Category: Politics

  • Trump Embraces President Ruto in Historic Washington Engagement

    Trump Embraces President Ruto in Historic Washington Engagement

    President William Ruto has emerged from months of diplomatic uncertainty to secure renewed favour with the Trump administration, clinching landmark agreements that position Kenya as a key African ally in Washington’s reconfigured global strategy.

    The turning point came last Thursday when Ruto witnessed the signing of a peace agreement between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda in Washington, an event that provided the Kenyan leader a platform to rebuild ties that had appeared strained since Trump’s return to the White House in January.

    The visit yielded immediate dividends. Ruto signed a five-year health cooperation framework worth $2.5 billion with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, making Kenya the first country to enter into what Washington calls an “America First” global health funding agreement. Under the pact, the United States will contribute $1.7 billion while Kenya provides $850 million towards combating infectious diseases including HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.

    The deal marks a significant shift from previous arrangements. Rather than channelling funds through non-governmental organisations as was common under the disbanded US Agency for International Development, the new framework places the Kenyan government at the centre of health programme implementation.

    Trump himself extended a personal invitation to Ruto to attend the 2028 Olympic Games in Los Angeles as his guest, praising Kenyan athletes as some of the world’s finest runners. “They do very well in the Olympics, those runners. I don’t know what you do with them. They are very good. I have been watching them for a long time,” Trump remarked during the Washington ceremony.

    The warm reception contrasts sharply with earlier this year when Kenya’s relationship with Washington appeared precarious. Trump’s “America First” doctrine had seen aid programmes frozen and many of President Joe Biden’s foreign policies abandoned. Kenya seemed particularly vulnerable after the resignation of US Ambassador Meg Whitman just a week after Trump’s November 2024 election victory.

    Tensions escalated further in May when Senator James Risch, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, questioned Kenya’s status as a major non-NATO ally, a designation granted by Biden in June 2024. Risch expressed concern over Ruto’s declaration that Kenya and China were “co-architects of a new world order,” describing it as allegiance rather than mere alignment with Beijing.

    However, the escalating conflicts in eastern DRC and Sudan provided Ruto an opportunity to demonstrate Kenya’s value as a regional mediator. As chairman of the East African Community, the Kenyan president positioned himself as a crucial guarantor of the Trump-brokered DRC-Rwanda peace accord, leveraging previous Nairobi and Luanda peace processes that had laid groundwork for the Washington agreement.

    Trump made clear his commercial interest in the deal. “We will be involved in sending some of our biggest and greatest companies over to the two countries and we are going to take out some of the rare earths, and some of their assets and pay,” the US president said, referring to mineral resources in the DRC.

    Ruto seized the moment to articulate Kenya’s economic stake. “A peaceful eastern DRC can unlock one of Africa’s greatest economic opportunities. Our vast resources and youthful talent, connected through regional infrastructure and the African Continental Free Trade Area, can ignite an unprecedented transformation,” he told delegates at the US Institute of Peace.

    Diplomatic sources suggest Ruto benefited from problems facing regional peers. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni faces elections and image challenges in Washington, while Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu has drawn criticism over a police crackdown on protesters, prompting Washington to review bilateral relations. Tanzania notably did not attend the Washington peace ceremony.

    Kenya also avoided inclusion in Trump’s latest immigration restrictions affecting 19 countries, including several African nations. The timing of the announcement, which spared Kenya while restricting Somalia, Burundi, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya and Sudan, coincided with Ruto’s presence in Washington.

    President Ruto and President Trump

    Beyond the health agreement, Ruto secured backing from the International Finance Corporation for Kenya’s proposed National Infrastructure Fund, signalling a push towards non-debt development financing. Discussions also covered public-private partnerships for infrastructure projects including the modernisation of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.

    Susan Burns, Chargé d’Affaires at the US embassy in Nairobi, explained the health framework resulted from intense negotiations beginning in September. “The threats of HIV and tuberculosis and other communicable diseases are global challenges, and so strengthening Kenya’s health system also makes America safer,” she said.

    The agreement requires Kenya to provide Washington with updates on infectious diseases, including data, samples and materials as needed. It emphasises faith-based medical providers while remaining open to all facilities enrolled in Kenya’s health insurance system.

    Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi hailed the DRC-Rwanda peace accord as a major breakthrough. “This accord represents a major breakthrough for a region that has endured decades of conflict and human suffering. The Nairobi and Luanda processes have been instrumental in guiding this journey,” Mudavadi said.

    Despite the diplomatic success, challenges remain at home. Kenya’s relationship with the DRC had been fraught, with Kinshasa earlier rejecting two Kenyan diplomats and accusing Nairobi of supporting rebels in eastern Congo. A month before the Washington summit, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi reportedly declined a meeting with Ruto at a Qatar summit.

    Former presidents Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, who served as co-facilitators for the Congo peace process, were also invited to the Washington ceremony, providing continuity to the diplomatic efforts.

    While Ruto’s Washington visit has restored momentum to Kenya-US relations, the underlying concerns that prompted Senate scrutiny over Kenya’s ties with China, Russia and Iran have not disappeared. The Trump administration still seeks to review Kenya’s major non-NATO ally status within 90 days, with a classified report due to Congress within 180 days examining Kenya’s strategic alignment and foreign engagements.

    For now, however, Ruto has succeeded in demonstrating Kenya’s value to Washington’s African strategy, securing tangible benefits while navigating the complex terrain between competing global powers. Whether this diplomatic success translates into sustained partnership will depend on how Kenya manages its relationships with both Western allies and emerging powers in the months ahead.

  • Panyako Claims Ruto Offered Him CS Job After Malava Loss, Says He Rejected It Over ‘Inhumanity’

    Panyako Claims Ruto Offered Him CS Job After Malava Loss, Says He Rejected It Over ‘Inhumanity’

    United Opposition candidate Seth Panyako has claimed that President William Ruto’s government tried to entice him with a Cabinet Secretary position only days after he lost the Malava by-election.

    Speaking during a radio interview on Wednesday, December 3, Panyako said the offer was made on November 28 and described it as an insult to voters who had endured violence during the campaigns.

    He said he refused the offer because it went against the principles of his campaign and the suffering experienced by his supporters.

    According to Panyako, the government’s approach was “the highest level of inhumanity” and a sign that “sycophants” were running the country. He insisted he did not seek elective office in order to be rewarded with a ministerial job and warned that accepting such an offer would betray the people of Malava and Kabras who had backed him.

    Panyako said this was not the first time the Ruto administration had approached him.

    President William Ruto.
    President William Ruto.

    In 2022, shortly after the general election, he was allegedly asked to take up a Principal Secretary position but declined, saying he already had work and preferred someone else to take the role.

    At the time he was still in UDA and had actively campaigned for Ruto’s presidential bid.

    He said his supporters immediately rejected the idea of him joining the government once rumours of the CS offer began circulating.

    According to Panyako, residents urged him to stay true to his message and remain in opposition, telling him not to “dare join that bloody government.”

    Panyako accused the president of campaigning against him during the Malava race because of his uncompromising stand on policy issues.

    He said his agenda frightened the government because it challenged decisions he believes are harmful to Kenyans, including the abolition of the Linda Mama maternal health programme and what he termed as reckless changes in the education sector.

    He claimed that entering Parliament with such a message would have created political trouble for the administration.

    The Malava by-election ended with UDA candidate David Ndakwa emerging the winner with 21,564 votes against Panyako’s 20,210.

    Ndakwa was declared the MP by Returning Officer Salim Abdala after what was described as a tightly contested race.

    Panyako maintains that his defeat and the subsequent job offer from government reflect a broader intolerance to dissent.

    He said his advocacy on policies affecting women’s health and education placed him in direct conflict with the administration, and he vowed to continue speaking out even outside Parliament.

  • Kuria Blames ‘Extremely Powerful Offices’ For Botched Alliance With Aladwa

    Kuria Blames ‘Extremely Powerful Offices’ For Botched Alliance With Aladwa

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 4 — Former Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria has alleged that Makadara MP George Aladwa was pressured by “holders of extremely powerful offices” to withdraw from a political pact positioning the lawmaker as his running mate for the 2027 Nairobi gubernatorial race.

    In a statement on Wednesday, Kuria claimed Aladwa was summoned on Tuesday evening and directed to publicly denounce the ticket, barely 24 hours after the former CS announced the partnership.

