastructure Minister Sihle Zikalala described the bill as the culmination of a long struggle against land dispossession.
“This is a culmination of the long history of struggle waged by the forbearers against the dispossession of the majority of Black people through the 1913 Land Act and the notorious Group Areas Act,” Zikalala said following the adoption of the bill.
He added that the legislation aims to rectify past injustices without destabilizing the country’s economy.
“The unequal distribution of land and the tendency by some greedy individuals to use land to impede the country’s development prospects will be a thing of the past. As the President indicated, the legislation will be implemented without destabilizing the economic and development prospects of the country.”
However, some critics argue that the bill does not focus specifically on land redistribution to historically disadvantaged communities. Rural Development and Land Reform Minister Mzwanele Nyhontso remarked that the bill is more about public works than land justice.
“This bill has little to do with land reform,” Nyhontso said, explaining that its primary function is to allow the government to expropriate land for public use rather than specifically redistributing it to marginalized communities.
What has been South Africa’s response?
Opposition to the Expropriation Bill has come from various groups, both inside and outside South Africa. Critics argue that the legislation could lead to government overreach, diminish property rights, and create economic uncertainty, potentially deterring investment in the country.
Trump’s recent statements are not his first criticisms of South Africa’s land policies. In 2018, while serving as president, he tweeted that he had directed his secretary of state to “closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers.” He cited conservative commentator Tucker Carlson’s claims that South Africa was seizing land from white farmers.
At the time, Ramaphosa fired back, urging Trump to stay out of South Africa’s affairs. “He was not present when Black people faced apartheid and oppression,” Ramaphosa said, dismissing Trump’s allegations as uninformed.
In response to Trump and Musk’s claims, the South African government has firmly rejected the notion that the new law constitutes land confiscation or that it targets any particular racial group unfairly.
A statement from Ramaphosa’s office on Monday emphasized that the law is a constitutional mechanism designed to ensure equitable land access.
“The recently adopted Expropriation Act is not a confiscation instrument, but a constitutionally mandated legal process that ensures public access to land in an equitable and just manner as guided by the constitution,” the statement read.
Furthermore, Pretoria clarified that US funding to South Africa is largely focused on HIV/AIDS prevention programs, implying that Trump’s threat to cut funding would not significantly impact the nation’s economic stability.
The DRC crisis is spiraling out of control, with violence in the east claiming hundreds of lives. As rebel forces tighten their grip, regional leaders are stepping in to prevent further bloodshed.
On February 7 and 8, 2025, top African leaders will convene in Tanzania for a crucial peace summit.
With high-profile attendees and rising tensions, the world watches to see if diplomacy can end the chaos and restore stability.
Historic Summit Aims to Tackle Escalating Crisis in Eastern DRC
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is at a crossroads. A deadly conflict in its eastern region has claimed over 700 lives and left thousands injured.
As violence escalates, regional leaders are stepping in. On February 7 and 8, 2025, Tanzania’s capital, Dar es Salaam, will host an emergency summit.
Presidents from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) will gather to discuss solutions for peace.
The summit, initiated by Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa (SADC Chair) and Kenya’s President William Ruto (EAC Chair), aims to address the worsening situation.
With high-level attendance expected, the world watches as Africa’s leaders seek to end the bloodshed.
African Leaders Mobilize for Peace in Eastern DRC
The crisis in eastern DRC has drawn international concern. Rebel groups, particularly the M23 militia, continue to battle Congolese forces and their allies. Reports indicate severe human rights abuses, including sexual violence used as a weapon of war.
Kenyan President William Ruto confirmed that Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan will host the extraordinary summit.
Several key leaders, including DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, have confirmed attendance. Their presence is crucial, given Rwanda’s alleged involvement in supporting M23 rebels.
Other expected leaders include South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, and Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
The meeting will begin with a ministerial session on February 7, paving the way for a high-level dialogue among Heads of State on February 8.
M23 Rebels and Their Motivations
The M23 rebel group, largely composed of ethnic Tutsis, claims to fight for minority rights. However, the Congolese government argues that M23 is primarily driven by economic interests, particularly the exploitation of the mineral-rich eastern region.
Rwanda, long accused of backing M23, has denied direct involvement. However, its government now argues that the ongoing conflict near its border poses a security threat. This shift in rhetoric has only deepened tensions between Kigali and Kinshasa.
Goma Falls, Bukavu at Risk as DRC Crisis Escalates
The recent capture of Goma, a strategic city, has amplified concerns. While the Congolese government denies that M23 fully controls the city, conditions on the ground suggest otherwise.
The rebels have already set their sights on Bukavu, South Kivu’s capital. If they succeed, they could continue advancing toward Kinshasa, over 2,600 km (1,600 miles) away.
For now, Goma remains their biggest prize. The humanitarian situation is dire, with displaced civilians facing food shortages, violence, and insecurity.
The international community is calling for urgent intervention, but will this summit bring real change?
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has hit back at over threats to cut funding for alleged land confiscation and mistreatment of certain groups.
This comes hours after Trump took to his official X page to assert that South Africa was “confiscating” land and “treating certain classes of people very badly” as he announced plans to cut off all future funding to the country pending an investigation.
Speaking at a function Monday morning, Ramaphosa urged Trump to stop meddling in South African affairs.
“I don’t know what Trump has to do with South Africa because he has never been here. He should keep his America and we keep our South Africa. South Africa is our land, South Africa belongs to all the people who have been living here,” he said.
“He can keep his America. Donald Trump must leave us alone because he did not help us fight apartheid, we did it on our own. He was not on the table when we negotiated. We will find solutions to our problems,”
The land issue in South Africa has long been divisive, with efforts to redress the inequality of white-rule drawing criticism from conservatives including Elon Musk, the world’s wealthiest person, who was born in South Africa and is a powerful Trump adviser.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa last month signed a bill that stipulates the government may, in certain circumstances, offer “nil compensation” for property it decides to expropriate in the public interest.
“South Africa is confiscating land, and treating certain classes of people VERY BADLY,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.
“I will be cutting off all future funding to South Africa until a full investigation of this situation has been completed!” Trump wrote.
U.S. President Donald Trump said on Sunday, without citing evidence, that “certain classes of people” in South Africa were being treated “very badly” and that he would cut off funding for the country until the matter is investigated.
