Category: Politics

The The Amani National Congress (ANC) leader Mudavadi has been overworking in silence stratageming his 2022 presidential ambition and unarguably he has been building his profile as the only outstanding and perhaps the strongest opposition voice in the Post-handshake era and this has markedly increased his chances of becoming among the two horse-race come 2022. ANC leader Musalia Mudavadi has conglomerate a team of technocrats as his Political Think Tank.

He has ganged up a 15-member Think Thank in which some of the figures hitherto worked for HE President Uhuru Kenyatta and Opposition chief; African Union Special Envoy and People’s President HE Raila Odinga. The team includes Eliud Owallo who worked as Raila’s presidential campaign manager way back in 2013 but the two parted ways in the run-up to the 2017 polls after contesting the Kibra parliamentary seat (Owallo) unsupported by Raila. Eliud Owallo who is a management consultant whose firm, Eluid and Associates, has been enjoying tremendous consultancy jobs in and out of government space.

Embraced in the team is Mudavadi’s current advisor lawyer Sam Karanja who chaired Jubilee Party’s Appeals Tribunal. Karanja was among the drafters of Jubilee Party election laws, its rules and regulations. Eric Wafukho, George Musyoka and David Kabeberi are also involved.

Wafukho who served in the NASA Policy, Research and Strategy Team in 2017 is currently the leadership and governance consultant.

George Musyoka, who in 2017 Team was in Uhuru campaign coordinator for Machakos, Makueni and Kitui counties for the Jubilee Party and President Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidential campaign.

David Kabeberi, an accounting and financial expert, was involved in Kibaki and Uhuru’s campaigns as a political strategist, majored in fundraising.

Also in the team is media Personality Jimmy Gathu as his new media liaison boss, to manage his communication unit. His mandate is to develop new political strategies and come up with what some insiders have described as a new “Unstoppable” and ” Unbwoggable” Mudavadi.

Mudavadi has also set a ostentatious presidential campaign secretariat at Riverside Drive in Nairobi, away from the ANC known offices in Lavington.

On 21 May 2013, Kenya’s Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) handed over a four-volume report to President Uhuru Kenyatta.

The report outlines a range of injustices and abuses that occurred in the country between December 1963 and the end of the post-election violence in 2008, and provides a range of recommendations and a clear implementation plan. Six years later, little progress has been made on its dissemination or the implementation of its recommendations.
The TJRC Commission collected over 40,000 statements – the largest number of any truth commission to date – and 1,000 memoranda. The Commission also held public and women’s hearings in 35 locations across the country, as well as a series of adversely mentioned person (AMP) and thematic hearings.

This is unsurprising given the fate of previous commissions of inquiry, the credibility crisis that surrounded the TJRC’s chairman, and the limited media coverage that the Commission’s work enjoyed. Nevertheless, I find this depressing.
The reason is that, while many paid the TJRC little attention, a significant number of Kenyans opted to relay their stories, pain and fears. This is evident from the numbers; the Commission collected over 40,000 statements – the largest number of any truth commission to date – and 1,000 memoranda. The Commission also held public and women’s hearings in 35 locations across the country, as well as a series of adversely mentioned person (AMP) and thematic hearings.

To be fair, the TJRC’s founders were aware of the inadequacies of speaking, which is why they included “justice” in the title and gave the Commission powers to recommend further investigations, prosecutions, lustration (or a ban from holding public office), reparations, institutional and constitutional reforms, and a limited amnesty.

It is also evident from my own observations; in 2011 and 2012 I spent months following the TJRC around the country attending hearings, speaking to victims, alleged perpetrators and interested parties. From these interactions it was clear that, while many who came before the Commission welcomed the chance to speak, the majority submitted statements or memoranda or provided testimony in the hope that they would be heard and that some action would be taken. As one woman explained to me after a women’s hearing in Nakuru, she was glad that she had spoken as now the Commission would “come in and help”.