    “George Aladwa was summoned last evening by holders of extremely powerful offices and ordered to denounce our agreement on the Nairobi Governor ticket. I respect his decision,” Kuria wrote.

    “I want to tell those forces to relax [because] I want to be Governor of Nairobi to save this collapsing city. But it’s not a life-and-death affair for me. Again, by doing this, you have let the cat out of the bag too early. Now we know your 2027 game plan.”

    The Makadara legislator, who also chairs the ODM Nairobi Branch, addressed supporters where he firmly dismissed the proposed alliance, declaring that he would instead run for governor on an ODM ticket.

    “I have said I will not be Moses Kuria’s deputy,” Aladwa said.

    “I have firmly stated that I will be vying for the position of Governor of Nairobi on the ODM party ticket in 2027.”

    Aladwa — a former Nairobi Mayor and one of the city’s longest-serving politicians — cited his extensive experience in city governance as justification for his plan to unseat Governor Johnson Sakaja.

    ‘City of filth’

    Kuria had named Aladwa as his running mate on Monday in one of the most unexpected early alliances ahead of the 2027 polls, saying the partnership was driven by a shared commitment to reviving Nairobi.

    “Not because of our tribes. Not because of our parties. Because we care for Nairobi,” Kuria said during the announcement.

    “Because we understand what Nairobians are going through… [and] because we have what it takes to make Nairobi work again.”

    The former CS has anchored his gubernatorial bid on President William Ruto’s repeated criticism of Nairobi’s deteriorating condition, including unmanaged waste, poor sanitation, and crumbling infrastructure.

    “Nairobi cannot continue to be the city of filth, garbage and incompetence. I have heard your cry,” he wrote in October while confirming his candidature.

    Aladwa’s entry into the race adds to a growing list of high-profile contenders seeking to challenge Governor Johnson Sakaja. Others who have signaled interest include Embakasi East MP Babu Owino.

    Kuria, formerly Gatundu South MP and later a presidential advisor, had hoped the cross-party ticket with Aladwa would mark a bold new political approach for Nairobi.

    But with the alliance collapsing within hours, the battle for City Hall appears increasingly unpredictable, with shifting alliances expected as the 2027 General Election draws closer.

  • ‘You’re Free to Join DCP,’ Gachagua Tells Babu Owino and Edwin Sifuna

    ‘You’re Free to Join DCP,’ Gachagua Tells Babu Owino and Edwin Sifuna

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has renewed his political outreach in Nairobi.

    Gachagua told ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino that they were free to join his party if they felt dissatisfied within ODM.

    Speaking on Wednesday in Nairobi while receiving two newly elected DCP MCAs, Gachagua defended his stepped-up mobilisation, saying he was within his rights to promote his party.

    “Let nobody make me feel like I am committing any political crime by marketing my party. That is my job,” he said.

    He told Sifuna and Babu that they were welcome in DCP or any other party within the United Opposition.

    “Edwin Sifuna, if you are chased in ODM, come to DCP. Sifuna is a great senator in Nairobi, and I have no problem with DCP supporting him to be senator of Nairobi in 2027,” he said.

    He extended a similar invitation to Babu, saying, “Babu Owino, if you are chased in ODM, come to DCP.”

    Gachagua described DCP as “the party of Kenyan patriots,” but added that if the two leaders preferred not to join DCP, they could still work with Wiper.

    He maintained that cooperation within the united opposition remained intact.

    “Where Wiper is strong, we support; where DCP is strong, we support,” he said, adding that the coalition was optimistic about winning the Lang’ata constituency seat in 2027.

    Gachagua reiterated that his efforts to expand DCP ahead of the 2027 elections aligned with broader opposition collaboration.

    “You build your party, come and compete. I don’t hold any brief for any party, even if it is in the united opposition,” he said.

    “I sell my party, and then I work with parties within the united opposition,” he added.

    Gachagua also criticised ODM’s political approach, saying he believed that the party risked weakening itself by aligning too closely with the government.

    He framed his remarks as a concern for what he considers the importance of strong political parties for democracy.

    “I am saddened that ODM is being weakened,” he said, adding that vibrant parties strengthen democratic competition.

    He referenced recent by-elections as, in his view, indicators of shifting political dynamics, citing the Narok town MCA seat won by DCP, the Kisa East ward victory in Western Kenya, and the Purko Ward seat won by UDA.

    “If you allow the party to be sold, you will become a minority party. You will only get a few seats in Luo Nyanza,” he said, framing it as a warning based on his political assessment.

  • Aladwa Says He Won’t Be Moses Kuria’s Running Mate in Nairobi

    Aladwa Says He Won’t Be Moses Kuria’s Running Mate in Nairobi

    Makadara MP George Aladwa has firmly dismissed an overture by former Trade Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria to be his running mate in the 2027 Nairobi gubernatorial race, declaring instead that he is eyeing the top job on an ODM ticket.

    Speaking Tuesday evening at Bidii Primary School in Buruburu, Aladwa said his ambitions do not include playing second fiddle in a race he believes he is well-positioned to win.

    “I have said I will not be Moses Kuria’s deputy. I have firmly stated that I will be vying for the position of Governor of Nairobi on the ODM party ticket in 2027,” Aladwa said, stressing that he intends to reclaim the county leadership he last held in 2013 as Nairobi’s final mayor under the old constitutional order.

    His remarks come just days after Kuria hinted at a possible cross-party formation when he posted an image with Aladwa on December 1, suggesting they could jointly steer Nairobi’s future.

    “Not because of our tribes. Not because of our parties. Because we care for Nairobi. Because we understand what Nairobians are going through,” Kuria wrote, adding that the pair had the experience and networks needed “to make Nairobi work again.”

    Aladwa’s decisive rejection puts to rest speculation of a potential alliance and adds him to the growing list of political heavyweights lining up to challenge Governor Johnson Sakaja, who won the seat on a UDA ticket in 2022.

    The race has already attracted Kuria, Embakasi North MP James Gakuya of DCP, Embakasi East MP Babu Owino of ODM, and former Transport PS Nyakera Irungu, also affiliated with DCP.

    “I am not going to play second fiddle to anyone in Nairobi,” Aladwa said Wednesday morning. “That’s what I was reaffirming when I met my supporters in Buruburu.”

    The fight for control of the capital intensified over the weekend after former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua claimed to have struck a deal with Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka to let Gachagua’s DCP front Nairobi’s next governor. Kalonzo quickly disowned the alleged pact, accusing unnamed government-linked individuals of orchestrating confusion within the opposition.

    Nairobi, one of Kenya’s most ethnically diverse political battlegrounds, has never re-elected a governor since devolution began. As parties scramble to craft alliances and secure votes across communities, the 2027 race is shaping up to be one of the most unpredictable contests yet.

  • ‪Watu Wanafikiria Kuwa Rais Ni Raisi? Nangoja Nimalize Niende, Ruto Rule Out Clams Of Extending His Term‬

    ‪Watu Wanafikiria Kuwa Rais Ni Raisi? Nangoja Nimalize Niende, Ruto Rule Out Clams Of Extending His Term‬

    President William Ruto has refuted claims that he intends to stay in power beyond the constitutionally stipulated time.

    Speaking at State House Nairobi on Tuesday, December 2, during a meeting with chiefs and assistant chiefs, President Ruto said he has no interest in extending his stay in office.

    ”Kuna watu wako na tabia mbaya. Wengine wameenda kusema ati ohh Rais anapanga kukaa madarakani miaka 20, kwani mimi ni mwendawazimu?” the President wondered.

    According to President Ruto, being a president is not for the faint-hearted.

    He emphasized that leadership requires enduring a lot, especially when making difficult decisions.

    ”Kwani watu wanafikiria kazi ya kuwa rais ni raisi? Kupigiwa kelele kila siku?” he said.

    The President added that he looks forward to completing his term and making way for the next in line.

    ”Mimi nangojea nimalize niende mwingine achukue asonge mbele,” he said.

    Speculation about prolonging the presidential term arose following President William Ruto’s comments on Friday, November 28, where he reflected on the potential evolution of Kenya under the affordable housing initiative over the coming decades.

    He asked, “If this work of building houses and markets across the country has taken two years, how about ten years, or twenty years? Won’t Kenya change?”