“South Africa is confiscating land, and treating certain classes of people VERY BADLY,” Trump said in a Truth Social post.
“The United States won’t stand for it, we will act. Also, I will be cutting off all future funding to South Africa until a full investigation of this situation has been completed!” he said.
It is unclear what led to Trump’s post.
The South African embassy in Washington D.C. did not respond to a request for comment outside of regular business hours.
The United States obligated nearly $440 million in assistance to South Africa in 2023, the most recent U.S. government data showed.
South Africa currently holds the G20 presidency, after which the U.S. takes over.
Last month, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said he was not worried about the country’s relationship with Trump. He said he had spoken to Trump after the latter’s election victory and looked forward to working with his administration.
During his first administration, Trump said the U.S. would investigate unproven large-scale killings of white farmers in South Africa and violent takeovers of land. Pretoria at the time said Trump was misinformed. It is unclear whether the Trump administration carried out an investigation.
Trump’s close ally Elon Musk was born in South Africa. In 2023, Musk replied on X to a video of a far-left South African political party singing an old anti-apartheid song, “Kill the Boer”, by stating: “They are openly pushing for genocide of white people in South Africa.”
“@CyrilRamaphosa, why do you say nothing?” Musk asked.
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s Foreign minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner has urged football clubs Arsenal, Bayern Munich and Paris St Germain to end their “blood-stained” sponsorship agreements with “Visit Rwanda” following the worsening humanitarian crisis in the country.
The DR Congo Health ministry said on Saturday there were almost 800 bodies in hospital morgues around Goma following the offensive by Rwanda-backed M23 rebels to seize east Congo’s largest city, home to lucrative gold, coltan and tin mines.
The latest escalation has worsened a long-standing humanitarian crisis that has driven hundreds of thousands to seek shelter in Goma after fleeing fighting between M23 and Congolese troops.
The fighting has led to human rights violations including summary executions, the bombing of displacement camps, reports of gang rape and other sexual violence, according to the United Nations.
Wagner wrote to the three clubs this week and questioned the morality of their sponsorship deals, citing a U.N. report that suggested there were 4,000 Rwandan troops active in DR Congo.
“Thousands are currently trapped in the city of Goma with restricted access to food, water, and security,” Wagner said in her letters to the clubs, according to a media statement from her ministry on Sunday.
“Countless lives have been lost; rape, murder and theft prevail. Your sponsor is directly responsible for this misery. If not for your own consciences, then the clubs should do it (end their sponsorship agreement) for the victims of Rwandan aggression.”
Rwanda says it is defending itself, accusing Congo’s military of joining forces with ethnic Hutu-led militias bent on slaughtering Tutsis in Congo and threatening Rwanda, where Hutus targeted Tutsis in a 1994 genocide and some later fled to Congo.
Congo denies this and accuses Rwanda of using M23 to pillage valuable minerals from Congolese territory.
“Visit Rwanda” began their sponsorship of Arsenal in 2018, with the latest deal reported to be worth more than 10 million pounds ($12.39 million) per year.
Bayern Munich signed a five-year football development and tourism promotion partnership with Rwanda in 2023, while “Visit Rwanda” has been a sponsor of PSG since 2019.
Reuters has contacted the three clubs and “Visit Rwanda” for comment.
British foreign minister David Lammy told parliament on Tuesday Rwanda received over $1 billion in global aid every year, including around 32 million pounds of bilateral UK assistance, but “all of that is under threat when you attack your neighbours.”
Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni said on Saturday his government would continue to prosecute civilians in military tribunals even after the country’s top court banned the practice, ruling it unconstitutional.
In a majority decision on Friday, the east African country’s Supreme Court banned prosecutions of civilians in military courts and ordered all ongoing cases there to be transferred to civil courts.
The ruling was hailed by key opposition figure Kizza Besigye’s lawyer as offering him some relief during an ongoing trial by the country’s general court martial.
In a statement to the media on Saturday, Museveni described the court’s decision as wrong and said military prosecutions reinforce the civil courts and had helped in pacifying Karamoja, a region in Uganda’s northeast plagued by armed violence.
“The country is not governed by the judges,” he said. “The military courts helped us to discipline Karamoja. We cannot and will not abandon this useful instrument for stability.”
Human rights activists and opposition politicians have long accused Museveni’s government of using military courts to prosecute opposition leaders and supporters on politically motivated charges.
While civilian court judges are independent, military court officials are appointed by the president.
Ugandan pop star turned opposition leader Bobi Wine has previously been prose in a military court over weapons offences.
Besigye, a longtime opponent of Museveni, was detained in neighbouring Kenya in November and brought back to Uganda to be charged with several weapons and security offences in the general court martial.
He has been held in detention since and was due to reappear in court on Monday, but his lawyers said after the ruling on Friday that he now would not do so.
In power since 1986, Museveni has not openly stated whether he would seek re-election at the polls next year although he is widely expected to do so.
There is a good chance that inside your mobile phone is a miniscule amount of a metal that started its journey buried in the earth of eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where a war is currently raging.
It may even be directly connected to the M23 rebel group that made global headlines this week.
The tantalum within your device weighs less than half of the average garden pea but is essential for the efficient functioning of a smartphone, and almost all other sophisticated electronic devices.
The unique properties of this rare, blue-grey, lustrous metal – including being able to hold a high charge compared to its size, while operating in a range of temperatures – make it an ideal material for tiny capacitors, which temporarily store energy.
It is also mined in Rwanda, Brazil and Nigeria but at least 40% – and maybe more – of the element’s global supply comes from DR Congo and some of the key mining areas are now under the control of the M23.
The current wave of fighting has been going on for months, but the rebels grabbed attention with Sunday’s assault on the vital trading and transport hub of Goma. The city, bordering Rwanda, is a regional centre for the mining business
Over the past year, the M23 has made rapid advances across the mineral-rich east of DR Congo, taking areas where coltan – the ore from which tantalum is extracted – is mined.
Like scores of other armed groups operating in the area, the M23 began as an outfit defending the rights of an ethnic group perceived to be under threat. But as its territory has expanded, mining has become a crucial source of income, paying for fighters and weapons.
Last April, it seized Rubaya, the town at the heart of the country’s coltan industry.
Mineral extraction in this region is not in the hands of multinational conglomerates – instead thousands of individuals toil in open pits that honeycomb the landscape, or underground, in extremely unsafe and unhealthy conditions.
