Category: Politics

  • The King Is Dead, Long Live the Crown: Winnie Odinga Steps Into Her Father’s Shoes

    The King Is Dead, Long Live the Crown: Winnie Odinga Steps Into Her Father’s Shoes

    The sun hung low over Nyayo National Stadium on that Friday afternoon in October, casting long shadows across the mourners who had gathered to bid farewell to Raila Amolo Odinga.

    Inside the packed arena, thousands sat in collective grief, their eyes fixed on the podium where the Odinga family would speak. When Winnie Odinga rose to address the nation, something shifted in the air. This was no longer just a funeral. It had become a political baptism.

    “The king is dead,” she declared, her voice steady and clear, cutting through the heavy silence. “But long live the crown.”

    The words landed like thunder. In that single phrase, Winnie Odinga transformed from a daughter mourning her father into a political figure claiming space in a landscape suddenly emptied of its most commanding presence.

    She listed his names, the names that had become legend: Tinga, Jakom, Nyundo, Baba. Each one carried the weight of five decades of struggle, defiance, hope, and heartbreak. She mimicked his laugh, that infectious sound that had echoed through rally after rally, and spoke of service over power, of legacy over ambition.

    Then she began to sing. Harry Belafonte’s Jamaica Farewell, one of Raila’s favorites, rose from her throat, and the crowd, thousands strong, followed. “Down the way, where the nights are gay,” they sang together, voices merging into something that felt less like a dirge and more like a promise. When Winnie changed the line to “I have to leave a little girl in Bondo town,” the stadium understood. The little girl was both memory and mantle, both past and future.

    In the days since her father’s sudden death from cardiac arrest in India, Winnie had become the face the nation could not look away from. At Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, when the body arrived, she stood firm and unsmiling, clutching Raila’s iconic hat, that battered piece of fabric that had become as much a symbol of resistance as the man who wore it.

    The cameras captured her handing it to her mother, Ida Odinga, in a gesture that transcended grief. She was not merely a mourning daughter. She had become a political symbol in real time.

    Youngest daughter to the late former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Winnie Odinga, hands her father's white fedora hat to her mother, Mama Ida Odinga, inside the VVIP offices at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.
    Youngest daughter to the late former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Winnie Odinga, hands her father’s white fedora hat to her mother, Mama Ida Odinga, inside the VVIP offices at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.

    The Odinga name has cast its shadow over Kenyan politics for more than half a century, beginning with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s principled defiance of the Kenyatta regime, continuing through Raila’s own decades-long battle against the establishment.

    But what Winnie seems to carry is something different.

    It is not the dynasty in its old form, not the ancestral claim to opposition politics, but the Raila brand itself. Baba.

    The street chants, the songs, the hat, the cadence of a man who built a political identity that existed somewhere between myth and memory.

    She grew up fluent in that language. While many political heirs arrive swaddled in history but untested by its storms, Winnie has been in the crowd, not just above it.

    During the Azimio la Umoja protests in Nairobi, she wore jungle pants, a half jacket, and boots, and marched. When her phones were hacked, she did not retreat behind press officers or carefully worded statements. She posted on social media: “All electronics hacked! All completely unusable, all dead! Meet me in the streets.”

    It was not scripted.

    It was raw, the kind of raw that makes a crowd believe you are one of them. When police targeted her car during those protests, Raila himself condemned it, his outrage both paternal and political, drawing a line between a father’s daughter and a movement’s heir. That line, however carefully drawn, has now been erased by death.

    Winnie had entered formal politics in November 2022, when she was nominated to the East African Legislative Assembly by the Orange Democratic Movement. At the time, it seemed like the kind of quiet nepotism that Kenyan politics has perfected, a famous last name opening a door that might otherwise remain closed.

    But death has a way of rearranging narratives.

    In the days after Raila’s passing, Winnie stopped being a footnote in the dynasty and became its most vivid paragraph.

    The ODM party named Oburu Odinga, Raila’s older brother, as party leader, a gesture toward continuity and respect for the family hierarchy. But the crowd, the real, sweating, chanting crowd that made Raila who he was, did not chant “Oburu.” They chanted “Baba.” And in the absence of Baba, their eyes turned to the person holding his hat.

    Public viewing of Odinga’s body at Mamboleo Grounds, Kisumu.
    Public viewing of Odinga’s body at Mamboleo Grounds, Kisumu.

    This is the strange and potent nature of the Raila brand. It is not bureaucratic. It is not even institutional. It is emotional. It lives in symbols and stories, in the call and response of rallies, in the collective memory of a man who seemed indestructible until he was not.

    Winnie, perhaps more instinctively than strategically, has leaned into that emotional current. She does not speak as the heir to an Odinga throne. She stands as the keeper of Raila’s language, the songs, the jokes, the sharp quips, the moral cadence of service before power.

    And in Kenyan politics, that kind of symbolism is often more powerful than a title.

    On Sunday, at the final funeral service at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology in Siaya, Winnie spoke briefly but with purpose. She thanked President William Ruto for honoring her father, for standing with the family during their bereavement.

    Then she turned to face the President directly, making it clear the message was for him. “Your Excellency, our people appreciate you honoring our father. Thank you for standing with us. You should also know, in case you are wondering, I’m ready to come back home.”

    The words hung in the air.

    President Ruto, seated next to Mama Ida Odinga, exchanged glances with those around him, bending slightly and smiling in response. The gesture was small, but the implications were enormous.

    Winnie was signaling her intention to return to local politics, to leave the regional legislative assembly and plant her feet firmly on Kenyan soil, in Kenyan constituencies, in the heart of the political struggle her father had waged for so long.

    But symbolism is not strategy, and Winnie faces the jagged reality that comes after the chants die down.

    The ODM party is thick with veterans who have waited decades in Raila’s shadow. Governors, senators, members of parliament, men and women with their own ambitions and their own claims to leadership. They will not yield easily to a woman in her thirties whose political resume consists of a nomination and a famous last name.

    If she wants to lead, she will have to earn it in the blood sport of Kenyan elections. The Raila brand can open the gate, but it cannot walk her through it.

    Still, she is uniquely positioned.

    Kenya’s youth, restless, disillusioned, and weary of the same faces recycling through power, see in her something they do not see in the party elders. Not polish, not policy, but familiarity. A kind of proximity to power that does not feel alien.

    When she speaks, they do not hear a politician reaching down from a podium. They hear someone raised in the protest tent, someone who learned politics not from books but from the front row of rallies.

    Winnie Odinga and her brother Raila Odinga Jnr during their father's funeral service at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology, October 19, 2025. /PCS
    Winnie Odinga and her brother Raila Odinga Jnr during their father’s funeral service at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology, October 19, 2025. /PCS

    And she has something else: timing. Kenya’s opposition has been left with a vacuum that no one else can fill. Raila’s shadow was too long, his myth too thick.

    President Ruto governs, but Raila’s absence defines the opposition space more than anyone else’s presence. Winnie does not have to build a movement from scratch. She only has to keep it from crumbling.

    Her strategy may not follow the predictable script. She could seek an elective seat, a parliamentary constituency in Nyanza perhaps, to build legitimacy. Or she could stay where she is, neither fully in power nor out of it, becoming something less tangible but more dangerous to the establishment: a lodestar. The person who can summon crowds with a phrase, who can keep Baba alive not as a statue but as a story.

    The Raila brand has always belonged to the people more than to the party. It is not a lineage. It is a rhythm. Not “Odinga,” which belongs to history, to family, but “Raila,” the name the crowds chant. Winnie understands this distinction, whether she says it out loud or not. She does not need the family name to move people. She only needs the hat, the song, the voice that carries a memory they all recognize.

    This is both her opportunity and her peril. If she inherits Raila’s hat, she inherits too his enemies. In Kenya, power does not tolerate heirs lightly, and Raila knew that quite well.

    He had to fight to make his brand outside the Jaramogi factor, to step out from his father’s shadow and build something that was his alone. Winnie will have to do the same.

    She will have to prove that she is not simply riding her father’s coattails, but carrying forward something real, something earned.