    Certain social media commentators took these words as an indication of intentions to remain in office past the standard two terms.

  • Homa Bay Governor Wanga Strips DG Magwanga From Key County Role After Kasipul Fallout

    Homa Bay Governor Wanga Strips DG Magwanga From Key County Role After Kasipul Fallout

    Homa Bay Deputy Governor Oyugi Magwanga has been stripped of his agriculture portfolio following his defiance during the recent Kasipul parliamentary by-election, deepening the political rift between him and Governor Gladys Wanga.

    In an executive order dated Monday, December 1, Wanga dismissed Magwanga from his concurrent role as County Executive Committee Member for Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock Development, leaving him to serve only as deputy governor without an assigned docket.

    The governor appointed Danish Onyango, the CECM for Roads, Public Works, Transport and Infrastructure, to serve as acting CECM for Agriculture .

    The changes came after Magwanga openly defied Wanga, who is also ODM’s national chairperson, by throwing his weight behind independent candidate Philip Aroko instead of the party’s candidate Boyd Were during the November 27 by-election.

    Boyd Were went on to win the seat with 16,819 votes against Aroko’s 8,476 votes, but the political damage between the county’s top leaders had already been done.

    In a strongly worded statement on Monday, Magwanga condemned his removal, terming it a calculated political power play.

    He accused the governor of locking up government offices over political disagreements, which he said strips the government of its integrity and stalls essential services.

    “Locking up government offices over political disagreements is an intolerable attack on our democratic institutions and the rule of law. This is a calculated political power play aimed directly at undermining my office and obstructing the functions of county governance,” Magwanga stated.

    Wanga also dismissed Dr Peter Ogolla, who served as the CECM for Lands, Physical Planning, Housing and Urban Development, and nominated Joseph Mitito from Homa Bay Town constituency to replace him. Mitito’s name has been forwarded to the county assembly for vetting and approval.

    According to the governor, the changes were made to enhance service delivery for residents of the lakeside county. She directed the county secretary to ensure a smooth handover by those affected, with the changes taking immediate effect.

    The Kasipul by-election exposed deep fissures within ODM and the Homa Bay county leadership.

    During the campaigns, Magwanga, who had served as Kasipul MP before the 2017 election, told voters there is no law dictating that the successor of a deceased MP must be related to him or her.

    Boyd Were is the 27-year-old son of late Kasipul MP Charles Ong’ondo Were, who was assassinated in April this year .

    Magwanga claimed that the nomination process that settled on Boyd as the party’s flagbearer was not free and fair, citing alleged irregularities and manipulation that led to discontent among some party members .

    Following the by-election, ODM leaders in the county, including Governor Wanga, have been pressuring Magwanga to resign, with an impeachment plot also being considered.

    Shortly after the election, Wanga issued a stern warning to county employees, stating, “I will not work with people who are distracting me. Either you work with me or I let you go”.

    The strained relationship between Wanga and Magwanga is not new.

    Their political partnership was forged in 2022 under the influence of ODM leader Raila Odinga, who pushed for a unified ticket in the Homa Bay gubernatorial race.

    Despite winning the election together, their working relationship has remained uneasy, punctuated by competition for influence and divergent political loyalties.

    With the 2027 general election looming, the latest developments signal escalating political tensions that are likely to shape Homa Bay’s political landscape in the coming years.

    Wanga is expected to defend her seat, while Magwanga’s next political steps remain uncertain.

  • How Joining DCP Jinxed Kenga By Losing To ODM’s Kombe by 21 votes in 2022 and by 9,002 votes in 2025

    How Joining DCP Jinxed Kenga By Losing To ODM’s Kombe by 21 votes in 2022 and by 9,002 votes in 2025

    A political gamble meant to revive Stanley Kenga’s career has instead wrecked it, after he suffered a devastating defeat in the Magarini by-election three years after losing the same seat by only 21 votes.

    Harrison Garama Kombe of ODM reclaimed the Magarini seat with 17,909 votes in the November 27, 2025 poll. His closest challenger, Kenga, managed 8,907.

    The gap was wide, humiliating and a complete reversal from the razor-thin 2022 race.

    In the August 2022 general election, Magarini produced one of the closest contests in the country.

    Kombe won with 11,946 votes against Kenga’s 11,925. The narrow difference pushed Kenga into a lengthy legal fight that lasted nearly two years.

    The petition journey moved from the High Court to the Court of Appeal and finally to the Supreme Court. High Court Judge Alfred Mabeya nullified Kombe’s win after finding irregularities in the tallies and voter registers. The Court of Appeal agreed with the decision.

    In May 2024, the Supreme Court settled the matter by upholding the nullification.

    The judges held that the 2022 poll had suffered violations that compromised its integrity. Magarini was sent back to the electorate for a fresh vote.

    Between that ruling and the by-election, Kenga made the decision that would cost him his political lifeline.

    After contesting under UDA in 2022, he lost the party’s support when it stepped out of the Magarini race and backed ODM as part of coalition negotiations.

    Kenga turned to the Democracy for Citizens Party, led by Rigathi Gachagua. The move placed him at odds with the political mood in the Coast region. DCP has little presence in Kilifi and its national profile is built on confrontations with President William Ruto and ODM.

    Stanley Kenga campaign poster

    For Magarini voters, the party shift looked like a betrayal of the coalition that had supported Kenga earlier. It also weakened his campaign networks, which had previously drawn strength from UDA’s structures.

    ODM, on the other hand, activated a full ground operation.

    Kombe spent the petition years rebuilding ward-level units, meeting local clusters and reminding voters that the nullification was a legal technicality rather than a rejection.

    The party deployed senior figures and revived its grassroots energy in the Coast.

    By-election day confirmed the political mood.

    The man who once trailed Kombe by only 21 votes now faced a 9,002-vote defeat.

    Kenga’s campaign could not match ODM’s organisational strength or the personal connection Kombe had established during the prolonged legal battle.

    Analysts say the result shows how quickly fortunes can change when a candidate loses political alignment with the region.

    They point to voter fatigue with the petition saga, Kombe’s stronger local network and ODM’s deep roots in the Coast.

    For Kenga, the outcome is a harsh reminder that party identity still carries enormous weight in Kilifi.

    For DCP, Magarini exposes the limits of national political theatrics in regions where voters prioritise stability and familiarity.

    As Kombe prepares to return to Parliament, the by-election will likely be studied as a lesson in strategy, grassroots work and the consequences of misreading local politics.

  • Kalonzo: We Have Evidence Ruto Interfered With Malava and Mbeere North Results, We’re Going To Court

    Kalonzo: We Have Evidence Ruto Interfered With Malava and Mbeere North Results, We’re Going To Court

    Wiper Patriotic Front leader Kalonzo Musyoka has accused President William Ruto of directly influencing the outcome of the Malava and Mbeere North by elections, saying the results announced on November 30 do not reflect the will of the people.

    Speaking during a thanksgiving service at AIC Mukuni Church in Machakos County on Sunday, Kalonzo said his coalition had gathered evidence showing state interference at critical stages of voting and tallying.

    Kalonzo claimed President Ruto personally phoned two OCS officers in Mbeere North during the by election and pressured them to ensure the UDA candidate emerged victorious.

    He said the involvement of the highest office in the land compromised the credibility of the vote and called for both national and international scrutiny.

    “UDA did not win in Malava and Mbeere. We have evidence that President Ruto called two OCS in Mbeere and said Wamuthende must win. That is direct interference,” he told the congregation.

    He described the results as coerced and insisted the people’s voice had been suppressed.

    Kalonzo said residents of Malava and Mbeere North were deeply wounded by what he described as a manipulated process.

    He said many voters felt their right to choose leaders freely had been violated and the environment during polling was charged with tension and fear.

    He argued that these by elections showed why Kenya was still struggling with public trust in electoral institutions.

    He accused police officers of working with hired groups to disrupt the process and claimed that security personnel helped goons interfere with the vote.

    According to him, the state had turned the police into political actors who intimidated voters instead of protecting them.

    Kalonzo announced that his coalition would move to court to challenge the results.

    He said the petition would expose what he described as systematic election interference and assured supporters that the truth would come to light once the case is filed.

    “We are preparing a very strong and clear petition. If the president had good conscience he would have let this matter end early. We will not allow this to stand,” he said.