To be fair, the TJRC’s founders were aware of the inadequacies of speaking, which is why they included “justice” in the title and gave the Commission powers to recommend further investigations, prosecutions, lustration (or a ban from holding public office), reparations, institutional and constitutional reforms, and a limited amnesty.

However, on the question of whether recommendations would be implemented, the Commission rather naively relied on the TJRC Act (2008), which stipulated “recommendations shall be implemented”. However, such legal provisions proved insufficient; in December 2013, parliament amended the Act to ensure that the report would first be considered by the National Assembly, something that is yet to happen.

But how did the TJRC come about and what was its mandate?

The Commission was informed by the belief that, while the post-election violence of 2007/8 was triggered by a disputed election, it was fuelled by more deep-rooted problems.

The establishment of a TJRC was first considered in 2002 at a moment of great optimism and hope after Mwai Kibaki and the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) ousted President Moi and Kanu from power. However, a task force recommendation that a TJRC be established was ignored by the Kibaki government. The idea was later revived following the post-election violence of 2007/8 and the formation of a coalition government.

The TJRC was established by an Act of Parliament in 2008, began its work in 2009 and submitted a final report in 2013. The Commission was informed by the belief that, while the post-election violence of 2007/8 was triggered by a disputed election, it was fuelled by more deep-rooted problems. It was thus mandated to investigate a wide range of injustices – from perceptions of economic marginalisation and periods of ethnic clashes to state repression and torture – from Kenya’s independence in December 1963 to the end of the post-election violence in February 2008. As a result, while some insights into colonial rule were provided as context for post-colonial realities, the report is silent on Kibaki’s second term in office and Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidency.

In addition to documenting the past, the Commission was able to offer various recommendations including further investigations and prosecutions, reparations, institutional reform and amnesty for non-gross human rights violations. The aim was to contribute to truth, justice, reconciliation, and sustainable peace.

The Commission’s task was thus impossibly large and it also faced additional challenges including a credibility crisis around the Commission’s Chairman and limited media coverage. It was also upstaged by parallel proceedings at the International Criminal Court and was working in a context in which there had been no real transition.

Given these challenges, the report is actually pretty impressive.

Critically, it does not pretend to be exhaustive and recognises how – over four years and in a single report – it could not provide a “definitive history of the broad range of violations committed and suffered” over the course of 45 years (TJRC vol. 1 2013: v).

Given this impossibility, I am keenly aware of how my attempt to summarise a report that runs to over two thousand pages involves further simplification and omission – for which I apologise. Despite this, I think it is worth marking the six- year anniversary of the report’s submission – and recognising all those who engaged with the process – by saying something about the Commission’s findings.
First, it was clear that each regime – from the colonial period through the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki eras – had overseen widespread abuses through acts of commission and omission and that Kenyans had suffered (and many continue to suffer) as a consequence.

The establishment of a TJRC was first considered in 2002 at a moment of great optimism and hope after Mwai Kibaki and the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) ousted President Moi and Kanu from power. However, a task force recommendation that a TJRC be established was ignored by the Kibaki government.

The commission found that all three post-colonial regimes had been responsible for gross human rights violations and concluded that state security forces had been “the main perpetrators of bodily integrity violations of human rights in Kenya including massacres, enforced disappearances, torture and ill-treatment, and sexual violence” with northern Kenya standing at the “epicenter of gross violations of human rights by state security agencies” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: vii).

More specifically, the report outlined how the Kenyatta regime (1963–1978) was responsible for the largest number of political assassinations, and how the repression of dissent reached its apex under the one-party rule of Daniel arap Moi (1978–2002). In turn, while the commission recognised the reforms initiated by the first Kibaki regime (2002–2007), it also drew attention to ongoing corruption, ethnic favouritism and inter-communal violence, and to the collapse of the NARC coalition and the increase in extra-judicial killings, problems which, in its opinion, prepared “fertile ground (…) for the eruption of violence” in 2007–8 (TJRC vol. 2A 2013: 28–29).