    In the end, Winnie Odinga may or may not want to lead. But leadership has a way of finding those who carry symbols. She carries Raila’s hat. The crowd still chants “Baba.” And somewhere in the hush between mourning and ambition, a young woman is learning to wear a legacy not like a crown, but like a second skin.

    At the funeral in Bondo, as her father was laid to rest beside his father Jaramogi in the family graveyard at Kang’o Kajaramogi, Winnie chose to say little. She thanked Jakom’s staff, thanked the leaders and citizens who had supported the family, and promised to return later to express her gratitude personally. Then she raised her fist and repeated the phrase that has already begun to define her: “The king is dead, but long live the crown.”

    The crowd roared. Whether she meant it as a vow or simply as a tribute, whether she was claiming the mantle or simply honoring the man, no one can yet say. But the moment has been marked. The hat has been carried. And in Kenyan politics, moments like these do not fade quietly into history. They become the seeds of what comes next.

    Now the question is not whether Winnie Odinga will throw the hat into the ring, but when. And when she does, the country will be watching.

  • The Curtain Falls on Raila Odinga: Marking The End Of An Era of Kenya’s Most Consequential Political Leader in History

    The Curtain Falls on Raila Odinga: Marking The End Of An Era of Kenya’s Most Consequential Political Leader in History

    The silence that descended over Kang’o ka Jaramogi on that Sunday evening was profound. As the seventeenth gunshot echoed across the ancestral homestead in Bondo, followed by the roar of military aircraft overhead, Kenya bid farewell to a man who had defined its political landscape for over four decades without ever occupying its highest office.

    Raila Amolo Odinga, who died on October 15, 2025, while receiving treatment in India at the age of 80, was laid to rest beside his father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first Vice President, completing a story that began with independence and ended with a nation transformed.

    The funeral itself was a study in contrasts and contradictions, much like the man it honored. Here was the state he had fought, challenged, and occasionally partnered with, according him full military honors.

    The same government that had once imprisoned him without trial for six years now draped his coffin in the national flag and positioned soldiers in crisp formation to salute his departure.

    President William Ruto, who had defeated him in the 2022 presidential election, led the mourners and openly acknowledged Raila as his political mentor.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta, once his bitter rival before their famous 2018 handshake, eulogized him as a close friend and statesman.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta viewing Raila Odinga's body at Kasarani Stadium
    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta viewing Raila Odinga’s body at Kasarani Stadium

    The irony was not lost on the thousands who had gathered at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology grounds to witness history.

    What made Raila Odinga so consequential was not what he achieved in formal office, though his tenure as Prime Minister in the Grand Coalition Government from 2008 to 2013 saw significant infrastructure development and reform initiatives.

    Rather, it was his ability to shape Kenya’s political destiny from outside the presidency that cemented his place in history. He was, as President Ruto aptly described him, a man who ruled without the instruments of power.

    His fingerprints are visible on nearly every major chapter of Kenya’s modern political evolution, from the multiparty democracy struggles of the early 1990s to the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution that restructured governance and introduced devolution.

    Born on January 7, 1945, in Maseno to a family already steeped in nationalist politics, Raila inherited both privilege and burden.

    His father Jaramogi had been a fierce ally of Jomo Kenyatta in the independence struggle but fell out with Kenya’s founding president over ideological differences, particularly regarding land distribution and the treatment of opposition voices.

    This schism would define the Odinga family’s relationship with power for generations. Where Jaramogi represented the old guard of African nationalism with its pan-African socialist ideals, Raila would become something more complex and contemporary: a democrat, a reformer, a coalition builder, and a master of political theater.

    His political awakening came through suffering. After studying engineering in East Germany and returning to lecture at the University of Nairobi, Raila’s trajectory changed dramatically in 1982. Following the failed coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi’s regime, he was detained without trial for six years, accused of treason though never charged.

    The years in Kamiti Prison and later in the notorious Nyayo House cells transformed him. He emerged not broken but hardened, with nothing to lose and everything to fight for. As he would later write in his autobiography, “You can imprison a man’s body, but not his ideas.”

    The 1990s saw Raila at the forefront of the second liberation struggle, the movement that broke the one-party stranglehold of KANU and paved the way for multiparty democracy. Alongside veterans like Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia, he risked everything to demand political pluralism. It was a dangerous era to challenge Moi, but Raila’s voice only grew louder.

    In 1992, he won his first parliamentary seat representing Lang’ata Constituency, beginning a legislative career that would span decades and establish him as one of the most effective opposition leaders in African politics.

    Yet it was in 2002 that Raila demonstrated his most audacious political skill: the ability to sacrifice personal ambition for a larger strategic goal. His declaration of “Kibaki Tosha” during that year’s presidential campaign, endorsing Mwai Kibaki and uniting the opposition under the National Rainbow Coalition, engineered the defeat of KANU’s 39-year grip on power.

    It was a political masterstroke that elevated him from opposition agitator to national kingmaker.

    The fact that he was subsequently betrayed by the Kibaki administration, which reneged on a pre-election memorandum of understanding promising him the prime minister’s position, only added to his mythology as a leader repeatedly denied what was rightfully his.

    The disputed 2007 presidential election and its aftermath remain the most controversial chapter in Raila’s political journey. The violence that erupted, claiming over 1,000 lives and displacing more than 600,000 people, exposed the fragility of Kenya’s democracy and the depth of its ethnic divisions. Yet even in this national trauma, Raila found a path to redemption.

    The power-sharing agreement brokered by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which created the position of Prime Minister for him, allowed Kenya to step back from the brink. His tenure in that office, alongside President Kibaki in the Grand Coalition Government, demonstrated that he could govern responsibly and deliver tangible results.

    Raila Odinga’s body lying in state.
    Raila Odinga’s body lying in state.

    Perhaps his most enduring contribution to Kenya was his relentless advocacy for constitutional reform. The 2010 Constitution, which fundamentally restructured how Kenya is governed, bears his imprint more than any other political leader of his generation. The devolution of power and resources to county governments, the strengthened Bill of Rights, the creation of independent commissions to check executive power, these were reforms Raila had championed for decades.

    As Kisumu Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o noted at the funeral, without Raila, Kenya might not have realized the transformative constitution it now enjoys.

    His subsequent presidential campaigns in 2013, 2017, and 2022 all ended in defeat, though his supporters consistently claimed electoral manipulation. The 2017 election was particularly dramatic.

    After the Supreme Court nullified the initial results and ordered a fresh poll, which he boycotted, Raila participated in a mock swearing-in ceremony as the “People’s President” at Uhuru Park. It was a moment of maximum tension, with the nation teetering on the edge of another crisis.

    Yet within months, he would stun the country again by shaking hands with President Kenyatta on the steps of Harambee House, initiating the famous handshake that would redefine his final years.

    The handshake marked Raila’s evolution from perpetual opposition leader to elder statesman. The Building Bridges Initiative that followed, though ultimately struck down by the courts, represented his vision of a more inclusive political system.

    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)
    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)

    His subsequent engagement with the William Ruto administration, which saw ODM members join a broad-based government in 2024, was controversial among his supporters but consistent with his belief in dialogue over confrontation.

    As former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo observed at the funeral, “Tolerance is a lesson of love. Raila tolerated accommodation.”

    What distinguished Raila from other African opposition leaders was his ability to maintain relevance across generations. While many of his contemporaries faded into irrelevance or were consumed by bitterness after electoral defeats, Raila continually reinvented himself.

    He built the Orange Democratic Movement into arguably Kenya’s most enduring political party, marking its 20th anniversary just weeks after his death.

    He cultivated a fanatical following that transcended ethnic boundaries, though his base remained strongest in Nyanza and parts of coastal Kenya. His nicknames spoke to his multifaceted persona: Enigma, Agwambo (the mysterious one), Tinga, Nyundo (the hammer), Jakom (the chairman), and simply Baba (father).

    The Raila brand was built on more than political platforms or policy positions. It was emotional, visceral, rooted in symbols and stories.

    His trademark cap, his rolling gait, his finger-wagging speeches, his ability to quote Shakespeare and traditional proverbs in the same breath, his famous laugh, these elements created a political identity that existed somewhere between myth and memory.