    The opposition had earlier warned of a rigging scheme in the two constituencies, including irregular ballots, inconsistent tallying and suspicious activities around polling stations.

    Government and UDA officials have dismissed these claims and accused the opposition of attempting to delegitimise a credible process.

    With Kalonzo promising a court battle, the dispute over the Malava and Mbeere North contests now sets the stage for another confrontation between the opposition and the government.

    The petition is expected to intensify political tensions as the country edges closer to the 2027 polls.

  • Gachagua Says Kalonzo Has Agreed to Surrender All Nairobi Seats From Governor To MCA to DCP in 2027 Deal

    Gachagua Says Kalonzo Has Agreed to Surrender All Nairobi Seats From Governor To MCA to DCP in 2027 Deal

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has sparked a fresh political storm after claiming Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka has agreed to surrender all Nairobi seats to his Democracy for Citizens Party in the 2027 elections.

    Speaking during a charged Thanksgiving ceremony in Kariobangi North on Sunday, Gachagua told supporters that DCP had entered a political pact with Wiper that would see his party take over the capital from governor to MCA level.

    He said the agreement placed DCP at the centre of Nairobi politics and showed the party was preparing for a sweeping takeover in two years.

    Gachagua told the crowd that DCP would front candidates for the governor, senator and woman representative positions.

    He added that out of Nairobi’s 17 constituencies, the two parties had agreed that DCP and Wiper would collectively take 16.

    He also said the pact would target at least 75 out of the 85 county assembly wards, giving his party what he described as an overwhelming majority once the election season arrives.

    Kalonzo Musyoka
    Kalonzo Musyoka

    He said Nairobi would become the base of DCP’s national growth and insisted that the party had already shown it could challenge larger political outfits.

    He noted that DCP had secured victories in recent by-elections in Kariobangi North, Narok Town and Kisa East.

    He accused his critics of misleading the public by focusing on the Mbeere North by-election, where DCP did not field a candidate, and ignoring what he called the party’s wider successes.

    Gachagua dismissed suggestions that the Mbeere North loss signalled diminishing political influence in Mt Kenya.

    He said he only visited the area to support a Democratic Party candidate and insisted that the defeat had no bearing on DCP’s positioning.

    His focus, he said, is on transforming DCP into a truly national movement with Nairobi as the anchor.

    He accused the government of attempting to intimidate him after chaotic scenes unfolded at the Kariobangi North event.

    Rival groups clashed before and during the ceremony for newly elected MCA David Wanyoike Warui, disrupting parts of the gathering and forcing police to intervene. Gachagua blamed state-sponsored elements for the violence and claimed those in power were resorting to intimidation because they feared his growing support.

    He warned that attempts to disrupt his meetings would only harden community resentment and energise supporters who felt sidelined.

    He said those behind the chaos were misguided if they believed that intimidation could win Nairobi voters.

    The alleged deal with Kalonzo, if true, would signal one of the most dramatic political realignments heading into 2027, with both leaders positioning themselves as central figures in the contest for Nairobi’s political future.

    Wiper has not publicly confirmed the arrangement, although leaders allied to both camps have hinted at ongoing talks.

    Analysts say Nairobi’s political landscape is entering a period of uncertainty as alliances shift and parties begin laying the groundwork for a potentially bruising contest.

    For Gachagua, the capital now appears to be the battleground he wants to claim as proof that DCP is more than a regional protest outfit.

  • Revealed: Inside Ruto-ODM Plot For A Grand Coalition For 2027

    Revealed: Inside Ruto-ODM Plot For A Grand Coalition For 2027

    Kenya’s political theatre has always been a game of careful choreography, but what is unfolding between State House and Orange House is perhaps the most audacious political ballet since the 2007 grand coalition.

    The recent by-election sweep by the United Democratic Alliance and Orange Democratic Movement alliance has done more than deliver victories at polling stations.

    It has pulled back the curtain on what may be the most consequential political realignment since independence: the making of Kenya’s next super-coalition.

    The numbers from November 27 tell only half the story.

    UDA secured five parliamentary seats and multiple ward positions while ODM maintained its stranglehold in Nyanza and the Coast, winning all three seats it contested.

    Together, the broad-based partners claimed 18 of 24 contested positions. But beneath these electoral tallies lies a more intricate narrative of political positioning, legacy preservation, and the raw mathematics of power.

    What began nine months ago as a memorandum of understanding to stabilize a government reeling from Gen Z protests has quietly metamorphosed into something far more ambitious.

    The ten-point agenda signed between President William Ruto and the late Raila Odinga in March was sold to Kenyans as a crisis intervention mechanism. It has instead become the architectural blueprint for 2027.

    Raila-Ruto handshake.
    President William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga.

    National Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohamed has confirmed that half of the ten-point agenda has been implemented, with the remainder on track for completion by March 7, 2026, exactly one year after the original pact was inked.

    That date, insiders in both parties reveal, could mark the formal transition from cooperation to coalition.

    The Zani-led implementation committee, reporting bi-monthly to both party principals, has already delivered on devolution funding increases, IEBC reconstitution, youth empowerment programs, and debt restructuring milestones.

    The remaining deliverables, particularly compensation for protest victims currently held up in court, remain the final hurdles.

    But make no mistake, this is not simply about policy implementation.

    It is about political survival for UDA and political ascendancy for ODM. For Ruto, the arithmetic is brutal. Mount Kenya, once his fortress, has become contested territory following Rigathi Gachagua’s impeachment.

    The by-election victory in Mbeere North by a mere 494 votes, despite Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s intensive campaigning, exposed the fragility of UDA’s grip in the region.

    Western Kenya remains unpredictable, with movements like George Natembeya’s DAP-K threatening to splinter the vote.

    And Coast region loyalty, historically fluid, cannot be taken for granted.

    Enter ODM.

    With Raila’s death in October, the party under interim leader Oburu Oginga has shed any pretense of playing coy.

    Oburu’s declaration that ODM will accept nothing less than the deputy presidency in any coalition arrangement was not political posturing.

    It was a negotiating position staked with the confidence of a party that knows its value.

    ODM brings to any coalition table what Ruto desperately needs: the Nyanza vote bloc, coastal influence through leaders like Hassan Joho and Abdulswamad Nassir, and a measure of legitimacy in Western Kenya through its historical organizing structures.

    The by-elections validated this proposition.

    While the United Opposition led by Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, and Martha Karua made noise about dismantling the broad-based arrangement, they were comprehensively routed.

    Their only consolation prize was three ward seats for Gachagua’s Democratic Congress Party, hardly the foundation for a 2027 insurgency.

    The defeat in Mbeere North, where Gachagua personally led campaigns, was particularly stinging and raised uncomfortable questions about his ability to deliver Mount Kenya against an incumbent president.

    What Ruto and ODM have created, perhaps inadvertently, is a political stranglehold. UDA dominates the Rift Valley, has made inroads in Mount Kenya East, and controls pockets of Northern Kenya.

    ODM commands Nyanza, holds significant sway in the Coast, and retains organizational muscle in Western Kenya.

    Together, they form a electoral coalition that would be extraordinarily difficult to defeat, even accounting for voter apathy, which saw turnout crater below 40 percent in most constituencies.

    The sticking points, however, remain significant. Oburu’s insistence on the deputy presidency directly collides with Kindiki’s position, creating a zero-sum game that Ruto must navigate with surgical precision.

    Mount Kenya East leaders view Kindiki’s elevation as belated recognition for a region long overshadowed by its western counterpart.

    Displacing him for an ODM running mate would trigger political tremors Ruto can ill afford.

    Yet ODM, emboldened by its by-election performance and the political capital of Raila’s legacy, is negotiating from strength, not weakness.

    Then there is the Edwin Sifuna problem. ODM’s Secretary General remains the party’s most visible skeptic of the Ruto alliance, publicly questioning whether the broad-based arrangement even exists and accusing the government of continuing abductions and extrajudicial killings.

    His resistance represents a genuine ideological current within ODM, one rooted in the party’s activist DNA.

    Sifuna’s camp believes ODM should field its own presidential candidate in 2027, preserving party independence rather than becoming a UDA appendage.

    But the pragmatists, led by Oburu, Gladys Wanga, and Junet Mohamed, have won the internal battle.

    Their argument is coldly transactional: ODM was not formed to protest but to govern.