This aerial shot from Rubaya taken in 2014 shows how the coltan operation worked at one mine
They are part of a complex, and yet informal, network that sees the rocks removed from the ground using shovels, brought to the surface, crushed, washed, taxed, sold and then exported to be further purified and eventually smelted.
Once the M23 moved into Rubaya, the rebels established what a UN group of experts described as a “state-like administration”, issuing permits to the diggers and traders and demanding an annual fee of $25 (£20) and $250 respectively. The M23 doubled the diggers’ wages to ensure they would carry on working.
It runs the area as a monopoly making sure – through the threat of arrest and detention – that only its authorised traders are able to do business.
The M23 also charges a levy of $7 on each kilogramme of coltan. The UN group of experts estimated that as a result the M23 earns about $800,000 a month from coltan taxation in Rubaya. That money is almost certainly then used to fund the rebellion.
There is a question mark hanging over how the ore extracted from M23-controlled areas gets into the global supply chain.
Neighbouring Rwanda, which is seen as backing the M23, is at the centre of the answer, the UN experts say.
Theoretically, a certification scheme – known as the Innovative Tin Supply Chain Initiative (Itsci) – should mean that what goes into a phone handset and other electronics does not come from areas of conflict where it could be used to fund armed groups responsible for carrying out atrocities.
The M23 is suspected of using the money raised in controlling the coltan mines to pay for its fighters and weapons
The US’ Dodd-Frank Act passed in 2010, and a similar piece of EU legislation, is aimed at ensuring that companies purchasing tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold – so-called “conflict minerals” – are not inadvertently funding violence.
But Itsci has come under some criticism.
Ken Matthysen, a security and resource management expert with independent research group Ipis, highlights that the dispersed nature of a lot of small-scale mines make it difficult for the local authorities to monitor exactly what is going on everywhere.
Itsci tags should be put on bags at the mine itself, to prove the origin of the minerals inside, but often they get transported to a collection point where it becomes harder to trace where the ore actually came from, Mr Matthysen said.
He added that there is also a possible issue with corruption.
“There is even an accusation of the state agents selling tags to traders, because they don’t make a good living. So the traders then go around eastern DR Congo and they tag the bags themselves.”
Itsci did not respond to a BBC request for comment, but has in the past defended its record saying that the scheme has been subjected to a rigorous independent audit. It has also been praised for bringing “prosperity for hundreds of thousands of small-scale miners”.
In the case of Rubaya, Itsci suspended its operations there soon after the M23 entered the town.
Nevertheless, the group has managed to continue exporting coltan.
The UN experts map a circuitous route showing how it is transported to close to the Rwandan border. It is then transferred to “heavy-duty trucks” that needed the road to be widened in order to accommodate them.
Rwanda has its own coltan mines but the experts say that the uncertified coltan is mixed with Rwandan production leading to a “significant contamination of supply chains”.
The M23 was already involved in the coltan business before the capture of Rubaya – setting up roadblocks and charging fees to cross them, according to Mr Matthysen.
“A lot of the trade of these minerals went through M23-controlled area towards Rwanda. So even then, Rwanda was profiting from the instability in eastern DR Congo and we saw the export volumes to Rwanda were already increasing,” he told the BBC.
The M23 increased the pay for the diggers in Rubaya but made sure they had a monopoly in the coltan trade
Figures from the US Geological Survey show that Rwanda’s coltan exports rose by 50% between 2022 and 2023. Mr Matthysen said this could not have all come from Rwanda.
In a robust defence of Rwanda’s position, government spokesperson Yolande Makolo reiterated to the BBC that there were minerals and refining capacity in her own country.
“It’s very cynical to take an issue like what’s happening in eastern DRC, where a persecuted community is fighting for its rights… and turning [it] into an issue of material benefit,” she added.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame has also dismissed the UN experts’ reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise”.
Much of the east of DR Congo has been blighted by conflict for many years, raising questions about who has been benefitting and whether armed groups are profiting from what is dug out of the ground there.
In order to highlight the issue and its connection to the smartphone industry, the Congolese government filed criminal complaints in France and Belgium at the end of last year against subsidiaries of the tech giant Apple, accusing it of using “conflict minerals”.
Apple has disputed the allegation and pointed out that since early 2024, because of the escalating conflict and the difficulties of certification, it stopped sourcing tantalum, among other metals, from both DR Congo and Rwanda.
Other companies have not been so clear, which means that as the M23 seizes more territory those small bits of tantalum from the mines that they control could still make their way into the devices that we have come to rely on.
The past weeks have seen significant gains by the allegedly foreign-backed rebel group M23, which claims to defend the rights of ethnic Tutsis in the region
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with reports indicating that over 100 armed groups operating in the region as conflict has displaced thousands, and killed dozens in the latest rebel offensive
Weeks of renewed fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have culminated in the capture of Goma, a key border city targeted by rebels allegedly backed by foreign rivals.
The M23 rebel group stepped up its push towards Goma, a city of about 3 million people located on the northern shore of Lake Kivu on the boundary with Rwanda.
As the capital of North Kivu province, Goma is the largest settlement to fall in a series of rebel advances that have overtaken key frontier towns.
While the DRC government has denied that the rebels had taken full control, M23 spokesman Willy Ngoma told the press on Tuesday that fighters were “in control of the city.”
“I am in Goma now. Everything is very nice, very good, and there is no problem,” Ngoma said, claiming “total control” of the city, which also serves as a gateway to some of the world’s most mineral-rich areas.
The Congolese government is supported by UN peacekeepers from the MONUSCO mission and regional troops under the Southern African Development Community Mission in Congo (SAMIDRC), which includes forces from Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania.
Since last week, fighting in the region has left at least 42 people dead, including 17 foreign peacekeepers. Hundreds more have been injured amid ongoing clashes between the Congolese army and rebel forces. Over half of Goma’s population are children, according to Save the Children, while about 1 million are displaced people.
Rwanda claims at least nine of its citizens were killed in an alleged cross-border exchange of gunfire originating from Goma.
UN experts accuse Rwanda and Uganda of supporting M23 by providing sanctuary and enabling Rwandan troops to join the fighting in eastern Congo.
Both nations deny the allegations, countering that the armed groups targeting their own territory have used the DRC as a sanctuary.