    When his daughter Winnie carried that iconic cap at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport as his body was returned from India, she was not merely carrying a hat but the weight of an entire political legacy.

    Throughout his career, Raila demonstrated an almost supernatural ability to survive political obituaries.

    After each electoral defeat, analysts would declare his career finished, only to watch him reemerge stronger. This resilience was rooted in his genuine connection with ordinary Kenyans who saw in him a champion of their aspirations and grievances.

    Whether he was crusading against corruption, demanding electoral reforms, or fighting for the rights of the marginalized, Raila positioned himself as the voice of those locked out of power.

    His decades-long fight for democracy, human rights, and constitutional reform is well documented and forms the core of his historical legacy.

    The state funeral accorded to him, complete with a 17-gun salute and military fly-past, was unprecedented for someone who had never been president. As Siaya Governor James Orengo noted, it was the first such honor for a leader from Nyanza region.

    His father Jaramogi, despite serving as Vice President, never received a state funeral.

    Tom Mboya and Robert Ouko, other prominent leaders from the region who met tragic ends, were not honored in this manner.

    The recognition reflected not just Raila’s individual achievements but also a national acknowledgment of historical injustices and the need for inclusive commemoration of Kenya’s heroes.

    State funeral of Raila Odinga
    State funeral of Raila Odinga

    Yet even in death, mysteries remained. The 1982 coup that first thrust him into the national spotlight has never been fully explained. Despite promises to write a comprehensive account, Raila took to his grave the full details of his role in that failed attempt to overthrow Moi.

    His 2006 biography was vague on the matter, and his 2013 autobiography described his involvement as merely “peripheral.” The question of whether his release from detention without prosecution involved a political deal with Moi remains unanswered. These ambiguities, rather than diminishing his legacy, seemed to enhance the enigma that defined him.

    The tributes at his funeral revealed the breadth of his influence. Speaker after speaker, from current leaders to liberation struggle comrades, acknowledged his role in shaping modern Kenya.

    Former Speaker Justin Muturi, despite political differences, praised his tenacity and deep love for country. Senior Counsel Paul Muite recalled their shared struggles for justice.

    Former Imenti Central MP Gitobu Imanyara spoke of lives that “are lived out loud, with conviction and cost, shaped by purpose and defined by endurance.” Even those who had opposed him politically could not deny the magnitude of his impact.

    State funeral for Raila Odinga in Bondo.
    State funeral for Raila Odinga in Bondo.

    For the Luo community, Raila’s death represented something beyond the loss of a political leader. He was the custodian of their identity and pride, the embodiment of their long exclusion from the presidency and their determination to remain relevant in national politics. Yet even here, he challenged traditions.

    His funeral arrangements, reportedly kept deliberately simple by his wishes, symbolized a break from the often financially ruinous excesses of Luo burial customs.

    It was a final statement about values and priorities, about substance over spectacle, even as the state provided the spectacle he had never sought.

    The question of succession looms large. ODM has named his elder brother Oburu Odinga as party leader, a gesture toward continuity. But the crowds at his funeral did not chant “Oburu.” They chanted “Baba.” And in the absence of Baba, eyes turned to Winnie Odinga, his daughter, who has emerged as perhaps the most visible keeper of his political flame.

    Winnie Odinga stands as she delivers last speech during father’s funeral in Bondo.
    Winnie Odinga stands as she delivers last speech during father’s funeral in Bondo.

    Whether she or anyone else can inherit the Raila brand remains an open question. As Siaya Governor Orengo reminded mourners, “There are those who lead political parties and have abused Raila without knowing that without Raila, they would not be leading those parties.”

    What is certain is that Kenya’s political landscape will look profoundly different without Raila Odinga. For over 40 years, he was the constant thread running through every major political development. He set agendas, framed debates, and forced governments to reform even from opposition.

    He transformed what it meant to lose elections in Kenya, showing that defeat need not mean political death or descent into violence. He demonstrated that leadership is not confined to formal office, that influence can be exercised through moral authority and popular legitimacy.

    History will debate where Raila ranks among Africa’s political giants. He never achieved the continental profile of a Nelson Mandela or a Julius Nyerere.

    He did not lead his country to independence or preside over decades of nation-building like Jomo Kenyatta or Julius Kambarage Nyerere. But in the specific context of democratic struggle and constitutional reform in a multiparty era, few African leaders have left a more substantial mark.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    He proved that opposition politics could be principled and consequential, that one could challenge power without destroying the state, that reform was possible within the system even when the system seemed designed to resist change.

    As the soil covered his coffin at Kang’o ka Jaramogi, next to his father who had died 31 years earlier, the symbolism was complete. Two generations of Odingas, both denied the presidency they arguably deserved, both crucial to Kenya’s political evolution, now rested together.

    The son had surpassed the father in impact and reach, had taken the family legacy from regional grievance to national transformation. He had changed Kenya without ever ruling it, had left institutions and freedoms as his monument rather than buildings or statues.

    The curtain has fallen on Raila Odinga’s chapter in Kenyan history, but the pages he wrote will be studied for generations. He leaves behind a more democratic Kenya, a more devolved system of governance, a more vibrant civil society, and a political culture where opposition is not treason and dialogue is possible even after bitter contests.

    He leaves millions who called him Baba and meant it, who saw in him not just a political leader but a father figure fighting for their rights and dignity. He leaves a wife, Ida, who stood by him through detentions, exiles, and five presidential campaigns. He leaves children who must now decide what to do with a name and a legacy that loom so large.

    Most importantly, he leaves an example. In an era when African politics often seems defined by strongmen clinging to power, corruption eating away at institutions, and opposition leaders either co-opted or crushed, Raila Odinga showed a different path.

    He showed that one could fight the system without becoming what one fought against, that one could lose elections and maintain dignity, that power could be challenged and even changed through persistence and principle.

    He was not perfect; he made political calculations, struck deals that disappointed supporters, and sometimes seemed to compromise on ideals. But he never stopped fighting for a better Kenya.

    As President Ruto said at the funeral, capturing perhaps the essential paradox of Raila’s life, “He was fondly referred to as the people’s president. We honor him with a lot of respect because of his contribution to the nation.”

    A people’s president who never won a presidential election. A man who ruled without occupying the seat of power. A political engineer who built a more democratic Kenya while repeatedly being denied its leadership.

    This was Raila Amolo Odinga, and the curtain that has fallen on his life marks the end of the most consequential opposition leadership in Kenya’s history. The stage will not see his like again.

    President Ruto throws soil into the grave of Raila Odinga.
    President Ruto throws soil into the grave of Raila Odinga.
  • Luhya Leaders Mourn Raila Odinga in a Grand Cultural Tribute of Unity and Brotherhood

    Luhya Leaders Mourn Raila Odinga in a Grand Cultural Tribute of Unity and Brotherhood

    The Luhya Nation paid an emotional and powerful tribute to the late former Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga, demonstrating deep cultural respect, unity, and love. The gesture reminded Kenyans why the Luhya community consistently stood with Raila, giving him more than 70 percent of their votes since 2007.

    At Opoda Farm in Bondo, Siaya County, hundreds of mourners from the Luhya region joined the Odinga family to celebrate the life of a man they called a peacemaker and a bridge between communities. More than 100 bulls were presented by delegations from different regions, each representing a message of love, unity, and continuity.

    The symbolic offerings and heartfelt messages captured the shared bond between the Luhya and Luo communities—a bond that has shaped Kenya’s political and social history for decades.

    The Luhya Nation’s tribute to Raila Odinga proved that love, unity, and culture remain the heartbeat of Kenya’s shared identity. [Photo: KI Montage]

    Luhya Elders and Leaders Mourn Raila Odinga in a Rare Display of Unity and Tradition

    Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi led a high-powered delegation of Luhya elders, leaders, and professionals to Opoda Farm on Saturday. Their visit came a day before Raila Odinga’s state burial and reflected a deep cultural connection that transcends politics.