    The ten-point agenda, if fully implemented, provides sufficient policy cover to justify the alliance.

    And in Kenyan politics, power in government always trumps moral purity in opposition. The calculus is simple.

    Would ODM rather be a junior partner in government with guaranteed Cabinet positions, county funding, and a realistic shot at the deputy presidency, or the largest opposition party with no leverage and diminishing relevance?

    UDA, for its part, appears willing to accommodate ODM’s ambitions, at least publicly.

    Party officials like Deputy Secretary General Omboko Milemba and Organizing Secretary Vincent Kawaya have signaled openness to negotiations, acknowledging that ODM’s voter base and organizational capacity make it the coalition’s most valuable partner.

    Only the presidency, they insist, is non-negotiable.

    Everything else, including the deputy presidency, is on the table.

    Oburu Odinga at a past event.
    Oburu Odinga at a past event.

    What remains to be seen is whether this emerging grand coalition can survive contact with 2027’s political realities.

    Voter apathy, particularly among Gen Z who dominated the 2024 protests but largely boycotted the by-elections, suggests deep disillusionment with the political class generally.

    The United Opposition, despite its by-election drubbing, will have two years to regroup, rebrand, and rebuild. And coalitions in Kenya have a notorious habit of imploding under the weight of their own contradictions.

    But for now, the trajectory is unmistakable.

    The Ruto-ODM arrangement has evolved from crisis management to campaign strategy.

    The ten-point agenda has become the covenant binding two political formations that recognize they are stronger together than apart.

    And the by-election results have provided the empirical validation both parties needed to proceed with confidence toward formalization.

    The making of a grand coalition is rarely announced with fanfare. It happens quietly, through incremental trust-building, policy implementation, and the cold calculation of electoral mathematics.

    What we are witnessing is not a sudden political romance but a methodical courtship between parties that understand power in Kenya is won through addition, not subtraction.

    Whether it culminates in a formal coalition agreement or remains an informal alliance will depend on how faithfully both sides honor their commitments over the next fifteen months.

    But make no mistake, the foundation is being laid.

    The pieces are being positioned.

    And Kenya’s political future is being shaped not in loud rallies or televised debates, but in quiet meetings between party strategists who understand that 2027 will be won or lost based on who builds the bigger tent.

    Right now, that tent is being erected by UDA and ODM, and it is beginning to look large enough to house the next government.

  • United Opposition Left Weakened After By-Election Losses

    United Opposition Left Weakened After By-Election Losses

    The political calculations of Kenya’s United Opposition have suffered a jarring reset. What former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and his allies envisioned as a triumphant opening salvo against President William Ruto’s 2027 re-election bid has instead exposed cracks in their coalition’s foundation.

    The opposition suffered a clean sweep in all seven parliamentary by-elections held on November 27, managing to secure only a few ward seats   while Ruto’s broad-based government claimed victories across all major constituencies .

    The results have triggered uncomfortable questions about the opposition’s readiness to mount a credible challenge to the incumbent.

    Mbeere North became the centrepiece of this political theatre.

    The constituency, carved from Mt Kenya’s heartland, transformed into a proxy war between Gachagua and Deputy President Kithure Kindiki. UDA’s Leonard Muthende narrowly defeated the opposition’s Newton Kariuki by almost 500 votes  in what had been touted as an opposition stronghold. The symbolism was unmistakable. Where Gachagua had promised dominance, he delivered disappointment.

    The losses extended beyond Mt Kenya. In Malava, where Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi deployed his political machinery, UDA’s David Ndakwa secured 21,564 votes against DAP-K’s Seth Panyako who received 20,210 . At the Coast, ODM maintained its dominance, winning in Magarini constituency  where the united opposition had hoped to make inroads.

    Gachagua’s response oscillated between defiance and deflection. While acknowledging defeat, he attempted to reframe the narrative, describing the Magarini result as giving his party an entry point into the Coast region.

    Yet his claims of State-sponsored violence and voter manipulation rang hollow against the cold arithmetic of ballot tallies. The opposition blamed hooliganism, bribery and intimidation, but analysts argue these complaints mask deeper strategic failures.

    Political analyst Dismas Mokua suggested the results confirm that Gachagua’s efforts to make Ruto a one-term president have faced turbulence . The opposition’s philosophical challenge has become apparent. They have mobilized around grievance rather than governance, around the person of Gachagua rather than policy alternatives.

    The fragmentation within opposition ranks adds another layer of vulnerability. Observers suggest the by-elections have given the United Opposition a platform to review Gachagua’s role as de facto leader, potentially uniting Kalonzo Musyoka and Fred Matiang’i against him . Leadership disputes could fracture the coalition before it gains momentum.

    President Ruto wasted no time leveraging his victories. Speaking in Limuru the day after results were announced, he mocked the opposition’s reliance on slogans like “Wantam” and “Must Go” while boasting that his broad-based government swept all contested seats. His message was pointed: elections are won through planning and delivery, not noise and protests.

    For Ruto, the outcome holds significant political weight as he aims to weaken or split the opposition while preparing for his 2027 re-election bid .

    President William Ruto at a past event.
    President William Ruto at a past event.

    The partnership with ODM within his broad-based government has proven strategically valuable, allowing him to consolidate support beyond his traditional base even as his Mt Kenya grip appears contested.

    The violence that marred several polling stations presents its own cautionary tale.

    Clashes in Malava, Kasipul and Banisa, including torched vehicles, signal the possibility of more unrest in 2027 unless credible polls are guaranteed .

    The electoral environment is becoming increasingly volatile, with both sides accusing each other of deploying goons and state resources.

    For the United Opposition, the path forward demands more than recalibration. The coalition must develop substantive policy positions that resonate beyond regional grievances.

    They must settle internal power struggles and present a unified command structure. Most critically, they must demonstrate they can win not just on sympathy for Gachagua’s impeachment but on the strength of an alternative national vision.

    These by-elections were meant to be the opposition’s coming-out moment, proof that anti-Ruto sentiment had coalesced into electoral force.

    Instead, they revealed a movement still searching for its identity, struggling to translate discontent into votes. With 2027 approaching, time is running short for a coalition built more on what it opposes than what it proposes.

    The results have granted Ruto breathing room and political momentum. They have left the opposition grappling with the uncomfortable realization that outrage alone does not guarantee victory. In Kenyan politics, the cheese has indeed moved, and the opposition finds itself scrambling to catch up.

  • Farouk Says He’ll Help Panyako Get a Government Job If He Joins Hands With Ndakwa

    Farouk Says He’ll Help Panyako Get a Government Job If He Joins Hands With Ndakwa

    President William Ruto’s long-time aide, Farouk Kibet, has reached out to former Malava parliamentary candidate Seth Panyako, urging him to unite with MP-elect David Ndakwa and help steer the constituency forward after a tightly contested by-election.

    Speaking shortly after Ndakwa was declared the winner, Kibet praised the people of Malava for delivering what he described as a decisive and peaceful verdict.

    Ndakwa clinched victory with 21,564 votes against Panyako’s 20,120 in a race marked by high turnout and intense grassroots mobilisation.

    Kibet, who became the face of UDA’s campaign in Malava after Ndakwa secured the party’s nomination, said the election period was now behind them and it was time to rebuild trust and channel energy into development.

    He told Ndakwa to serve all residents without discrimination, saying leadership must rise above political lines.

    “Serve the people of Malava, those who voted for you and those who didn’t,” he said, urging the MP-elect to focus on issues that affect households across the constituency.

    Malava MP-elect David Ndakwa with Farouk Kibet during an event in Malava/COURTESY
    Malava MP-elect David Ndakwa with Farouk Kibet during an event in Malava/COURTESY

    Turning to Panyako, the DAP-K candidate who finished second, Kibet extended an olive branch and called for cooperation.

    “Forget the other issues and focus on building Malava,” he said, adding that unity was more important than campaign rivalries. He went further, vowing to personally petition President Ruto to give Panyako a job in government if he agrees to work with Ndakwa.

    “I will talk to the President to find him a job in government,” Kibet said, arguing that Panyako’s experience and passion for public service should not be lost simply because of an election outcome.

    Kibet hailed residents for maintaining peace throughout the campaign, saying their conduct showed growing political maturity in the region. He credited the victory to a well-organised ground operation led by UDA’s local leadership, volunteers and community elders who rallied behind Ndakwa.