Why is Goma important?
Goma’s strategic location as a commercial hub has long made it a focal point in local power struggles during Congo’s wars.
The city’s proximity to mineral-rich areas has embedded it in the war economy, drawing settlers, traders, and criminals. Control over Goma has historically shaped political power and trade networks in the region.
Much of the conflict in eastern Congo is driven by the region’s mineral riches, including coltan, cobalt, tantalum, and lithium reserves, essential to modern technology.
Goma, home to several ethnic groups, including Tutsi, Hutu, Hunde, Kano, Nande, and Nyanga, has also been affected by ethnic tensions, often rooted in economic rivalries.
Local militias frequently clash over control of land and mining areas, from which armed groups fund their activities by smuggling minerals.
Who are the M23 and what do they want?
The M23 movement has its origins in the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a rebel group that claimed to fight for the rights of the Tutsi minority in eastern Congo.
The CNDP signed a peace deal with the Congolese government in March 2009. Under the agreement, its fighters were integrated into the national army.
In April 2012, a faction of former CNDP rebels broke away from the military, accusing the government of failing to implement the agreement. They formed the March 23 Movement, or M23, named after the date of the 2009 deal.
Why are Rwanda and Uganda allegedly backing rebels?
Conflicts in eastern Congo trace back to the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, when about 1 million people, most of them members of the Tutsi ethnic group and moderate Hutus, were killed by Hutu extremists within a span of 100 days.
The subsequent resettlement of Hutus in the region sparked widespread violence, as many of the genocide perpetrators fled to Congo. Meanwhile, Rwanda has supported Tutsis, aiding their reorganization efforts across the border.
M23 asserts that minority Congolese Tutsis face discrimination due to their ethnic links to their kin in Rwanda. The group claims the Congolese government has failed to address their concerns about safety and military integration.
Kinshasa, for its part, accuses M23 of destabilizing the region with external backing, particularly from Rwanda and Uganda.
Both nations deny the allegations, with Kampala accusing the DRC of sheltering rebels fighting Uganda, including the ISIS/Daesh-linked Allied Democratic Forces and the People’s Redemption Army.
Rwanda, likewise, accuses the Congolese army of allying with rebels in the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose members are blamed for the 1994 genocide.
Why is eastern DRC a hotspot for conflicts?
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with over 100 armed groups operating in the region.
Analysts attribute the ongoing fighting to efforts by foreign powers to maintain influence and profit from the extraction of minerals such as gold, coltan, and cobalt.
Rwanda is accused of facilitating the illegal trafficking of these minerals, which are worth more than $1 billion and play a significant role in the ongoing conflict, according to Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
The Congolese army has been deployed repeatedly to eastern Congo to protect mining sites belonging to Chinese companies. Most of the cobalt mines owned by US companies were sold to firms connected to Beijing since, according to the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations.
Key reserves in eastern Congo also include tantalum, tin, tungsten, and copper. These resources dominate Congo’s economy, with minerals and petroleum comprising the majority of its export value.
How does the ongoing conflict affect civilians?
Over 26 million people in Congo are in need of humanitarian assistance, according to Save the Children.
In Goma, hospitals are overwhelmed as they struggle to manage rising patient numbers, while electricity and water supplies have been disrupted. Internet services have also been unavailable since Monday.
Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner reported that more than 100 people have been treated at health centers in recent days, while over 500,000 people have been displaced.
Amnesty International notes that over 400,000 were displaced in January alone, with Goma already hosting more than 600,000 internally displaced persons.
The World Food Program has raised alarms over food shortages in Goma, where rising prices and blocked access roads have worsened the crisis. The UN deputy special representative to MONUSCO has said nearly 3 million people have been displaced in North Kivu province to date.
Uganda has confirmed an outbreak of the Ebola virus in the capital Kampala with the first confirmed patient dying from it on Wednesday, the health ministry said on Thursday.
It is the East African country’s ninth outbreak since it recorded its first infection of the viral disease in 2000.
The patient, a male nurse at the Mulago National Referral Hospital in Kampala, had initially sought treatment at various facilities, including Mulago, as well as with a traditional healer, after developing fever-like symptoms.
“The patient experienced multi-organ failure and succumbed to the illness at Mulago National Referral Hospital on Jan. 29. Post-mortem samples confirmed the Sudan Ebola Virus Disease (strain),” the ministry said in a statement.
Forty-four contacts of the deceased man have been listed for tracing, including 30 health workers, the ministry said.
However, contact tracing could be challenging as Kampala, where the latest Ebola infection cropped up, is a crowded city of over 4 million people and a crossroads for traffic to South Sudan, Congo, Rwanda and other countries.
The highly infectious hemorrhagic fever is transmitted through contact with infected bodily fluids and tissue. Symptoms include headache, vomiting of blood, muscle pains and bleeding.
Ugandan authorities have used capacity built up over years, such as laboratory testing, patient care know-how, contact tracing and other skills, to bring recent Ebola outbreaks under control in relatively short order.
Uganda last suffered an outbreak in late 2022 and that was declared over on Jan. 11, 2023 after nearly four months in which it struggled to contain the viral infection.
The last outbreak killed 55 of the 143 people infected and the dead included six health workers.
The patient had also sought treatment at a public hospital in Mbale, 240 km (150 miles) east of Kampala near the border with Kenya, the ministry said.
Vaccination against Ebola for all contacts of the deceased will begin immediately, the ministry said. There is currently no approved vaccine for the Sudan strain of Ebola, though Uganda received some trial vaccine doses during the last outbreak.
An outbreak of Marburg, a cousin of Ebola, was declared in neighbouring Tanzania last week. Uganda also borders Rwanda, which has just emerged from a Marburg outbreak, and Congo where outbreaks of Ebola are common.
Britain has warned Rwanda that its involvement in an escalating conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo could jeopardise the over $1 billion of aid it receives every year.
Rwanda-backed M23 rebels captured Goma, a city of 2 million people in the DRC, on Monday, ignoring widespread calls for them to halt their offensive and enact a ceasefire. They extended their advance on Wednesday.
Rwandan forces backed up M23 in Goma, according to Congo, the United States and other Western powers. Rwanda has denied its involvement.