    The delegation presented six bulls and assorted foodstuffs to the Odinga family, a traditional act of honor and solidarity. Five of the bulls represented the five key Luhya counties—Bungoma, Busia, Kakamega, Trans Nzoia, and Vihiga—while the sixth bull symbolized the unity of the Mulembe Nation.

    Mudavadi, who has shared both friendship and rivalry with Raila across Kenya’s political journey, described the gesture as a moment of gratitude to a man who fought for democracy and equality.

    “Baba Raila Odinga was not just a Luo leader—he was a national icon and a friend to the Luhya Nation,” said Mudavadi. “This gesture is our humble way of saying thank you and farewell.”

    His words drew deep emotions from the gathered mourners, many of whom described Raila as a man who respected culture and never shied from celebrating Kenya’s diversity.

    Luhya Nation’s Message of Unity and Brotherhood

    The Luhya leaders’ presence in Bondo represented more than condolence; it was a reaffirmation of historical friendship and shared struggles. Elders, clergy, and local leaders spoke passionately about the importance of unity between the Luhya and Luo people—two communities that have long fought side by side for justice and democracy.

    One elder spoke during the ceremony, saying, “When Raila stood for freedom, he stood for all Kenyans. We mourn not just a leader but a brother. The Luhya Nation stands with the Luo people today.”

    The bull offered for Luhya unity was especially symbolic. It was viewed as a call for togetherness among the Mulembe people and an encouragement to maintain political cohesion. Political observers noted that the ceremony reminded Kenyans that the Luhya community has always been at the heart of national unity.

    Since 2007, the Luhya have voted overwhelmingly for Raila Odinga, seeing him as a leader who understood their struggles and respected their culture. Saturday’s tribute at Opoda Farm reaffirmed that bond and showed why the two communities share a brotherly connection built on mutual respect and shared ideals.

    Cultural Respect Meets Political Legacy

    The gathering at Opoda Farm was more than a cultural event—it was a living portrait of national unity. The Luhya people’s generosity and emotional tribute painted a powerful picture of love, loyalty, and shared destiny. [Photo: KI Montage]
    The cultural ceremony was a sight of tradition, emotion, and solidarity. Each bull, song, and speech reflected Kenya’s deep-rooted respect for cultural diplomacy.

    The Odinga family received the gifts with deep appreciation. Local elders from Bondo joined the Luhya delegation in performing traditional blessings for peace and unity.

    Busia Governor Dr. Paul Otuoma, one of Raila’s closest political students, led a delegation of elders from Busia with 15 bulls. Dressed in African regalia, Otuoma described the gesture as a sacred duty of respect. “This is not politics; this is about honoring a man who loved his people and respected all tribes,” he said.

    From Trans Nzoia, Governor George Natembeya led Iteso elders who brought 15 bulls. Natembeya, dressed in traditional warrior attire with a shield and spear, said the Luhya and Luo have always shared destiny and strength.

    Former CS Eugene Wamalwa, also from Trans Nzoia, presented bulls on behalf of his family, returning the same gesture Raila showed when he mourned his late brother, former Vice President Michael Kijana Wamalwa.

    Kakamega Governor Fernandez Barasa led elders from the Wanga clan, explaining the historical connection between the Wanga of Kakamega and the Sakwa clan of Raila Odinga. Dressed in traditional regalia, Barasa described the moment as a merging of cultural dignity and political legacy.

    A Powerful Display of Cross-Community Solidarity

    Other delegations, including one from Nandi led by Governor Stephen Sang, also offered 15 bulls—a rare moment of unity that transcended ethnic lines. The sight of bulls filling the homestead created an unforgettable image of how Kenya’s traditions can unite the nation in grief and love.

    Political analysts later observed that the tribute from the Luhya Nation highlighted not only Raila’s influence but also the enduring friendship that has shaped Luo and Luhya communities for decades. The visit demonstrated that in times of mourning, culture and brotherhood can bridge divisions more strongly than politics ever could.

    A Bond Sealed by Love, Culture, and Legacy

    The gathering at Opoda Farm was more than a cultural event—it was a living portrait of national unity. The Luhya people’s generosity and emotional tribute painted a powerful picture of love, loyalty, and shared destiny.

    Their gestures reminded Kenyans that Raila Odinga’s political journey was not just about power but about people—about a nation that found strength in diversity. The six bulls presented to the Odinga family will remain a symbol of how culture and respect can express what words cannot.

    For many, the tribute also reaffirmed why the Luhya Nation adored Raila Odinga—his humility, courage, and unwavering belief in equality for all. In their words, songs, and gifts, the Luhyas gave Raila the highest honor possible—the honor of being one of their own.

  • Raila: The Man Presidents Feared To Arrest and The Necessary ‘Devil’ They Needed

    Raila: The Man Presidents Feared To Arrest and The Necessary ‘Devil’ They Needed

    There exists in the annals of Kenyan politics a peculiar phenomenon that historians will puzzle over for generations.

    A man who led street demonstrations against every president from Moi to Ruto, who mobilized millions to challenge sitting governments, who declared himself “the People’s President” in open defiance of the state, yet who walked free while lesser dissidents vanished into Nyayo House torture chambers or faced the full weight of treason charges.

    Raila Amolo Odinga occupied that impossible space between revolutionary and statesman, between threat and necessity, between the man who must be stopped and the man who cannot be touched.

    The paradox was never accidental. It was calculated survival on both sides of the power equation.

    When Daniel arap Moi’s security apparatus rounded up the young engineer after the 1982 coup attempt, they threw him into Kamiti Maximum Prison for six years without trial.

    Special Branch officer Josiah Kipkurui Rono beat him with table legs, jumped on his genitals, and held loaded pistols to his temple.

    But even as Moi’s regime tortured Raila in basement cells, even as they transferred him between Kamiti, Manyani, Naivasha, and Shimo la Tewa, even as they denied him the chance to bury his mother in 1984, they never quite destroyed him.

    And when Moi finally released him in 1988, only to re-arrest him months later, then release him again in 1989, then detain him once more in 1990, a pattern emerged.

    The regime could imprison Raila, but it could not make him disappear.

    By the time multiparty democracy arrived in 1991 and Raila returned from exile in Norway, something fundamental had shifted.

    He was no longer just Jaramogi’s son. He had become a symbol, and symbols cannot be arrested without consequences.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    When Raila merged his National Development Party with Moi’s KANU in 2001 and accepted the Energy Ministry, critics screamed betrayal.

    How could the man who spent nearly a decade in Moi’s dungeons now sit in Moi’s cabinet? But Moi understood what others missed. Having Raila inside the tent was infinitely preferable to having him outside throwing stones.

    The alliance gave Moi’s crumbling KANU parliamentary majority and borrowed legitimacy from a liberation icon. For Raila, it provided proximity to power and influence over constitutional reform. Both men were using each other, each believing they held the upper hand.

    The relationship soured when Moi anointed Uhuru Kenyatta as his successor in 2002, bypassing Raila entirely.

    The Rainbow Rebellion that followed, with Raila leading disgruntled KANU stalwarts into an alliance with Mwai Kibaki’s opposition, demonstrated the first rule of Kenyan politics that every president would learn: betraying Raila was more dangerous than accommodating him.

    The NARC coalition swept to power, ending KANU’s four-decade reign. Kibaki was president, but everyone knew Raila had delivered the votes.

    Yet Kibaki repeated Moi’s mistake. He reneged on power-sharing promises, froze Raila out of key decisions, and by 2005 had sacked him from the cabinet altogether.

    The country watched as the alliance of convenience disintegrated into bitter rivalry. What followed was the 2007 election, the bloodiest chapter in Kenya’s modern history.

    When electoral results showed Kibaki winning by a razor-thin margin that international observers called fraudulent, Raila did not storm State House. He took to the streets.

    Here was the moment that crystallized why presidents feared arresting Raila.

    As violence erupted across the Rift Valley and Nyanza, as Luo and Kalenjin militias targeted Kikuyu communities and Mungiki death squads retaliated with horrific fury, as 1,300 people died and 600,000 fled their homes, the world waited to see what Raila would do.

    He could have called for all-out insurrection.