    For nearly a month, Kibet led dawn-to-dusk tours across Malava, a presence that energised UDA supporters and rattled the opposition. Many observers described his involvement as one of the most coordinated political offensives seen in recent by-election cycles.

    He urged residents to fully support Ndakwa as he assumes office, adding that development will only be achieved if the constituency moves forward as one. He advised the MP-elect to move quickly in addressing key concerns raised during the campaign, among them roads, education, healthcare and youth empowerment.

    Kibet said the peaceful conclusion of the by-election offered a strong example for future contests and a foundation on which Malava can pursue accelerated growth under its new leadership.

  • Wantam, Kasongo Slogans Will Not Make United Opposition Win In 2027 As Proven in the By Elections: Change or Perish

    Wantam, Kasongo Slogans Will Not Make United Opposition Win In 2027 As Proven in the By Elections: Change or Perish

    Thursday’s by-election results have delivered a cold, unsparing verdict on Kenya’s United Opposition: catchy slogans are no substitute for coherent policy, and mockery is not a political strategy.

    The broad-based government swept all seven parliamentary seats, leaving Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, Eugene Wamalwa and their allies nursing wounds that should have been entirely predictable.

    When your entire political arsenal consists of nicknaming your opponent “Kasongo” and chanting “Wantam” at rallies, you shouldn’t be surprised when voters hand you a humiliating defeat.

    The numbers tell a brutal story.

    In Malava, where the opposition threw everything including the kitchen sink, UDA’s David Ndakwa won with 21,564 votes against DAP-K’s Seth Panyako’s 20,210.

    In Mbeere North, Gachagua’s personal battleground where he went door to door trying to prove he still commands Mount Kenya, Leonard Muriuki wa Muthende scraped through with 15,802 votes against Newton Kariuki’s 15,308.

    Even in ODM strongholds like Magarini, Kasipul and Ugunja, the party’s dominance only underscored how thoroughly the opposition has been boxed into irrelevance outside their ethnic enclaves.

    Let’s be clear about what happened here.

    This wasn’t a close call where a few more rallies or better ground organization might have tipped the scales.

    This was a referendum on substance versus noise, and noise lost decisively.

    The United Opposition spent months perfecting their insult repertoire while President Ruto was busy forming a broad-based government that neutralized ODM as an opposition force.

    They were busy creating TikTok-ready moments while their opponents were doing the unglamorous work of coalition building and voter mobilization.

    The Malava race perfectly encapsulates the opposition’s delusion.

    Here was a seat they considered winnable, backed by heavyweights like Eugene Wamalwa on home turf.

    They had momentum, they had crowds, they had social media buzz.

    What they didn’t have was a compelling reason for voters to choose them beyond “Ruto is bad.” In 2025, with Kenyans grappling with the cost of living, unemployment, and a healthcare system in crisis, telling them that the president reminds you of a Congolese musician is not exactly policy gold.

    Gachagua’s humiliation in Mbeere North deserves special attention.

    The former deputy president has spent the better part of this year positioning himself as the kingmaker of Mount Kenya, the region’s authentic voice against Ruto’s alleged betrayal.

    He campaigned as if his political life depended on it, which frankly it did.

    And he lost. Not by a landslide, granted, but in politics, losing your own backyard by even a single vote is a loss that echoes.

    If Gachagua cannot deliver a constituency where he personally knocked on doors and made the contest a personal plebiscite on his influence, what exactly is his value proposition to other opposition leaders looking for a 2027 standard bearer?

    The opposition’s strategic bankruptcy runs deeper than poor candidate selection or weak ground games. It reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of the Kenyan voter in 2025.

    This is not 2007 or 2017 when ethnic mobilization and anti-government sentiment alone could deliver victories. Ruto has shrewdly blunted that approach by co-opting ODM, historically the most formidable opposition outfit.

    President William Ruto at a past event.
    President William Ruto at a past event.

    The broad-based government has created a political traffic jam where the opposition’s traditional routes to power are blocked.

    Yet instead of finding new roads, the opposition is standing at the roadblock honking angrily and hoping someone will move.

    “Kasongo” was supposed to diminish Ruto by portraying him as foreign, as somehow not authentically Kenyan.

    It’s a dog whistle that has failed spectacularly because voters have moved past ethnic dog whistles in favor of what matters to them: jobs, security, healthcare, education.

    Meanwhile, “Wantam” – a juvenile attempt at painting the government as thieves, Ruto as a one term president – sounds increasingly hollow when your alternative platform is… what exactly? The opposition has spent so much time defining what they’re against that they’ve forgotten to articulate what they’re for.

    Compare this to 2002 when Mwai Kibaki’s NARC coalition swept to power not just on anti-Moi sentiment but on a concrete platform promising free primary education, anti-corruption drives and constitutional reform.

    Or 2013 when Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto sold Jubilee with specific infrastructure promises.

    Even Raila Odinga’s most successful campaigns combined charisma with policy specifics, from devolution advocacy to economic blueprints. What does the United Opposition offer? Slogans that would struggle to win a high school debate.

    The violence and chaos that marred several polling stations should also shame the opposition into reflection.

    When your supporters are disrupting vote counting because you’ve conditioned them to believe that any loss must be rigged, you’re not building a democratic movement.

    You’re building a mob.

    The scenes in Malava where opposition supporters attempted to storm counting centers, the allegations of voter intimidation in Mbeere North, these are not signs of a movement confident in its ideas.

    They’re the death throes of a political coalition that knows it’s losing and would rather burn the house down than accept defeat gracefully.

    Perhaps most damning is how thoroughly the opposition has been outmaneuvered by Ruto politically.

    The man they love to mock as intellectually inferior has systematically dismantled their coalition, absorbed their strongest partner, isolated their leaders, and forced them into an alliance of convenience with Gachagua, a figure whose impeachment was supported by many in their own ranks.

    They’re so busy calling Ruto names that they haven’t noticed he’s already won the chess game.

    The path forward for the opposition should be obvious but will require a humility that seems in short supply.

    First, develop an actual policy platform. What is your alternative economic plan? How will you address youth unemployment? What’s your healthcare proposal? Your education reform? Your anti-corruption strategy that goes beyond pointing fingers? Voters need answers, not slogans.

    Second, build a real coalition, not a temporary marriage of convenience between bitter rivals. Gachagua, Kalonzo and Wamalwa don’t trust each other, and voters can smell the cynicism from a mile away.

    Either commit to a genuine partnership with shared principles and a clear power-sharing formula, or accept that you’ll keep losing.

    Third, stop insulting voters’ intelligence.

    Kenyans are not stupid. They can see through empty rhetoric and performative outrage. They want leaders who take them seriously, who speak to their aspirations and fears with concrete solutions, not soundbites designed for viral moments.

    Fourth, acknowledge that ethnic mobilization alone will not win 2027.

    The demographics have shifted, the youth vote is decisive, and young Kenyans are tired of politics that revolves around tribal arithmetic. They want transformation, not more of the same dressed up in new slogans.

    The by-elections were a dress rehearsal for 2027, and the opposition just delivered the worst opening night performance imaginable.

    They have less than two years to completely reinvent their approach or resign themselves to irrelevance. History is littered with opposition movements that mistook noise for momentum, that believed their own propaganda, that thought anger alone could be a governing philosophy. None of them are in power today.

    The choice facing Gachagua, Kalonzo, Wamalwa and their allies is stark: either become a serious alternative capable of winning power, or remain a sideshow of bitter men trading insults while the country moves on without them. “Kasongo” and “Wantam” might get laughs at rallies and retweets on social media, but they won’t win elections. Thursday proved that conclusively.

    The broad-based government is far from perfect. It has vulnerabilities on economic management, corruption, and service delivery.

    A competent opposition could exploit these weaknesses and offer voters a genuine alternative. But that requires work, strategy, coalition-building and policy development. It requires treating politics as a serious business rather than a comedy show.

    As it stands, the United Opposition looks less like a government-in-waiting and more like a support group for the politically dispossessed. Unless they fundamentally change course, 2027 will not be a changing of the guard.

    It will be a coronation. And when they lose, they’ll have no one to blame but themselves. You cannot slogan your way to State House.