Members of the M23 rebel group gather at their position amid fighting between them and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), in Goma, Easter Congo. Reuters
British foreign minister David Lammy told parliament on Tuesday Rwanda received over 1 billion dollars in global aid every year, including around 32 million pounds ($39.80 million) of bilateral UK assistance but “all of that is under threat when you attack your neighbours”.
“We in this House are clear that we cannot have countries challenging the territorial integrity of other countries,” Lammy said. “Just as we will not tolerate it in the continent of Europe, we cannot tolerate it wherever in the world it happens.”
“We have to be clear about that,” Lammy added.
This week’s events represent the gravest escalation of the decades-old conflict in eastern Congo since 2012. The hostilities are rooted in the spillover of Rwanda’s 1994 genocide into Congo and the struggle for control of Congo’s lucrative minerals.
Kenya is negotiating for the release of 12 fishermen who were arrested by Ugandan forces while fishing at Lake Victoria.
The group is said to have originated Osieko Beach and had ventured to Sigulu Island in the Ugandan side when they were nabbed on Tuesday January 28.
Their chairman reported at Port Victoria police station the group had been nabbed by Uganda’s People’s Defence Forces while on board five sailing canoes and fishing in Ugandan waters using prohibited fishing gear hook number 12.
They were escorted to Matolo police station in Sigulu Island Uganda.
The Kenya Coast Guard personnel in Bunyala were informed and said they were negotiating with the Ugandan officials for the release of the group.
Such incidents are common in the area amid calls for more campaigns for the fishermen to be aware of dos and don’ts.
There are dozens of Kenyan fishermen who are regularly arrested on the waters over the claims.
Meanwhile, police in Nambale, Busia County are pursuing a gang that attacked a petrol station and robbed the attendants of cash and valuables.
The gang of four that was riding on two motorcycles went to Leikati petrol station on Monday January 27 night in the Centre area armed with three pistols and one rifle and posed as customers.
The gang later ordered everyone present to lie down. The robbers robbed the three workers of their three mobile phones and Sh78,000.
They then entered Tavann Pub on the other side of the road, where they robbed the workers of their two mobile phones.
They also hit and injured a woman in the bar in the forehead. She was treated and discharged in stable condition.
Police said the robbers then sped off on their motorcycles towards Busia direction.
The M23, a Rwanda-backed armed group, has seized most of Goma, a key city of a million people in the mineral-rich eastern DR Congo. Analysts say their motives combine security and economic interests with the deadly momentum of war.
Why did Rwanda and M23 take Goma?
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame says its priority in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo is to destroy the Democratic Liberation Front of Rwanda (FDLR in French), formed from remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 genocide.
Many say Rwanda is more interested in the region’s rich resources of tantalum and tin used in batteries and electronics worldwide as well as gold.
“There is a desire to control the resources of eastern Congo,” said Thierry Vircoulon, of the French Institute of International Relations, dismissing talk of the FDLR as a “pretext”.
But Bram Verelst, of Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, said it was vital to understand that Rwanda’s security concerns stemmed from its horrific recent history.
“The Rwandan state today is largely built on the experience of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. It’s extremely sensitive to what it perceives as genocide ideology or any form of opposition,” he said.
“The way it perceives the FDLR as an existential threat goes beyond the actual military capabilities of the group.”
He also said there was an inescapable momentum to the conflict.
“A lot of what is happening now is the result of this mutual pursuit of a military approach that leads to more and more escalation.”
Can M23 hold Goma?
The M23 took Goma once before in 2012 but international pressure on Rwanda and internal divisions within the group led to its defeat.
“This time we’re less likely to see a split because it is much more deeply involved with the Rwandan Defence Forces,” said an analyst for Janes, a defence intelligence company, who asked not be named.
Romania mercenaries going through security check with Rwandan police after they surrendered to M23 fighters.
The M23 is determined to show it can govern effectively.
“They spend a lot of time in their propaganda critiquing the poor governance and corruption of the Congolese government,” said the analyst.
Vircoulon was sceptical about its prospects.
“The M23 does not have a lot of fighters. It will be very difficult to hold a city of one million,” he said.
Rwanda ultimately wants to force the Congolese into talks with the M23, which they have so far refused.
“As long as Kinshasa maintains this position, Kagame will not budge either. And so we risk a stalemate that lasts,” said Vircoulon.
Will the M23 go further?
Rwanda’s ambassador for the Great Lakes region, Vincent Karega, told AFP on Wednesday that the M23 could seize territory far beyond Goma, even going all the way to Kinshasa.
“It’s possible because all the (DRC) forces and military capabilities were concentrated in Goma. The rest of the country is not as protected,” he said.
Analysts said that was highly unlikely given the vast size of the country and the conflict’s dynamics.
But Verelst said it will keep pushing north to Lubero, south to Bukavu and west to Walikelo.
“It is certainly a possibility that we could see further expansion on multiple fronts, but it’s also a bit uncertain now, because the M23 needs to consolidate its gains,” he said.
The recent offensive has demonstrated the challenges faced by the Congolese army.
“The Congolese military has had significant issues with corruption, misappropriation of funding for equipment. Lack of pay has been a huge problem for morale,” said the Janes analyst.
He said the DRC army had invested $280 million since 2022, expanding training, taking on Israeli private military contractors and European partners to create Rapid Reaction Brigades.
“But although they look the part, we’ve seen they haven’t stood up to the M23 and Rwandan Defence Forces.”
Last month, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi dismissed his army chief of staff, Christian Tshiwewe, following failures on the eastern battlefield and reports of mass corruption in the recruitment of new troops.
Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels are moving south towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province, in what appears to be an attempt to expand their area of control in the country’s east after capturing the city of Goma.
The latest advances are part of a major escalation of a decades-old conflict over power, identity and resources that has killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced more than 1 million since its recent resurgence.
What is happening in Goma?
After entering Goma on Monday night, the rebels faced pockets of resistance, particularly around strategic areas including the airport. They took control of the airport by Tuesday evening, and hundreds of government troops and allied militia laid down their weapons.
By Wednesday morning, the rebels were in control of the devastated city, where some corpses could still be seen in the streets. Corneille Nangaa, leader of the Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels, told Reuters on Tuesday that they plan to govern Goma.
M23 forces were later advancing south from the town of Minova, along the western side of Lake Kivu, towards Bukavu, five diplomatic and security sources said.
Who are M23?