    He could have declared a parallel government and plunged Kenya into civil war. His supporters were ready.

    The militias were mobilized. International mediators like Kofi Annan understood that Kenya teetered on the precipice not because Raila was violent, but because his word carried such weight that if he blessed chaos, chaos would consume everything.

    Kibaki’s government faced an impossible choice. Arresting Raila would have triggered the very conflagration they desperately wanted to avoid.

    His detention would have martyred him, transformed street protests into armed rebellion, and likely fractured the state itself.

    The Kikuyu elite who surrounded Kibaki understood power dynamics even if they resented them. Raila commanded not just political allegiance but something more dangerous: the ability to make Kenya ungovernable.

    So they cut a deal.

    The National Accord of February 2008 created a position that had not existed since independence, the office of Prime Minister, specifically for Raila.

    It was an admission that Kenya needed him in government more than it needed him in jail.

    The Grand Coalition that followed was dysfunctional, marked by constant friction between the President’s side and the Prime Minister’s side, but it achieved what mattered most. It stopped the killing.

    For five years, Raila and Kibaki performed an awkward dance of shared power. Kibaki’s people blocked Raila’s corruption investigations. Raila’s people accused Kibaki’s allies of marginalization.

    The famous “Nusu Mkeka” (half-loaf) complaint at a Mombasa retreat captured Raila’s frustration at being a Prime Minister with authority on paper but limited power in practice.

    Yet this arrangement delivered Kenya’s most progressive achievement: the 2010 Constitution. Raila championed devolution, fought for stronger checks on executive power, and pushed for an independent judiciary.

    The constitution passed overwhelmingly in a referendum, cementing his legacy as more than a political operator. He had fundamentally restructured the Kenyan state.

    When Raila lost to Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013 and accepted the Supreme Court’s ruling, observers praised his statesmanship.

    But it was strategic pragmatism.

    He had secured constitutional reforms that weakened the presidency and empowered counties. The long game mattered more than one election.

    The 2017 contest tested that pragmatism.

    When Raila again challenged Uhuru’s victory and the Supreme Court delivered an unprecedented ruling, annulling a presidential election for the first time in African history, it vindicated his claims of electoral manipulation.

    But Uhuru’s response revealed why presidents needed Raila contained, not imprisoned.

    Rather than jail the man who had thrown Kenya into turmoil with his refusal to accept defeat, Uhuru boycotted meaningful electoral reforms and pushed through a repeat election that Raila boycotted.

    Raila’s supporters urged him to light the country ablaze. Instead, he staged a mock swearing-in ceremony at Uhuru Park, declaring himself “the People’s President.” It was theater, but theater with teeth.

    The regime arrested his lawyer Miguna Miguna and deported him, yet left Raila untouched. Why? Because arresting him would have transformed symbolic defiance into real insurrection.

    Uhuru’s security advisors understood that seventy-two-year-old Raila outside prison was less dangerous than martyred Raila behind bars.

    Then came the Handshake of March 2018, the most controversial moment of Raila’s career.

    Walking up the steps of Harambee House to clasp hands with the man who had “stolen” his presidency shocked supporters and delighted critics who called it the ultimate sellout.

    But it followed the established pattern.

    Uhuru needed Raila more than he needed him in opposition. The Building Bridges Initiative that emerged promised constitutional reforms, though courts would later strike it down.

    What BBI achieved regardless was political stability. It neutered opposition protests and gave Uhuru breathing room to govern.

    Hundreds of people gather on the streets to bid farewell to former Prime Minister and politician Raila Odinga, who passed away while receiving treatment at a hospital, on October 16, 2025, in Nairobi, Kenya. Photo credit: REUTERS
    Hundreds of people gather on the streets to bid farewell to former Prime Minister and politician Raila Odinga, who passed away while receiving treatment at a hospital, on October 16, 2025, in Nairobi, Kenya.
    Photo credit: REUTERS

    For Raila, the Handshake delivered something presidents always underestimated his capacity to value: influence without office. Uhuru’s government stopped treating ODM as the enemy.

    Key allies got government appointments. Resources flowed to Raila’s strongholds. And when 2022 arrived, Uhuru backed Raila against his own deputy William Ruto, providing state machinery for the campaign.

    That Raila lost to Ruto should have ended the pattern.

    At seventy-seven years old, after five unsuccessful presidential bids, the narrative should have concluded with the aging revolutionary finally defeated.

    Instead, by March 2025, Raila was negotiating yet another deal, this time with the man who had defeated him.

    When Gen Z protests threatened to topple Ruto’s government over punitive taxation, when young Kenyans filled the streets demanding accountability, Raila emerged as the mediator.

    The “broad-based government” agreement that placed ODM officials in Ruto’s cabinet shocked the youth who expected him to lead the revolution they were waging.

    But it exemplified the fundamental truth about why presidents never arrested Raila.

    He was simultaneously the match that could ignite Kenya and the fire extinguisher that could douse the flames.

    Every president from Moi to Ruto discovered that jailing him risked explosion, while accommodating him bought stability.

    The calculation was never about justice or democracy or institutional integrity. It was about power and pragmatism.

    Arresting Raila meant facing the wrath of millions who saw him as the living embodiment of their democratic aspirations.

    It meant international condemnation and potential sanctions. It meant protests that could escalate beyond police control. Most crucially, it meant losing access to the one man who could call off the dogs when the streets became too hot.

    Presidents feared arresting Raila not because he was violent, but because his power transcended violence. He could mobilize masses, yes, but more importantly, he could demobilize them.

    That dual capacity made him indispensable.

    In 2008, Kofi Annan brokered peace not by convincing Kibaki to share power, but by convincing Raila to accept half a loaf rather than burn down the bakery.

    In 2018, Western diplomats and African Union envoys facilitated the Handshake because they knew that only Raila could end the cycle of contested elections and ethnic violence.

    In 2025, Ruto needed Raila to pacify Gen Z and legitimize his embattled government.

    The pattern reveals a darker truth about Kenyan democracy.

    The system has never trusted its own institutions to mediate political conflict. Courts could annul elections, but only Raila could prevent civil war.

    Parliament could pass laws, but only Raila could determine whether the streets would accept them. Electoral commissions could count votes, but only Raila’s word determined whether those counts would stand unchallenged by millions ready to march.

    This made him the necessary devil every president needed. Moi needed him to shore up KANU’s legitimacy.

    Kibaki needed him to end post-election violence. Uhuru needed him to stop opposition protests and maintain political stability. Ruto needed him to survive Gen Z fury and create the appearance of a broad-based government. Each time, the price was accommodation rather than incarceration.

    Critics will argue that Raila squandered his liberation credentials through these devil’s bargains, that he betrayed supporters who expected him to storm State House or die trying. Gen Z demonstrators certainly believed so, rejecting his mediation as old-guard complicity.

    But this critique misunderstands both Raila’s strategic genius and Kenya’s political reality. He recognized that the presidency itself mattered less than shaping the terrain on which all presidents must operate.

    The 2010 Constitution, devolution, an independent judiciary, and the normalization of political competition were his true achievements. Each president he negotiated with conceded ground, ceded space, and weakened the imperial presidency.

    That he never captured State House obscures the fact that he fundamentally altered what State House could do. Moi’s autocracy became impossible under the 2010 Constitution Raila championed.

    Kibaki’s ability to rig elections faced new constraints.

    Uhuru’s power-sharing with Raila prevented the authoritarian regression that consumed many African states. Ruto’s embattled presidency must accommodate opposition in ways unthinkable during the KANU era.

    The fear of arresting Raila was ultimately fear of what he represented: an alternative locus of power that the state could suppress temporarily but never eliminate permanently.

    Detention could remove him from the streets for months or years, but it could not erase his symbolic authority.

    His father Jaramogi had been Kenya’s first vice president before Jomo Kenyatta betrayed and sidelined him, creating a narrative of Luo exclusion from power that resonated across generations. Raila inherited that narrative and weaponized it.

    Every detention, every rigged election, every marginalization only strengthened the story: the Odingas represented democracy against dictatorship, popular will against elite capture, the people against the system.

    Arresting him would have confirmed that narrative and martyred him.