    Thursday proved it. Now the question is whether the opposition is capable of learning the lesson, or whether they’ll spend the next two years perfecting new nicknames while Ruto perfects his re-election strategy.

    The ball is in their court. Change or perish. It really is that simple.

  • ODM Wins Big in By-Elections, Reclaims All Parliamentary Seats

    ODM Wins Big in By-Elections, Reclaims All Parliamentary Seats

    The Orange Democratic Movement has pulled off a sweeping victory in the November 28 by-elections, reclaiming all three parliamentary seats that were up for contest and reaffirming its grip in traditional strongholds.

    The party’s leadership, led by veteran politician Oburu Oginga, celebrated the wins as a renewed vote of confidence from the electorate.

    Oburu, who has maintained a low public profile in recent months, resurfaced on Friday with a congratulatory message to the party’s newly elected MPs.

    In a statement posted on his X account, he hailed the victories of Boyd Were in Kasipul, Harrison Kombe in Magarini and Moses Omondi in Ugunja, describing the clean sweep as evidence of ODM’s enduring grassroots strength.

    He said the three wins reflected the trust local communities continue to place in the party’s vision and leadership.

    His remarks came hours after Returning Officer Rebecca Abwaku confirmed Boyd Were’s victory in Kasipul, the first of the three Constituencies to announce results.

    Were delivered a decisive win after collecting 16,819 votes against independent candidate Philip Nashon Aroko, who managed 8,476.

    ODM supporters poured into the streets of Oyugis and Mumbo at dawn, breaking into song and dance as they escorted their MP-elect through impromptu celebrations that brought business to a standstill.

    In Ugunja, the electoral commission declared Moses Omondi the clear winner after he secured 9,227 votes in a race marked by low turnout across Siaya County.

    His closest challenger, Wiper’s Orodi Odhiambo, posted 1,819 votes, while UDM’s Fredrick Ochiel finished third with 1,200.

    The crowded field also featured candidates from UGM, LPM, Kenya Moja, KANU, NAP, Jubilee and NLP, none of whom crossed the 1,200-vote mark.

    On the Coast, ODM completed its sweep after Harrison Kombe clinched the Magarini seat, sealing what party officials described as a strong statement ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    Though official tallies were still being finalised by press time, ODM confirmed Kombe’s victory, crediting it to an energised campaign and a united local branch.

    The party now turns its attention to consolidating its wins and preparing its new lawmakers for immediate legislative work.

    For ODM, the by-election results come as a political boost at a time it has been working to reassert influence nationally, while for the ruling Kenya Kwanza alliance the outcomes present a reminder of the stiff competition awaiting in key battleground regions.

  • ‪Leo Wamuthende Wins Mbeere North MP Seat‬

    ‪Leo Wamuthende Wins Mbeere North MP Seat‬

    In a tightly contested and hotly watched by-election, UDA’s Leo Wamuthende has emerged winner of the Mbeere North parliamentary seat, solidifying the party’s hold in Embu County.

    Wamuthende secured 15,802  votes, edging out his nearest rival, Newton Kariuki (also known as Newton Karish), who garnered 15,308 votes.

    Celebrations erupted across Siakago, Mutuobare, Kanyuambora and other towns in the constituency, with supporters carrying Wamuthende on their shoulders, chanting victory slogans.

    A proxy battle turned battleground for Mt. Kenya politics

    What began as a routine by-election — triggered by the elevation of former MP Geoffrey Ruku to Cabinet in March 2025 — morphed into a high-stakes duel between the camps of two of Kenya’s most powerful political figures: Kithure Kindiki, the sitting Deputy President, and his predecessor, Rigathi Gachagua.

    Kindiki personally led rallies for Wamuthende across Mbeere North in the run-up to the polls, casting the contest as a referendum on delivering development and continuity of government-funded projects.

    According to him, electing Wamuthende was vital for completion of major works — including roads, water and electricity infrastructure, and water-reticulation projects from the Kiambere Dam.

    On the other side, Gachagua threw his weight behind Kariuki. His campaign adopted a grassroots approach: door-to-door canvassing, village-level outreach, and appeals to voters to resist what he described as “state-sponsored politics.”

    The rivalry injected national-level political significance into a constituency by-election, turning Mbeere North into a proxy arena for broader power tussles within the Mt. Kenya region.

    Claims of intimidation, bribery and political violence mar the contest

    The build-up to the by-election was marred by mutual accusations of attempted election rigging, intimidation and vote-buying.

    Gachagua accused the government and UDA of sponsoring goons, paying youth for their IDs, and mobilising cash to sway voters — alleging that up to Sh 600 million was being used to influence the outcome.

    He further raised alarms over social-media videos threatening violence, naming senior officials as allegedly behind the threats, and appealed to the Inspector General of Police for protection.

    The UDA, for its part, rejected the allegations. The party countered that its campaign had been peaceful, and that the opposition’s accusations were part of “melodramatic reactions” meant to discredit Wamuthende’s bid.

    During his final rallies, Kindiki warned that anyone seeking to disrupt peace would be dealt with firmly by the government. He urged constituents to exercise their democratic rights without fear.

    Despite the tense climate, initial reports from polling day suggested that voting largely proceeded, though isolated pockets of unrest were reported — with both camps blaming each other for alleged voter-bribery and intimidation.

    What Wamuthende’s win signals for Embu and beyond

    Wamuthende’s victory represents more than just a local political win. Analysts suggest it consolidates UDA’s dominance in Embu County and signals a wider strengthening of Kindiki’s influence in Mt. Kenya East.

    For Wamuthende personally, the win elevates him as one of the region’s rising youthful political figures — with a development-oriented campaign that resonated with voters.

    For opposition forces, particularly those aligned to Gachagua, the narrow defeat may prompt a reassessment of strategy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    The strong showing by Kariuki suggests persistent appetite among voters for an alternative to the ruling party — but also underlines the challenge of overcoming the weight of state machinery when it is fully mobilised.

    Broader implications: why Mbeere North matters

    By-elections such as Mbeere North have repeatedly been described by political pundits as “small elections, big impact”: though they concern a single constituency, the winners and losers can shift power balances across regions.

    In this case, the contest has become a bellwether for the larger contest inside Mt. Kenya politics — where allegiances, personalities, and regional influence often define electoral outcomes. The high-profile involvement of two deputy presidents — incumbent and former —elevated the stakes, suggesting this was more than a by-election: it was a referendum on competing visions for the region’s political future.

    For UDA, the win underscores its ability to deliver — not only the ballot but promises of development.

    For the opposition, it offers both a lesson and a challenge: winning under pressure and in the face of formidable state mobilization will demand sharper strategy and deeper grassroots engagement.

  • ‪Boyd Were Wins Kasipul MP Seat‬

    ‪Boyd Were Wins Kasipul MP Seat‬

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has declared Boyd Ongondo Were of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) the duly elected Member of the National Assembly for Kasipul Constituency.

    Returning Officer Rebecca Abwaku announced the results late Friday, November 28, 2025, confirming that Were clinched victory with an impressive 16,819 votes, securing a clear lead over his closest competitor, Philip Nashon Aroko, an independent candidate, who garnered 8,476 votes.

    The contest featured 10 candidates, making Kasipul one of the most competitive parliamentary by-elections in the November 27, 2025, mini-polls.

    In a statement issued after the results, the IEBC commended the electorate for turning out to exercise their democratic right.

    “The Commission would like to thank our voters and stakeholders for their participation and support in the #27thNovByelections,” IEBC said, adding that it was grateful for the smooth conduct of the polls.

    The Commission also extended appreciation to its staff for their professionalism and commitment.

    “IEBC would also like to recognize and appreciate our election officials for their dedication, hard work and professionalism throughout the planning and conduct of these by-elections,” the statement read.

    The Kasipul result adds to a series of by-elections held across the country, marking an important moment as political parties test their grassroots strength ahead of the 2027 General Election.

  • Kaluma Injured as Goons Attack, Bodyguard’s Firearm Stolen During Kasipul By-Election

    Kaluma Injured as Goons Attack, Bodyguard’s Firearm Stolen During Kasipul By-Election

    Homa Bay Town MP Peter Kaluma was on Thursday injured after he was attacked by a group of youths at Agoro Sare Primary School during the Kasipul Constituency by-election. His bodyguard was also assaulted and is reported to have lost his firearm in the chaos.