M23, which refers to the March 23, 2009, accord that ended a previous Tutsi-led revolt in eastern Congo, is the latest group of ethnic Tutsi-led insurgents to take up arms against Congolese forces. It launched the current rebellion in 2022.
The group has accused the government of Congo of not living up to the peace deal and fully integrating Congolese Tutsis into the army and administration.
It also vows to defend Tutsi interests, particularly against ethnic Hutu militias such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), founded by Hutus who fled Rwanda after participating in the 1994 genocide of close to 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
Since the start of 2025, the rebels have seized new territory and reached Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, prompting hundreds of thousands more people to flee their homes.
For more than a year, M23 has controlled Congo’s coltan-mining region of Rubaya, generating an estimated $800,000 per month through a production tax, according to the U.N. Coltan is used in the production of smartphones and other equipment.
The group’s spread into new territories in recent weeks gives it scope to acquire more mining revenue, analysts say.
Why is Rwanda involved?
The government of Congo, U.N. officials and Western powers including the United States have accused Congo’s neighbour Rwanda of fuelling the conflict by deploying thousands of its own troops and heavy weapons on Congolese soil in support of M23.
The accusations are based on a 2022 report by a U.N. Group of Experts that said it had “solid evidence” that Rwandan troops had been fighting alongside the M23 rebels.
Rwanda, which denies backing the rebels, says it has taken what it calls defensive measures and accuses Congo of fighting alongside the FDLR, which has attacked Tutsis in both countries.
Rwanda has a long history of military intervention inside Congo. It and Uganda invaded in 1996 and 1998, claiming they were defending themselves against local militia groups and going after the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
What are UN peacekeepers and other forces doing?
U.N. peacekeepers had been supporting the Congolese army’s efforts to curb the M23 as part of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (MONUSCO) years-old mandate to counter the many rebel groups active in eastern Congo.
An agreed withdrawal of the mission from Congo has been paused because of the deteriorating security situation. As of December, there were nearly 11,000 peacekeepers on the ground, mostly in the east.
Since the fall of Goma, the mission has evacuated some of its staff and families. Its base has received a large number of people seeking refuge, including government and army officials and various elements including the pro-government Wazalendo militia fighters who have surrendered their arms.
Private military contractors who were hired by the Congolese government to help in the fight against M23 and to train troops have also surrendered.
Rwanda’s defence force said 280 of them had surrendered to M23. Reuters reporters saw dozens of Romanian mercenaries who had been hired by Congo crossing into Rwanda — the start of their journey home, one said
The 16-member Southern African Development Community (SADC), which extended its military mission in Congo late last year to help the Congolese army fight the rebels, remains in place.
Both forces have suffered losses since the start of 2025.
In a stern rebuke that could escalate into a regional crisis, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has sharply warned South African President Cyril Ramaphosa that any preference for confrontation over diplomacy in the ongoing turmoil in Eastern Congo will be met with decisive action.
The rare statement, made via a public post on X (formerly Twitter), underscores a dramatic escalation in the already tense relations between Kigali and Pretoria.
Following confidential conversations held virtually by the two Heads of State on two occasions, Ramaphosa and other South African officials made statements which Kagame said contained a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks, and even lies.
The duo held talks following the fall of Goma, the capital of North Kivu Province of DR Congo, to the M23 rebel group, a Congolese outfit.
“If words can change so much from a conversation to a public statement, it says a lot about how these very important issues are being managed,” Kagame said.
At the core of the dispute is the role of various military forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Kagame firmly rejected Ramaphosa’s characterization of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) as a militia, stating, “The Rwanda Defence Force is an army, not a militia.” This was in response to Ramaphosa’s claim that the fighting in eastern DRC “is the result of an escalation by the rebel group M23 and the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) militia engaging the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) and attacking peacekeepers from the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC).”
Kagame clarified that SAMIDRC is not a peacekeeping force but rather a belligerent force with no legitimate role in the situation. He argued that SAMIDRC was authorized by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to engage in offensive combat operations, aiding the Congolese government in fighting its own people. He further accused SAMIDRC of collaborating with genocidal armed groups like the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which Rwanda views as a direct threat to its security. Kagame warned that these actions not only destabilize the region but also threaten to bring the war to Rwanda itself.
“Rwanda will never fail to protect its sovereignty and people,” Kagame emphasized, underscoring the nation’s commitment to security and peace.
Kagame also criticized the South African-led SADC mission in the DRC, labeling it not as a peacekeeping force but as a “belligerent force.” He accused SAMIDRC of aligning with the DRC government and collaborating with the FDLR, a group Rwanda considers a direct threat to its national security. According to Kagame, SAMIDRC’s intervention has not only failed to bring peace but has exacerbated the conflict by undermining the previous efforts of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF).
“SAMIDRC displaced a true peacekeeping force, the East African Community Regional Force, and this contributed to the failure of the negotiation processes,” Kagame said.
Rwandan army match during a national public ceremony.
In a revealing twist, Kagame disclosed details of private conversations with Ramaphosa, asserting that the South African president had privately acknowledged that the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC)—not the M23 rebels—were responsible for the deaths of South African troops. This contradicts Ramaphosa’s public claims that the M23 was to blame.
During intense fighting earlier this week, South Africa lost 13 soldiers who were fighting alongside Congolese government forces (FARDC), European mercenaries, and a coalition of other groups, including the FDLR—a militia formed by perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
“If South Africa wants to contribute to peaceful solutions, that is well and good. But South Africa is in no position to take on the role of a peacemaker or mediator. And if South Africa prefers confrontation, Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day,” Kagame stated.
This public spat signals a significant diplomatic standoff, with Kagame’s comments being interpreted by some as an informal declaration of war. The tone of his message raises concerns that the situation could escalate beyond harsh words, potentially pushing both nations toward military engagement if diplomatic efforts continue to falter.
The backdrop of this confrontation includes historical tensions, notably the 2014 assassination of Patrick Karegeya, a former Rwandan intelligence chief, on South African soil. This incident has long strained relations between the two countries.
In recent weeks, the M23 rebel group has captured the towns of Minova in South Kivu and Masisi in North Kivu, advancing toward the city of Goma. The rebels are demanding direct peace talks with the Congolese government, which has ruled out any possibility of negotiations, labeling the M23 a terrorist movement.