    Accommodating him co-opted his legitimacy for the sitting government while giving him influence to shape outcomes.

    Presidents chose the lesser evil every time.

    When Raila Odinga collapsed during a morning walk in Kerala, India, on October 15, 2025, and died of a heart attack, Kenya lost the man who had defined its political culture for half a century.

    From Kamiti’s torture chambers to the Prime Minister’s office, from exile in Norway to handshakes at Harambee House, from mock swearing-in ceremonies to coalition governments, his journey traced the arc of Kenya’s democratic struggle.

    He was detained, beaten, rigged against, and betrayed, yet he outlasted four presidents and negotiated with all of them.

    The epitaph that matters is not that he never became president, but that he made every president reckon with him.

    They feared arresting him because they needed him. They needed him to legitimize their contested victories, to pacify angry populations, to provide democratic cover for authoritarian impulses, to be the bridge between the people and power.

    He was the necessary devil who could never be vanquished, only accommodated.

    Kenya will produce other opposition leaders, other challengers, other voices of dissent. But it will not soon see another figure who commands such absolute loyalty that presidents dare not jail him even as he leads demonstrations against them.

    That was Raila’s singular achievement: he made himself untouchable not through violence or wealth or ethnic chauvinism, but through the sheer force of symbolic power.

    He became larger than any prison could contain, more dangerous free than imprisoned, more useful inside government than outside it.

    The presidents who feared to arrest him and needed his cooperation understood this truth better than anyone.

    Raila Odinga was never just one man. He was an idea, and ideas cannot be detained without creating martyrs.

    Better to negotiate with the devil you know than to create a legend you cannot control. Every Kenyan president learned that lesson, some more painfully than others.

    The streets belonged to Raila, even when State House did not. And in Kenya’s messy, violent, inspiring democratic experiment, that mattered more than any title.

    Supporters of Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga viewing his body at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi on October 16,2025.
    Supporters of Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga viewing his body at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi on October 16,2025.
  • The Return of NMS? Ruto and Sakaja To Sign A Pact on Managing Nairobi

    The Return of NMS? Ruto and Sakaja To Sign A Pact on Managing Nairobi

    President William Ruto’s announcement of a partnership with Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja to manage the capital has triggered memories of the controversial Nairobi Metropolitan Services and raised questions about the county government’s capacity to deliver services.

    Nairobi residents nursing memories of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services (NMS) were caught off guard on Sunday when President William Ruto announced plans to enter into a partnership with Governor Johnson Sakaja to restore the capital’s image.

    The announcement has sparked debate about whether this marks a return to the transfer of functions that characterized the Mohammed Badi-led NMS era.

    Speaking at a public event, President Ruto did not mince his words about the state of the capital.

    “Nairobi cannot continue to be the city in filth,” he declared, outlining an ambitious plan to tackle waste management, improve roads, and install street lighting across the metropolis.

    The partnership, according to Governor Sakaja, will involve the private sector and focus purely on development.

    He cited a collaboration with a Chinese company to generate 45 megawatts of power from waste processed at the Dandora dumpsite as an example of what the initiative could achieve.

    However, the announcement has exposed deep divisions among Nairobi’s political leadership.

    Kileleshwa Ward Representative Robert Alai was particularly scathing in his assessment, describing the partnership as an indictment of Sakaja’s administration.

    “The problems in Nairobi is the incompetence of the governor. The governor cannot bring services, he cannot talk with the corporates, he cannot talk to the private sector,” Alai said.

    The criticism speaks to broader frustrations with service delivery in Nairobi. Despite receiving the largest allocation from the County Allocation Revenue, the capital continues to grapple with mountains of uncollected garbage, potholed roads, broken street lights, and clogged drainage systems.

    Images of waste heaps along Juja Road and in Eastleigh have become emblematic of a city struggling with basic sanitation.

    Embakasi Central MP Benjamin Gathiru echoed concerns about accountability, questioning why additional resources should be channeled to City Hall when current allocations appear to be mismanaged.

    “It is just that the money is being stolen by diverting it to pay lawyers and the companies that are said to be collecting garbage, yet we still have a problem with uncollected garbage,” he said.

    Nevertheless, not all leaders view the partnership negatively.

    Makadara MP George Aladwa welcomed the President’s intervention, noting that a clean and attractive capital is essential for attracting investors and spurring development.

    President Ruto revealed that cleanup efforts are already underway through the Nairobi River Regeneration Project, which has employed thousands of young people.

    He committed the national government to providing resources for the initiative and pledged that all roads in the capital would be tarmacked.

    “We must not have mud along our roads. This city will have street lights so that we make sure that Nairobi is clean, becomes motorable and a city in the light, not in darkness,” he said.

    The announcement inevitably draws comparisons to the NMS, which was established in 2020 through a deed of transfer that saw four key county functions—health, transport, public works, and planning—moved to the national government under Major General Badi.

    Defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services ex-boss General Mohamed Badi
    Defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services ex-boss General Mohamed Badi

    While the NMS achieved notable successes in road construction and market renovations, it was also criticized for undermining devolution and sidelining elected county leadership.

    The NMS was eventually dissolved after the 2022 elections, with functions reverting to the county government.

    Governor Sakaja, who campaigned on a platform of reclaiming Nairobi’s autonomy, now finds himself in the awkward position of inviting national government intervention barely three years into his term.

    Critical questions remain unanswered.

    What specific functions, if any, will be transferred under this new partnership? Will the county retain control over revenue collection and budget allocation? And most importantly, how will this arrangement differ from the NMS model that many saw as an affront to devolution?

    The President has promised that details of the partnership will be finalized soon.

    Until then, Nairobi residents can only watch and wait, hoping that this latest intervention will finally deliver the clean, functional city they have long been promised, rather than another experiment in governance that prioritizes politics over service delivery.

  • Justin Muturi Is Politically Weightless, Ruto Can Afford Him But Doesn’t Need Him

    Justin Muturi Is Politically Weightless, Ruto Can Afford Him But Doesn’t Need Him

    Former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi is back in the headlines for all the wrong reasons. After denying reports that he met emissaries from President William Ruto to discuss a political reunion, Muturi finds himself exposed as a politician struggling to remain relevant.

    While he dismisses the reports as fake, observers say his denials do little to change the perception that he’s a lightweight politician chasing proximity to power. Ruto doesn’t need him, and even if he wanted him, Muturi’s political value has long evaporated.

    Justin Muturi’s political weight has always depended on who holds power—never on his own strength. Today, he is merely clinging to visibility by denying meetings that never happened. Ruto doesn’t need him, and the opposition barely notices him. In the ruthless world of Kenyan politics, Muturi is a name from yesterday—not a voice of tomorrow. [Photo: Courtesy]

    Why President Ruto’s Men Have No Reason to Meet Justin Muturi

    Justin Muturi’s denial of having met emissaries from President Ruto wasn’t necessary. No one in the president’s camp has any reason to chase him. His value in national politics is negligible. Muturi represents a breed of politicians who rode on the backs of stronger men and now struggle to stand on their own.

    Muturi claimed on Sunday that the reports were “fake news” meant to create division within the opposition. Yet, his statement revealed more about his insecurity than his conviction. For a man whose career has been powered by proximity to power rather than political muscle, his fear of being forgotten is justified.

    Ruto’s inner circle has met Uhuru Kenyatta, Raila Odinga, and Gideon Moi—all with political structures, constituencies, and influence. Muturi, on the other hand, brings nothing to the table. His Democratic Party (DP) can’t even shake the roots of the Democratic Congress Party (DCP) in his own Mbeere constituency. Why would Ruto spend political capital chasing a man who cannot even command his backyard?

    Muturi’s Political Career Is Built On Borrowed Relevance

    Muturi’s career reads like a man who has walked through every corridor of power but never left his mark. He first entered Parliament through a by-election in 1999 under KANU and managed to keep the Siakago seat in 2002. When KANU’s grip faded, so did Muturi’s influence. He became the Opposition Chief Whip and chaired the Public Investments Committee—roles that gave him visibility but no lasting political network.