The TJRC also highlighted the socio-economic effects of gross human rights violations. These included, for example, the challenges faced by former political detainees in finishing their education, securing employment and caring for their children. At the same time, the report sketches out some of the ways in which socio-economic factors impacted upon bodily integrity rights at a more general level through, for example, the relative vulnerability of marginalised people during conflict.
In terms of inter-communal conflict, the commission blamed the emergence of “negative ethnicity” on colonial rule and Britain’s adoption of a divide and rule strategy and alienation of large tracts of land, with historical grievances over land cited as the “single most important driver of conflicts and ethnic tension” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: vii).

However, all the post-colonial regimes were blamed for the perpetuation of such politics as, rather than provide redress, successive administrations “alienated more land from already affected communities for the benefit of politically privileged ethnic communities and the political elite” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: xiv) and favoured members of their own ethnic groups in employment and appointment processes (TJRC vol. 1 2013: x). According to the commission, a sense of ethnic competition was

then exacerbated by multi-party politics, as “ethnicity became an even more potent tool for political [organisation] and access to state resources” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: ix–x). This combination of factors then led to “a volatile environment in which violence had been normalised and ethnic relations had become poisoned” (TJRC vol. 2A 2013: 29).

The commission also emphasised the “pervasiveness of socio- economic violations” across the country (TJRC vol. 1 2013: xv). More specifically, it found that – in addition to the socio-economic impacts of gross human rights violations – the “government’s exclusionary economic policies and practices in the distribution of public jobs and services inflicted suffering on huge sections of society at different historical moments” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: xv), with corruption in turn linked to everything from violent state security forces to poor health and education services.

In terms of spatial inequalities, the commission found that northern Kenya – taken to consist of former North Eastern, Upper Eastern and North Rift Valley provinces – together with former Coast, Nyanza and Western provinces suffered particularly harsh economic marginalisation as a result of biased or indifferent state policies. However, the commission also recognised how even residents of regions that were not identified as economically marginalised – namely, former Central, Nairobi, South Rift Valley, and Lower Eastern provinces – considered “themselves marginalised at one time or another” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: xv). The implication was that no single province had escaped economic marginalisation, with hardships often passed on to subsequent generations through a cycle of limited education and employment opportunities.

Women, minority groups and indigenous people were also found to have suffered state-sanctioned discrimination. In summary, minority and indigenous peoples were found to “have suffered gross violations of human rights on account of their membership in these communities” (TJRC vol. 2C 2013: 281).

Women were found to have “suffered unspeakable and terrible atrocities … in the majority of cases … for no other reason than that they are of the female gender” (TJRC vol. 2C 2013: 151) and children were found to have been “subjected to untold and unspeakable atrocities” (TJRC vol. 4 2013: vii).
However, while the Commission suggested that most (if not all) Kenyans are victims of some injustice, it did not suggest that all Kenyans suffered, or continue to suffer, equally. On the contrary, some individuals were deemed to have suffered more severe harm or multiple injustices, while some groups were presented as having suffered more than others.

For example, a minority were found to have suffered direct bodily integrity violations at the hands of state operatives, while, overall, women were said to have suffered more than men, and some regions or ethnic groups to have suffered more than others.
The Commission was “not just interested in what happened…. [but] in why things happened the way they did, what was their impact and who was responsible” (TJRC vol. 1 2013: 43).

Regarding the why and the impact, the report is of mixed quality, but it is in establishing the who that the TJRC had the least success. Instead, the report details how the Commission met a wall of silence, denial and justifications. At the same time, the Commission found that the state had historically “covered-up or downplayed violations committed against its own citizens, especially those committed by state security agencies” and had “demonstrated no genuine commitment to investigate and punish atrocities and violations committed by its agents against innocent citizens” (TJRC vol. 4 2013: 10).

The commission concluded that the underlying causes of violations and contributing factors were complex and included centralised power, a culture of impunity, inter-ethnic competition, uneven development, under-employment and patriarchy.