Regional initiatives to end the conflict politically have failed, with the Congolese government showing little political will and instead pursuing a military solution.
EAC calls for ceasefire
The East African Heads of State under the chairmanship of President William Ruto have called for a cessation of hostilities and protection of diplomatic missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The call followed a virtual meeting convened by President Ruto, over the conflict on Wednesday.
President William Ruto chairs a virtual Extra-Ordinary Summit of the EAC Heads of State on DRC/PCS
The leaders urged the conflicting parties to facilitate access to humanitarian support for the affected people.
“The summit also expressed concern about the expanding crisis manifesting in attacks on diplomatic missions, embassies and staff based in Kinshasa. Accordingly, the summit urged the government of DRC to protect diplomatic missions, lives and property,” a communique from the summit reads in part.
“All parties to the conflict in Eastern DRC to cease hostilities and observe immediate and unconditional ceasefire and facilitate humanitarian access to the affected population.”
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Félix Tshisekedi did not attend the summit.
The EAC heads of state further noted that President Ruto will engage the chairperson of the South African Development Community (SADC) for a joint summit to discuss the way forward.
This is a result of their forces being involved in efforts to stabilise the DRC.
The leaders further urged President Felix Tshisekedi to engage the M23 and all other armed groups, as well as all other critical stakeholders to arrive at a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
In recent weeks, the M23 captured the towns of Minova, in South Kivu, and Masisi, in North Kivu, ahead of taking the city of Goma on Sunday night.
The rebels demand direct peace talks with the Congolese government, which has ruled out any possibility of talks with the rebels, accusing them of being a terrorist movement.
Regional initiatives have failed to end the war politically, with the Congolese government declining political will and pursuing a military solution.
As the international community watches closely, the possibility of a broader conflict looms large, threatening the stability of the Central African region. The urgency to mediate and de-escalate this burgeoning crisis is palpable, with both leaders needing to navigate this diplomatic minefield carefully to avoid an all-out confrontation.
The implications of this exchange could reshape regional alliances, peacekeeping strategies, and the geopolitical landscape of Central Africa, highlighting the critical need for swift and effective diplomatic intervention.
Dozens of Romanian security contractors in the eastern DR Congo crossed the border into neighbouring Rwanda on Wednesday to surrender to authorities following days of deadly fighting, according to Kigali.
Rwanda-backed fighters controlled almost all of the DR Congo city of Goma, a key mineral trading hub, Wednesday after a lightening offensive.
A long line of men, many wearing jeans and T-shirts, flanked by armed Rwandan soldiers calmly entered Rwandan territory on foot via the Gisenyi border post, according to images filmed by AFP.
With the help of sniffer dogs, the Rwandan soldiers inspected their backpacks and other belongings, opened on the ground, before the men underwent body searches and registered.
“We weren’t on a battlefield, we were here to train and help with artillery,” one of the Romanians told AFP, only giving the name Emil.
More than 280 Romanian “mercenaries” fighting alongside Congolese forces have surrendered to M23 in the Rwandan border town of Gisenyi, Rwanda’s army said on X.
They are being evacuated in buses to Kigali, according to the Rwandan Ministry of Defence.
In Romania, the foreign ministry said an evacuation of its citizens was “under way”.
The ministry on Tuesday convened a crisis unit to address “the acute deterioration of the security situation” in the eastern DRC, where “Romanian citizens, private employees of the DRC government, are present on an army training mission”.
Four of them were injured in the fighting, their leader Constantin Timofte told Romanian public television.
“The national army gave up fighting and we had to withdraw,” he said.
Since late 2022, nearly 1,000 Western soldiers, working for two private military companies, have been in Goma.
One of the military contractors, Congo Protection, is managed in Goma by Horatiu Potra, a Romanian ex-member of the French Foreign Legion.
Congo Protection’s mostly Eastern European soldiers are involved in training Congolese army units and protecting Goma. They have also joined in combat against the rebels.
Agemira, the other company, is run by French nationals and includes retired French military personnel.
It initially provided maintenance services to the Congolese Air Force but is now part of the military’s operational command and has taken part in bombing raids on M23 positions.
Protesters in Kinshasa, the capital of Democratic Republic of Congo, have been burning portraits of Rwanda’s president and tearing up Rwandan flags as M23 rebels have taken control of most the eastern city of Goma.
Their fury is focused on Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who they accuse of backing the rebels – an accusation long made by the UN.
To put it bluntly, a group of UN experts maintains the Rwandan army is in “de facto control of M23 operations”, detailing how M23 recruits are trained under Rwandan supervision and supported by high-tech Rwandan weaponry.
Goma, which lies at the foot of a volcano near Lake Kivu, sits on the border with Rwanda. It is the capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province – and is an important trading and humanitarian hub and the base for the UN’s largest peacekeeping mission.
The city had also become a refuge for those fleeing the conflict between M23 fighters and the army that erupted again in late 2021 – with the population swelling to around two million.
They all face further turmoil as fighting erupted there on Sunday night with loud explosions echoing through the streets, which are now strewn with bodies. The exact circumstances of what is going on is unclear as phone lines are down and electricity and water supplies have been cut off. But the M23 seem to have captured most, if not all, of the city.
“There was no question that there are Rwandan troops in Goma supporting the M23,” said UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix, though he added that it was it was difficult to tell the exact numbers on the ground in Goma.
Tellingly some Congolese army soldiers in Goma who surrendered on Monday, did so by crossing over the border into Rwanda.
Since the conflict begun, President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels, who are well equipped, well armed and well trained.
However, this response has noticeably shifted as accusations continue to grow with “overwhelming evidence” showing Rwanda’s support for the rebel group, according to Richard Moncrief, International Crisis Group’s project director for the Great Lakes
“The tone has changed to justification for defensive measures,” he told the BBC. “It has become harder to deny Rwanda’s support for M23.”
On Sunday, Rwanda’s foreign ministry said in a statement: “This fighting close to the Rwandan border continues to present a serious threat to Rwanda’s security and territorial integrity, and necessitates Rwanda’s sustained defensive posture.”
It said it was concerned by “misguided or manipulative” statements that lacked context about the conflict.
For Kagame, the context all comes down to the Rwandan genocide that took place over 100 days in 1994.