    In 2007, voters sent him home. He resurfaced in 2013 under The National Alliance (TNA), Uhuru Kenyatta’s party, but again lost his Mbeere North bid. Uhuru later rescued him by making him Speaker of the National Assembly, not because Muturi commanded national respect, but because he was loyal and safe.

    From 2013 to 2022, Muturi presided over Parliament with bias and arrogance. His tenure as speaker was defined by open partisanship, leaning heavily toward the Jubilee government and alienating opposition MPs. His rulings often reeked of political favoritism, cementing his image as one of the most unprofessional Speakers in Kenya’s history.

    When his political usefulness ended, Uhuru’s system parked him in the Attorney General’s office in 2022, and later, Ruto recycled him into the Ministry of Public Service in 2024—a soft landing for a man too lightweight for real political combat.

    Justin Muturi’s denial only exposes his fading relevance. Ruto doesn’t need him. The opposition barely notices him. Kenya has moved on, leaving Muturi clinging to shadows of lost influence. [Photo: Courtesy]

    Ruto Doesn’t Need Muturi’s Empty Shell

    If there’s one thing President Ruto understands, it’s the politics of value. Ruto engages those who can deliver constituencies, not commentary. He knows Muturi cannot sway the Embu vote, control Mount Kenya politics, or even rally local MCAs. His DP party is dormant, existing only on paper and press statements.

    Muturi’s denial of meeting Ruto’s allies isn’t noble—it’s self-preservation. He wants to look like a man being courted, even when no one is knocking. Hanging onto Ruto’s name keeps him relevant in the opposition, where he is fast fading. Within the Azimio fold, he’s barely noticed. His name doesn’t appear in strategy meetings, and his opinions carry no weight.

    While Ruto is meeting heavyweights like Raila, Kalonzo, and Gideon Moi to shape Kenya’s political future, Muturi is issuing denials about imaginary meetings. That contrast alone explains his current irrelevance. The president’s team has bigger fish to fry, and Muturi simply isn’t one of them.

    A Man Following the Big Boys

    Muturi’s pattern is predictable: attach himself to power, serve loyally until the tide shifts, then declare independence and seek new alliances. It worked when KANU collapsed. It worked again under TNA. It worked once more when Ruto came calling. But this time, there is no tide left to ride.

    He has become a passenger in Kenya’s political train—always present but never steering the engine.

    For a man who once occupied the powerful Speaker’s chair, it’s a tragic descent into irrelevance. He is now reduced to chasing headlines about alleged meetings with Ruto’s allies to stay visible. But Ruto doesn’t need to meet Muturi. He already owns the ground Muturi once stood on.

    In a world of political heavyweights, Muturi is just a lightweight—a man who once sat at the table but now stands outside, hoping someone remembers his name.

  • Political Doyen? Insider Details Emerge As Ruto Lands in Moi’s Kabarak Home in Pomp

    Political Doyen? Insider Details Emerge As Ruto Lands in Moi’s Kabarak Home in Pomp

    The historic Kabarak estate in Nakuru County witnessed scenes reminiscent of Kenya’s grand political theatre on Friday, as President William Ruto orchestrated what many are calling his most audacious political gambit yet—bringing long-time rival Gideon Moi into his fold.

    The visit, draped in symbolism and pageantry, marked the culmination of months of clandestine negotiations that have now thrust the once-mighty Kanu party back into the heart of national politics, just two years before the 2027 General Election.

    As hundreds of Kanu supporters gathered at the expansive Kabarak compound—hallowed ground for the Moi political dynasty—President Ruto and the Kanu chairman stood side by side, their handshake sealing a détente that few political observers saw coming.

    “This is a national project,” Dr Ruto declared, his voice carrying across the assembled crowd. “We must pull together as a team to move Kenya to the next level.”

    The Dynasty Convergence

    What makes this political realignment particularly striking is President Ruto’s revelation that he has held parallel discussions with not just Mr Moi, but also former President Uhuru Kenyatta and ODM leader Raila Odinga.

    The acknowledgment represents an unprecedented convergence of Kenya’s three main political dynasties—the Kenyattas, Mois, and Odingas—under one broad-based government framework.

    For a president who campaigned on a “hustler” narrative against dynastic politics, the irony is not lost on political analysts. Yet Ruto appears to have calculated that co-opting these powerful families is more strategic than confronting them ahead of 2027.

    “After the Kabarnet anger, I told him the best place to make our announcement to the public was here at Kabarak,” Dr Ruto explained, referencing the tensions that erupted following Mr Moi’s controversial withdrawal from the November 27 Baringo senatorial by-election.

    The choice of venue was deliberate political theatre. By making the announcement at Kabarak rather than State House, Ruto symbolically positioned himself as a peacemaker entering Moi’s domain—a gesture of reconciliation designed to soften the optics of what some see as political conquest.

    From Bitter Rivals to Political Bedfellows

    The Ruto-Moi relationship has been defined by decades of political rivalry and personal animosity. Their falling out traces back to 1997, when a young Ruto defied President Daniel arap Moi’s directive to step aside for William Chesire in the Eldoret North MP race.

    By 2013 and 2017, with Gideon having inherited his father’s political mantle, the rivalry had intensified, with the younger Moi emerging as Ruto’s chief challenger in the Rift Valley.

    The nadir came in 2018 when Ruto was dramatically blocked from visiting the ailing former President Moi at Kabarak—a public humiliation that entrenched the bad blood between the two camps and shaped the 2022 election dynamics.

    Friday’s imagery of reconciliation at the same Kabarak estate carried profound symbolism. The two men who once could not bear to be in the same room now stood shoulder to shoulder, projecting unity.

    “If there’s anyone to blame for Gideon’s change of heart, it is me, not him,” Ruto quipped, taking responsibility for what he framed as a patriotic decision. “We are broadening the broad-based government by including Kanu.”

    The Deal: Business and Politics

    While both principals avoided specific details, sources close to the negotiations have revealed the contours of the arrangement.

    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.
    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.

    According to a State House official who spoke on condition of anonymity, Mr Moi’s requests centered significantly on protecting his family’s extensive business empire, which has reportedly struggled over the past three years.

    “His requests were in terms of his businesses. You know, his businesses have been doing badly in the last three years,” the source disclosed.

    The timing of the deal is particularly noteworthy. Just a day before the Kabarak announcement, Mr Moi withdrew from the Baringo senatorial race, clearing the path for the UDA candidate—a move widely interpreted as his part of the bargain.

    Whether Mr Moi will join the Cabinet directly or nominate allies remains unclear, but insiders suggest he has been given the option to either take a ministerial position himself or recommend one or two individuals.

    Cabinet Reshuffle Looms

    The inclusion of Kanu in the broad-based government has triggered anxiety within the current Cabinet, with ministers aware that another reshuffle is inevitable.

    “At the moment, it’s very difficult for the President to create additional ministries against the law. What could happen if Gideon or any of his allies is to be brought in the Cabinet is that some people must be dropped,” the State House source explained.

    The pattern is already established. When Uhuru Kenyatta visited Ruto at his Ichaweri home in December last year, his allies—Mutahi Kagwe, Lee Kinyanjui, and William Kabogo—were subsequently incorporated into the Cabinet.

    Similarly, Raila Odinga’s rapprochement with Ruto yielded Cabinet positions for Opiyo Wandayi, John Mbadi, Hassan Joho, Wycliffe Oparanya, and Beatrice Askul.

    National Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohamed, an Odinga ally, confirmed that the broad-based arrangement continues to expand.

    “More people are joining, and more are expected,” Mr Mohamed said. “There are a lot of night meetings going on. Some of the people claiming to be in the united opposition, very soon, they’ll find themselves in the broad-based government.”

    Strategic Calculus

    For President Ruto, the inclusion of Kanu serves multiple strategic objectives.

    First, it gives him firmer control of the Rift Valley, a region where Moi still commands symbolic influence despite Kanu’s diminished electoral fortunes since 2002.

    Second, it further fragments any potential opposition coalition ahead of 2027, making it difficult for rivals to coalesce around a unified challenge.