These findings informed wide-ranging recommendations that included further investigations, lustration and prosecution of those allegedly involved in assassinations, massacres, land grabs and so forth. It also included specific apologies by the head of state for various atrocities suffered – from the torture and unlawful detention of political dissidents to acts of sexual violence committed by state security agencies during operations and periods of violence, and the state’s sanction of discrimination against women.

The report also called for the implementation of recommendations from previous commissions of inquiry, the fast-tracking of ongoing reforms of state institutions, such as the security services and judiciary, and the enactment of key pieces of legislation.

It also set out extensive guidelines for individual, collective and symbolic reparations. These included a framework for individual compensation, development policies to address the historic marginalisation of certain regions, and the establishment of public memorials to commemorate particular places, events and people.

Finally, the commission recognised how the recommendations of earlier truth commissions and commissions of inquiry had largely been ignored, stressed the mandatory nature of the commission’s recommendations, and set out a clear timeline for their implementation together with detailed guidelines for an implementation and monitoring mechanism.

The report and recommendations are thus wide-ranging, and their dissemination and implementation was always going to be a problem. However, the collective decision of members of parliament to change the Act in 2013 and their failure to discuss the report to date is – at least to me – a further injustice that marks Kenya’s history.

A full copy of the TJRC report as well as transcripts of many of the hearings can be found online courtesy of Prof. Ron Slye – one of the TJRC commissioners. Parts of this article draw directly from Gabrielle Lynch’s book,Performances of Injustice: The politics of truth, justice and reconciliation in Kenya (Cambridge University Press, 2018). Gabrielle is a Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Warwick in the UK.

For the longest time it has been speculated that former Kiambu Governor William Kabogo was rigged out during the party’s primaries in favor of Kabogo. This was seen as apparent given the bad blood that the two politicians had at that time.

Kabogo was one of the openly vocal politicians from the Central region who objected the idea of the Kikuyu community supporting the DP in his bid for 2022. Kabogo had blamed his political woes on Ruto in what he claimed was a ploy to lock him out of 2022 politics.

He blamed Ruto for not taking action against his complaints and fears that the outcome of the Jubilee Party nomination exercise had already been predetermined. In a thinly veiled attack aimed at Ruto, Kabogo cautioned the DP that it was not automatic that he would get Mt Kenya votes come 2022.

While appearing on Citizen TV, Murathe who’s leading a ‘Stop Ruto Movement’ from contesting in 2022, admitted to rigging during the party nominations. “Some interested parties rigged out highly popular people, especially from Mt Kenya, and planted the people they wanted,” he said. “A lot of people were left out. I watched it and was seething inside, but there was nothing I could do about it.”

DP William Ruto spearheaded the primaries. On the first day, the exercise was cancelled. It was mired in confusion and chaos. It resumed the following day. Kabogo amongst other leaders from Central who were agruened including Jaguar who wept uncontrollably stormed the Jubilee Headquarters in Pangani to lodge their complaints. Most fell on deaf ears.

According to the 2022 game plan  Waititu had been poised to deputize Ruto as the DP. It’s however not definite as a lot has happened in the recent days. Kabogo made peace with Ruto and was even speculated to be in support for his 2022 bid. Murathe’s admission also seems to have opened the wounds for Kabogo who said, “Murathe confirms they rigged party nominations in 2017. What a shame washing dirty linen in public.”

Tony Gachoka is not a name that needs introduction, the former aide to Raila Odinga and a proclaimed strategist in the political sphere with heavy alligment to the President whom he campaigned for in the last election is back shooting from the top.

As political realignments continues to take shape everyday ahead of 2022, the strategist who comes from the President’s community and known for not holding back his fire has opened a debate that has been in the oven for time.

Borrowing from his own words that he used on Raila Odinga during the 2013 elections, Gachoka has sensationally said that Ruto will never be a President, “William Ruto will never be President of Kenya says Tony Gachoka. Tune to TV stations near you soon. Ruto stop cheating our people since Uhuru hasn’t said it I will.” Gachoka acclaimed on his Twitter page.