The ethnic Hutu militia involved in killing up to 800,000 people – the vast majority from the Tutsi community – fled to what is now DR Congo, some forming the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
This rebel group is still active in the notoriously unstable eastern DR Congo – and still includes some of those responsible for the genocide.
Kagame, who headed the rebel Tutsi force that ended the killing more than three decades ago, sees this “genocidal militia” as an existential threat.
This month alone 400,000 people have fled their homes because of the fighting
His government has twice invaded DR Congo, saying it wants to stop Hutu rebel groups from staging cross-border attacks.
Earlier this month he called out his Congolese counterpart, Félix Tshisekedi, for failing to deal with the FDLR and talk to the M23, saying this was exacerbating the conflict.
Mr Moncrief believes that the targeting of Goma is more about making a political point as he says the M23 does not need the city strategically as it already “controls many more lucrative areas”.
“It is President Kagame’s way of exerting power over who is in charge of North Kivu,” said the Great Lakes expert.
Rwanda accused the military governor of North Kivu, who was killed in fighting last week, of collaborating with the FDLR.
The discovery of this kind of high-level collaboration, experts agree, would have been like a red flag to a bull for Rwanda.
Rwandan soldiers escorted surrendering Congolese troops over the border into Rwanda on Monday. Reuters
The M23’s origins are tied to these tensions – it is the latest incarnation of a rebel group that says it is fighting for the interests of the minority Tutsi community in eastern DR Congo.
Its first uprising more than a decade ago ended with a peace deal – when its fighters disarmed and mainly moved into camps in Uganda.
But three years ago, they began leaving the camps saying the deal was not honoured and within a couple months was seizing territory.
The UN peacekeeping mission – first deployed in 1999 – is not mandated to go on the offensive. Two regional forces – an East African one followed by a southern African one – specially deployed over the last few years at the request of Tshisekedi have failed to contain the M23.
This gives an indication of the M23’s sophisticated operations.
According to the UN group of experts, this includes five months of training at the M23’s main base in Tchanzu, hilly terrain not far from Rwanda’s border, that incorporates courses on theory and ideology and then practical elements including “war tactics”, “engagement rules” and “bush tactics”.
It said Rwandan officers were often at the camp, where recruits, including children, were brought – some joining up on a voluntary basis, others forced to do so in a systematic operation where local chiefs had to provide conscripts.
The experts said Sultani Makenga, who once fought for Kagame in the early 1990s in Rwanda and is now the M23’s military chief, attended some of the passing-out ceremonies between 25 September and 31 October 2024 that involved 3,000 recruits.
Rwanda’s spokesperson Yolande Makolo did not address the question of whether Rwandan officers were in the M23 camp but she did deny the charges about child soldiers, telling the BBC last year: “The claim about recruiting minors in camps is absurd, it’s blatant information warfare against Rwanda.”
However UN expert reports detail how the M23’s strength has grown since May when numbers were put at around 3,000.
The experts estimate that between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan army troops are on the ground in DR Congo – saying it based this on authenticated photographs, drone footage, video recordings, testimonies and intelligence.
Captured M23 fighters said that the Rwandans were known as the “Friendly Force”, with the experts’ December report saying the English term was “generically used” even when interviewees were speaking in other languages.
UN experts included photos of a short-range air defence system in their most recent report, saying three were spotted in M23 territory (Kibumba, Kitchanga and Karuba) in November being operated by soldiers using weaponry and backpacks similar to standard Rwandan army issue
They said these Rwandan special forces were there to train and support the rebels, and they did not interact with M23 regulars.
Rwanda’s ally Uganda, unhappy about another rebel group in DR Congo that threatens its security, has also been accused of helping the M23 – with its officers also spotted at Tchanzu. The UN experts say Uganda has also supplied weapons, hosted rebel leaders and allowed cross-border movements of M23 fighters – accusations Kampala denies.
Kagame recently expressed his frustration that after Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, his suggestion that Rwanda work alongside the Congolese army to tackle the FDLR had been rebuffed – unlike a joint offensive by DR Congo and Uganda against the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels.
This may explain the re-emergence of the M23 in 2021 – with evidence showing Rwanda’s backing of the group continues to grow.
Clémentine de Montjoye, senior researcher in the Africa division at Human Rights Watch, told the BBC that geolocated images placed Rwandan troops in Sake, a town just outside Goma last week.
The UN experts say the M23’s decision to capture the mining town of Rubaya, which fell to its forces in May, was “motivated by a strategic need to monopolise” the lucrative trade in coltan, which is used to make batteries for electric vehicles and mobile phones.
Its December report says the group now collects at least $800,000 (£643,000) a month from the taxation of coltan in Rubaya – and ensures that around 120 tonnes of the coveted mineral is sent directly to Rwanda every four weeks.
It includes satellite images to show how a road was widened by September on the Congolese side of the Kibumba border crossing to allow access for heavy trucks that were previously unable to use the route into Rwanda.
The M23 and the Rwandan army are accused of jamming GPS signals, making it impossible to operate drones and other aircraft
Ms De Montjoye explained how the advanced weapons being used by the M23 were not available to any other of the numerous armed groups operating in eastern DR Congo.
“Earlier last year, we documented how Rwandan forces, and M23 had fired 122mm rockets, hitting displacement camps,” she told the BBC.
“It’s certainly with the kind of military support that the M23 has received that they’ve been able to make such an advance [on Goma].”
The UN experts have documented many such examples, including the use of Israeli-made anti-tank guided missiles.
Mr Moncrief said the M23 was also using technology to interfere with Global Positioning System (GPS) that had stopped the Congolese army from flying drones it had acquired from China.
The UN experts said the “spoofing and jamming” near areas controlled by M23 and the Rwandan army had also disrupted other aircraft.
President Kagame has dismissed these UN reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise” and saying they ignore many outrages committed in DR Congo to focus on “imaginary problems” created by the M23.
The East African Community – currently headed by Kenya’s president – is now trying to mediate, though Tshisekedi has said he will not attend a hastily organised emergency summit.
Observers say Rwanda’s president will be telling any mediator that the FDLR is the only subject up for discussion as he is adamant their presence makes DR Congo an unsafe neighbour – something he reiterated at a press conference earlier this month.
“Honestly, for the last 30 years if anyone wanted to understand what the problems are [in DR Congo] and what solutions should be, you don’t even need to be an expert,” Kagame said.