    Kaluma, who is serving as the ODM Party’s chief agent in the by-election, arrived at the polling station in the morning to monitor the voting process.

    Moments later, a rowdy group confronted him, sparking a violent confrontation that left him with a head injury. Images from the scene showed the MP being escorted away with blood on his face and shirt as his team sought medical attention for him.

    Speaking to reporters shortly after the incident, Kaluma said he believed the attack was politically motivated. He claimed that his opponents had sent goons to disrupt the voting exercise and intimidate ODM agents. He also accused independent candidate Philip Aroko of instigating the violence, a claim that Aroko has not publicly responded to.

    Witnesses said the group that attacked the MP confronted him shortly after he arrived with one of the aspirants. The motive of the assault remains unclear, although tensions have been rising in Kasipul throughout the campaign period. Security officers rushed in to restore order and voting resumed under heavy police presence.

    The MP’s bodyguard, who was also injured, was disarmed during the scuffle. Authorities are investigating how the firearm went missing and have launched a search operation.

    ODM candidate Boyd Were Ong’ondo urged residents not to be intimidated by the violence. He appealed for calm and encouraged voters to continue turning out, saying the people of Kasipul should not allow hired gangs to influence the outcome of the election.

    The attack on Kaluma added to a series of incidents reported in the run-up to the by-election. Police confirmed that there were disturbances on Wednesday night in parts of Narok and Kakamega, where several people were injured in election-related confrontations. In Kakamega Town, a man accused of involvement in rigging was held captive and beaten before being rescued and taken to hospital. In Narok, a ward candidate was reportedly accosted by unknown individuals.

    The National Police Service said voting began smoothly in most centres despite isolated cases of unrest. NPS spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga said officers are working closely with the IEBC to safeguard the process and protect both voters and polling officials. He said security teams are on standby to respond to incidents and urged members of the public to report any suspicious activity.

    IEBC Chairperson Erastus Ethekon assured voters that security has been heightened across the constituency. He said each polling station has at least two officers on duty and mobile teams are patrolling various locations to ensure a peaceful environment. He encouraged voters to remain calm and exercise their democratic rights without fear.

    Investigations into the attack on MP Kaluma and the stolen firearm are ongoing. Authorities have cautioned political actors against inflaming tensions as the tallying process continues.

  • Questions As Governor Natembeya’s Security Is Withdrawn

    Questions As Governor Natembeya’s Security Is Withdrawn

    Questions have been raised after authorities reportedly withdrew the official security detail of Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya.

    Natembeya said that security officers manning his home and the guards attached to him were withdrawn on Wednesday at 12:00 am.

    The county boss said there was no explanation offered to him over the developments. As per the law, the governor is entitled to security who are supposed to accompany him and guard his homes.

    “We do not know why. Ask them and let them explain,” he said.

    There was no immediate comment from the police. National Police Spokesman Michael Muchiri said he was out of the country but would inquire to get details of the claims.

    The developments follow attacks on the governor on Saturday, November 22, after armed goons ambushed him at Chwele Ward in Kabuchai, Bungoma County, while he was on a campaign trail.

    Several cars were destroyed in the drama with gunshots renting the air. Police also intervened using tear gas canisters to disperse the governor and his supporters.

    The said goons also attacked Kabuchai Member of Parliament Majimbo Kalasinga’s residence.

    Viral images and videos showed Natembeya’s vehicles destroyed, with the county boss alleging that he was shot at several times after the goons stormed the rally.

    Natembeya alleged that a top political leader was using government machinery to settle political scores.

    “This is so primitive; it is not politics. Sending goons to come and destroy the home of a member of the National Assembly…because they have a different political opinion is primitive,” he said.

    Many believe the withdrawal of the security is linked to the ongoing political contest in the western region and the pending by-elections in the area on November 27.

    Natembeya’s allies condemned the move, calling it a calculated attempt to intimidate him ahead of political events in the region.

    Some Trans Nzoia leaders warned that withdrawing security from a sitting governor is not only unlawful but could set a dangerous precedent for handling political disagreements in the country.

    Civil society voices also raised concerns, noting that executive security is guaranteed under law for governors as state officers.

    On the other hand, a section of government-affiliated leaders have downplayed the claims, suggesting the move may not be political and that the governor should “allow institutions to clarify the matter.”

  • Nyamira Governor Nyaribo Impeached

    Nyamira Governor Nyaribo Impeached

    Nyamira Governor Amos Nyaribo was impeached after 23 out of 31 Members of the County Assembly (MCAs) voted to remove him from office.

    The motion, on Tuesday, November 25, 2025, sponsored by Bonyamatuta Ward MCA Julius Kimwomi Matwere, accused the governor of gross violation of the Constitution, abuse of office and illegal handling of a payroll audit.

    The vote marked the latest chapter in a long-running conflict between Nyaribo and the Assembly.

    Since 2023, MCAs have attempted several times to remove him, with previous efforts in 2024 and early 2025 falling short by a single vote.

    This time, the Assembly reached the required threshold with ease, sending the matter to the Senate for final determination.

    Violations outlined

    While moving the motion, MCA Matwere read a detailed statement accusing the governor of bypassing the law when commissioning a payroll audit. He argued that the governor violated the Public Audit Act and attempted to usurp the mandate of the Auditor-General.

    “The Governor has not requested that the County of Nyamira sanction the Auditor General to undertake any audit. Section 23 of the Public Audit Act 2015 provides for the outsourcing of audit services, while Section 24 of the Public Audit Act 2015 provides for the engagement of services of technical experts or consultants and professionals in fulfilment of Article 229,” Matwere said.

    “The purpose of the Constitution, which states the principal purpose of the audit, is to confirm whether all non-public money has been applied lawfully and in an effective way.”

    “Audit is a process that follows cardinal guidelines, which the purported orders of the county executive payroll did not follow, before coming up with the purported payroll audit report. Section 31 of the Public Audit Act 2015 provides how the processes of audit shall be undertaken.”

    “Mr Speaker, Section 36 of the Public Audit Act 2015 provides that the audit report is submitted to Parliament or the county assembly for tabling and debate. How the county payroll audit report, which was not done by or authorised by the auditor general, will be placed before Parliament or the county secretary for debate, and a consideration has not been explained.”

    “Section 37 of the Public Audit Act 2015 provides for a forensic audit upon request by Parliament or County Assemblies to establish fraud, corruption or financial improprieties in state organs and public entities.”

    “The audit report is then placed before Parliament, or the County Assembly, for debate, and a consideration where appropriate resolutions and actions will emanate. The Governor, therefore, insulted the constitutional mandate of the Auditor General, which he allocated to himself to initiate a payroll audit without authorisation.”

    Amos Nyaribo during a past event.
    Amos Nyaribo during a past event.

    He added that the County Public Service Board had already disowned the audit process. According to Matwere, the board confirmed that Nyaribo singularly commissioned the payroll audit, including the appointment of an audit committee that would digest the findings of the audit, without involving the board.

    Matwere cited a communication from the board dated January 15, 2025, which reversed the governor’s decision, describing the move as unauthorised. He also noted that the County Executive Committee later attempted to appeal the board’s position, despite lacking legal grounds to do so.

    Financial loss and betrayal of public trust

    The MCA accused the governor of causing financial loss and undermining governance structures.

    “His actions are marked by illegal diversion of public resources and a flattened disregard for courts and disassembly at the Senate,” he said.

    “Including the brassing and usurpation of the Count’s Public Service Board authority, have resulted in undemonstrable financial loss to the Count’s Government of Nyamira, amounting to approximately Ksh54,567,000, with a further liability of Ksh325 million annually due to unsustainable illegal hiring.”

    “I assert that… this is not a matter of minor administrative error, but I sustain the betrayal of the public trust that demands the ultimate penalty. His continued tenure is a catastrophic risk to the future of Nyamira County and an affront to the principles of revolution.”

    Matwere urged the Assembly to act, saying the county had been in the national spotlight for negative reasons and needed to restore order.

    Long-running feud

    The impeachment followed years of tension. A fresh motion was tabled on November 17, 2025, continuing a pattern of political battles, parallel sittings, court cases and corruption investigations, including a recent EACC raid linked to a Ksh382 million tender.

    With the Assembly now approving his removal by a wide margin, the governor’s fate rests with the Senate.