Gachoka seems to have been irked by MP Moses Kuria who made a drunk TV appearance on Citizen TV last night blowing trumpet for the Deputy President. Tony described Kuria as a ‘an idiot, fool, ass, halfwit, nincompoop, blockhead, dunce, dolt, ignoramus, cretin, imbecile, dullard, moron, simpleton, clod.’

Gachoka is not the first figure from the President’s community to make such claims, former Kiambu Governor William Kabogo was vocal about the community not backing the DP come 2022 claims that put him at par with Ruto and attributed to his unsuccessful bid to recapture the seat that was taken over by Waititu.

There have been murmurs in the political corridors that the royal community could be reconsidering their support for Ruto who’s seen as a threat and unfriendly by the Kikuyu elites who’re determined to have a president they’re comfortable with to protect their empires.

Many read the handshake between President Uhuru and Raila Odinga as a divorce letter with the DP who apparently was opposed to the idea and was excluded in its formulation. Things between the two government principals haven’t been the same lately even though they put happy faces in public. Keen observers have noticed the cut of PDA that the two displayed in their first term.

It remains uncertain if the Kikuyu community if not the elites will support DP Ruto according to the MOU that he had with the President. If this doesn’t happen then it will be a reincarnation of Kibaki-Raila pact that was never honored and Raila found himself in the cold. Only time can tell and the smokes signs can’t be ignored.

Nyali MP Mohammed Ali popularly known as JichoPevu for his daring exposes on criminal syndicates is back to redeem his image with yet another list that breaks a wall. There has been many speculations that the NYS investigations has been skewed with bias and favoritism to cushion the major players from being prosecuted instead the minor or small fishes have been sacrificed.

For the past three weeks, 42 suspects in the Sh10B theft including NYS Boss Ndubai And PS Omollo have been held in jail. It came as a reprieve however when the high court released them rifts on a Sh5M bond each today. However, this doesn’t stop the investigations neither shut the questions as to who exactly is being shielded. According to the investigative reporter cum MP, the key players have been deliberately ignored in the investigations in a coverup ploy.

“Evidence has been brought to my attention that now points to the alleged involvement of other senior government officials, banks and business people whose names have been studiously avoided both by investigators and the media. These people and institutions, it would seem from the evidence I have been given, were involved in NYS1, and may very well be involved in this second series of thefts from the National Youth Service.” Declares Moha.

He goes ahead to list the following prominent persons whom he insists , should also be investigated as key suspects in the NYS scam given that the evidence he holds points at them being involved.

1. Kirinyaga Governor Anne Waiguru
2. Former Devolution Cabinet Secretary Mwangi Kiunjuri
3. Businessman Ben Gethi
4. Former DCI Ndegwa Muhoro
5. Former NYS Director Nelson Githinji
6. Deputy Director, NYS, Captain Sam Muchuki
7. Current Health CS Sicily Kariuki
8. Police inspector Mike Julius King’oo Muia
9. Gor Semelang’o – CEO, Petro Kenya Oil Company Limited
10. Peter Gathecha – Petro Kenya Oil Company Limited

Notably, Waiguru was found to be staying in a house belonging to PS Omollo as her residence in Kirinyaga though she quickly moved out as soon as the investigations heightened and sleuths had hit the road. Waiguru was mentioned as the architect of the NYS 1 theft that has remained unresolved to date.

Moha has also given a list of suspicious companies who were grandly involved in the heist but not included in the roundup:

1. Rayman Company Limited
2. First Quality Limited
3. Rigi and nana company Limited
4. Etra two thousand Limited
5. Puma holdings Limited
6. Chama Holdings limited
7. Krypton technologies limited
8. Sparemart company limited
9. Instigate general suppliers
10. Modernbrand agancies
11. Eagle view merchants limited
12. Hailey enterprises Limited
13. Zintech International
14. Caldan Enterprises
15. Septico Singleline enterprises
16. Sarkama Limited
17. Cichri Enterprises
18. Kalvin Enterprises
19. Pekema Contruction Limited
20. Paschal Construction
21. Eagle focus limited
22. Telenodech Agencies
23. Mastery Enterprises
24. Fratrade Agencies
25. Virgo Holdings limited
26. Isweya enterprises
27. Teasure General merchansts
28. Panama technical
29. Equip agencies limited
30. H.H.J Spice
31. Cereals Supplies Limited
32. Kevman investments
33. Carleberg construction
34. Kiche ventures
35. Petro Kenya Oil Company Limited
36. Horizon Limited
37. Late- Co Technologies
38. Roof and all Trading
39. Reinforce Concrete Technologies
40. Out of the box Company

“Who owns these companies? What business did they do with NYS? How much did they benefit from the NYS? Are they owned by front men and women? Who is behind these owners?” He posed.

While hinting at a possibility that these companies are owned directly or in proxies by state officials, Moha alludes, “It must be stated that if there are among the owners, state and public officers, then this should be taken very seriously, given the unfair advantages that these people have in getting information to secure tenders for themselves, their partners and family members, and a network of corrupt individuals. Conflict of interest may no longer be controversial to some Kenyans, but to me, it is the very reason why this money is being stolen.”

On yet another big elephant, the banks involved in the fraud, he didn’t come out clear but threw hints on the ones involved, “There also are two banks, one based in Ridgeways, and one in the city centre, where very suspicious transactions took place. I will not name them here yet.” Barclays Bank And Consolidated Bank are the only ones who’ve been openly mentioned while the rest kept a secret. It doesn’t make any sense as to why even though CBK Governor is on record admitting that some Bank managers are under prober over their involvement in the fraud scheme.

He also touched lightly on some cartel, “I have also learnt of a cartel that calls itself the “Othaya mafia”, whose involvement in this scandal is clear. I will come back with more information on the same in due course.”

“In this day and age of handshakes, the role of the whistleblower has been put to rest. If those who whistle blew before me are unwilling to do so any more, then Mohamed Ali will do it himself. I have always and will always stand with Kenyans in defending their interests, and will do so without fear or favor.” He concludes.

Nazlin Umar.The country is currently under cleansing as authorities go on the extreme in a crackdown on counterfeit and contraband goods. Sugar has been a key target with several tones of sugar and stores raided and confiscated. Preliminary tests have shown lethal chemicals like mercury,lead and copper are present in the smuggled sugar that is repackaged and sold to unsuspecting consumers.

Many concerns have been raised on the genuineness of the crackdown as it seems to only target the small people in the supply web as the main faces behind the importation of the contraband sugar remain a mystery. As the debate rages, one person has risen beyond the bar, Nazlin Umar a controversial presidential candidate who again made news recently as Aden Duale’s girlfriend, has implicated the Deputy President Ruto into the poisonous sugar debate. She says the DP is the mastermind.

Below is the viral Facebook post where she bluntly mentions the DP:

Sting Ruto exposé.

DP William Samoei Ruto is the mastermind and main beneficiary behind the poison sugar. And his right hand minions. There I have said what other leaders fear to say. Arrest DP Ruto and his right hand loud mouths. Stop playing side shows and going for those acting in Ruto’s proxy.

The media, DCI, DPP, Matiangi keep on reporting of some big politicians without naming names, Matiangi claimed he was being threatened, who is threatening the CS? So the truth will remain hidden because people fear for themselves, while we are being looted dry and poisoned? Name the big names.

Yes, Mr. President Uhuru Kenyatta I am naming the believed Killer sugar Baron as he cannot continue to blackmail you, investigation officers and this nation. Let me do the dirty job as a servant if my nation: if you haven’t listened to me these last few days.

Who is the chief despot of the killer poison sugar? Who is plotting the mass food terrorism in a bid to tarnish his bosses legacy? Who has acted in subterfuge to the nation? Who is the enemy of the people?? One William Samoei Ruto?

Ruto is also the head and master mind of the maize and electric company scandals, nssf, pipeline too. We have lost more than a trillion of our hard earned taxes to his greedy thiefing hands.

Uhuru needs no other laws, the constitution as I have repeated time and again fully empowers Uhuru to fire this malicious evil thiefing despot ann appoint another DP. The DP’s seat is as irrelevant in the constitution as the deputy governors of counties. Throw the despot out like a rag.

Ruto is interfereing with the investigations, making threats not to be exposed else he will burn this nation, as he was the one whose proxy companies imported the sugar and who ordered armed police escort of the poisoned sugar to Nairobi and Nakuru all the way to Kabras….etc. The Rai’s are merely his minions. (More about this later. Yes Ruto made Pan paper fail intentionally then sold off the public entity to the Rai family at throw away price of under 1B). He is a hidden partner. The Rai’s should also be audited and investigated.

The DCI and DPP must not insulate him and his henchmen, even if it be him and the majority leader Aden Duale Aden Duale who brought this wrath upon Kenyans. They can loot all they want but no, no one should be spared in heading or aiding and abetting poisoning us with mercury and copper. Those who knew this and remained silent are also killers.

I am already target and expect to be finished off like Jacob Juma, but I am ready to meet my maker if this is my fate.

Kutangatanga manenos and abuse of office:

Ruto is no longing acting under his Boss. He has rebelled against his president Uhuru, which is a crime by treason. He is abusing state machinery, abusing office and public funds to campaign for himself 2022. He is no longer working. This is an electoral crime and a violation of his oath of office.

William Ruto knows he is about to go down and is not only looting left right and center but is in a fierce campaign to entrench himself and set the base for civil war and tribal genocide and ethnic cleansing as he did pev 07/08 should Uhuru dare expose him, suspend or fire him. But he has to. He has no choice.

The fallout I prophetestisized (new word I created since i am NO prophet) over 2 years ago when they were as comfy as two bugs in a rug has also come to pass.

It isn’t the easiest thing being president. Uhuru has no legacy left unless he swallows this bitter pill. He must cut off this cancerous arm.

I demand Uhuru to suspend Ruto with immediate effect forthwith pending investigations.

I demand public inquiry and audits not those conducted lopsidedly in secrecy. Kenyan will not accept any scapegoats and sacred cows. Investigate his wife #Rachel and kids too. They are all beneficiaries.

I also demand state security for my family and I as the chief opposition, exposer and whistle blower in Kenya. I have a lot more unsaid.

Uhuru now needs to remove his gloves, wear his army boots, brave up and kick some ass! We are ready to face the consequences today than give the black mamba more time to sink his poisonous fangs even deeper into the nation and take us back to pev violence.

I repeat. Iam already target, under 25/7 surveillance and monitoring and expect to be finished off like Jacob Juma and Mesheck Yebei too, i have suffered gross unheard political persecution and oppression but I am ready to meet my maker if this is my fate.

ALLAHUACKBAR! I can no longer allow our beloved country to go to ruin under the hands of a few vile malicious evil despots. We are the hero’s we have been waiting for. Kama ime kuwa mbaya, iwe mbaya! I stand for public interest.

I and my family are already the victims of gross unheard of targeted, systematic political persecution and may be killed for this but I remain black mambas most fierce critic, the strongest independent anti-corruption tzar and the most ardent defender of the people. Allah be witness.

The gloves are off. I’m ready for anything. Kila mtu abebe msalaba wake.

What will be will be. Should I add- I verily believe aaall this. I do. I verily believe.

Truth as only said by Nazlin Umar Rajput.

#iconoftruth
#mamawataifa
#mamakenya
#freedomfighter
#sautiyawanyonge
#sautiyahaki
#shadowpresident
Commander in chief 2022
#chief and only opposition leader in Kenya.
President of the caucus of indepedent candidates of Kenya.

NB:
I have posted this all over major fb groups. The world must know. I said it earlier, I was waiting for Ramadhaan to end to take this cold war and exposés out to the universe if so be it.