    Third, it reinforces Ruto’s narrative of building a national, inclusive government—even if critics argue he is simply buying off potential opponents.

    “This is not about individuals, personalities, this is not about parochialism, corners or regions. It is about Kenya,” Dr Ruto insisted. “Development in Kenya is late. We are not supposed to be a Third World country. I need more hands and that is why I formed the broad-based government.”

    Kanu’s Response: Mixed Reactions

    Within Kanu, the response has been decidedly mixed. While party officials at Kabarak cheered the announcement, some MPs expressed frustration at the lack of consultation.

    Samburu West MP Naisula Lesuuda delivered an unusually public rebuke, accusing Mr Moi of failing to communicate his decision in a timely manner.

    “The choice to run or not to run for the Baringo Senatorial seat is purely your personal decision. But my only concern—and that of many who have believed in you and the party—is your choice not to give direction and not to communicate on time. We feel not listened to, not heard or felt,” she wrote on social media.

    Former Kanu Secretary-General Nick Salat, who had already decamped to Ruto’s camp, said he felt vindicated by the turn of events.

    Academic Perspectives: Trophies Don’t Vote

    Political analysts have offered mixed assessments of Ruto’s strategy.

    Professor Gitile Naituli of Multimedia University described Moi as “a dynastic trophy” for Ruto’s collection.

    “But… trophies don’t vote, they don’t mobilise, and don’t inspire the next generation. Power that is borrowed never lasts, and silence that is purchased soon grows costly,” Prof Naituli cautioned.

    The academic perspective highlights a key challenge for Ruto: while co-opting dynastic figures may neutralize immediate threats, it risks alienating his original base, which rallied around his anti-establishment “hustler” message.

    Uhuru’s Shadow Role

    Perhaps the most intriguing dimension of this political realignment is the shadow role of former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    Although officially retired, Kenyatta reportedly encouraged Raila Odinga to reach out to Ruto during the height of last year’s anti-Finance Bill protests—a claim Odinga has made publicly and which Kenyatta has never denied.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta.
    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    Ruto’s acknowledgment of discussions with Kenyatta suggests a behind-the-scenes détente between two men whose relationship collapsed spectacularly during the latter half of the Jubilee government.

    However, the picture is complicated by reports that Kenyatta is simultaneously positioning his former Interior Cabinet Secretary, Dr Fred Matiang’i, as a potential challenger to Ruto in 2027.

    Whether Kenyatta is playing both sides or genuinely seeking to stabilize the country remains a subject of intense speculation in political circles.

    The 2027 Calculation

    With less than two years to the next General Election, the stakes of this political realignment cannot be overstated.

    By bringing Odinga, Kenyatta’s allies, and now Moi into his government, Ruto has effectively neutralized the three main sources of organized opposition.

    The broad-based government now commands a comfortable majority in Parliament, with most ODM MPs backing government-sponsored bills.

    Yet this strategy carries risks. Each new addition to the coalition requires accommodation—Cabinet positions, state appointments, protection of business interests—creating a delicate balancing act that could collapse under its own weight.

    Moreover, the very act of embracing dynasties undermines the populist narrative that brought Ruto to power. Whether his base will accept this transformation from outsider to power broker remains to be seen.

    As the political dust settles from Friday’s Kabarak spectacle, attention now turns to implementation. What specific role will Moi play? Which Cabinet members will be sacrificed to make room? And how will Ruto manage the competing interests of his increasingly crowded coalition?

    The answers to these questions will shape Kenya’s political landscape as the country hurtles toward 2027.

    For now, one thing is clear: William Ruto has demonstrated a ruthless pragmatism in consolidating power, co-opting rivals who once seemed implacable enemies.

    Whether this makes him a political doyen or simply a skilled operator buying temporary peace remains to be seen.

    What is certain is that at Kabarak on Friday, history was made—and Kenya’s political chessboard was fundamentally reordered.

    Gideon Moi and President Ruto when he visited him at State House.
    Gideon Moi and President Ruto when he visited him at State House.
  • KANU To Join Ruto’s Broad-Based Government After Kabarak Talks

    KANU To Join Ruto’s Broad-Based Government After Kabarak Talks

    BARINGO, Kenya Oct 10 — KANU has agreed to join President William Ruto’s broad-based government following talks in Baringo, signalling an end to months of post-election differences.

    At a meeting in Kabarak, President Ruto said he personally reached out to KANU chairman Gideon Moi as part of wider efforts to unite the country.

    Party officials at the forum indicated they would formally align with the administration, with detailed modalities to be communicated through party organs in the coming days.

    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.
    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.

    The development comes on the heels of KANU’s abrupt withdrawal from the Baringo senatorial by-election slated for 27 November, a decision that unsettled some supporters and triggered calls for clarity on strategy. It also follows Moi’s surprise visit to State House on Wednesday, which set the stage for Friday’s engagements in Kabarak.

    The two leaders said their discussions focused on lowering political temperatures, coordinating development priorities, and maintaining peace messaging during the by-election period.

    Ruto visited Gideon at his home in Kabarak where he also laid a wreath on former President Daniel Moi’s mausoleum.

    Security was tight around the venue, with ward and constituency coordinators from across Baringo in attendance.

    Samburu West MP Naisula Lesuuda has urged Moi to address supporters directly to explain the rationale and next steps, saying clear communication would steady the party base after the by-election exit. Rival parties, meanwhile, are recalibrating campaign plans in Baringo, seeking to attract former KANU canvassers and volunteers.

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has maintained the 27 November poll date. It remains unclear whether KANU will endorse a candidate in the race or remain neutral as timelines for nominations and compliance run their course.

    Analysts say KANU’s alignment could reshape the contest map in Baringo and carry wider implications for Rift Valley politics, given the party’s historical footprint and grassroots networks. Party insiders insist the decision is a strategic pivot aimed at stability and development.

  • Ruto Joins Gideon Moi In Kabarak To Address KANU Grassroots After Baringo Exit

    Ruto Joins Gideon Moi In Kabarak To Address KANU Grassroots After Baringo Exit

    BARINGO, Kenya Oct 10— President William Ruto on Friday joined KANU chairman Gideon Moi at Kabarak for a meeting with party grassroots leaders, a day after KANU withdrew from the Baringo senatorial by-election slated for 27 November.

    It also comes a day after Gideon made a surprise visit to State House after months of frosty relations with the president.

    The gathering drew ward officials, constituency coordinators and local opinion leaders from across Baringo, with organisers saying the agenda was to “take stock of recent developments” and “keep supporters engaged” following the abrupt pull-out.

    KANU announced on Thursday that it would not field a candidate in the race, a decision that followed Moi’s meeting with the Head of State earlier in the week. The move stunned party activists in Baringo, a county long associated with the Moi political dynasty, and triggered calls for clarity on the party’s next steps.

    Samburu West MP Naisula Lesuuda urged the KANU leader to speak directly to supporters to calm nerves after the retreat from the contest. She said the base was anxious and needed guidance on the party’s strategy heading into the by-election period and beyond.

    At Kabarak, Ruto and Moi were received by local leaders and clergy before a closed-door session with KANU grassroots officials. Details of the talks were not immediately disclosed, but multiple attendees said discussions focused on political stability in the Rift Valley, peace messaging during campaigns and the need to avoid polarising rhetoric as the poll date approaches.

    The Kabarak stop comes amid heightened activity around the Baringo seat, with parties recalibrating their line-ups following KANU’s withdrawal. Rival formations have intensified outreach to former KANU canvassers and volunteers, seeking to consolidate support in key wards.

    Analysts say KANU’s exit reshapes the by-election terrain, potentially narrowing the field and shifting alliances in Baringo’s swing locations. Party insiders, meanwhile, insist the decision was made “in the best interests of members” and promised a comprehensive briefing to the rank-and-file once internal consultations conclude.

    Security was tight around the venue, with National Police Service officers manning checkpoints along approach roads to manage crowds and ensure smooth movement. Attendees trickled out mid-afternoon without incident, with local administrators hailing the meeting as “orderly and constructive.”

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has maintained the 27 November election date, with candidate line-ups expected to be finalised in the coming days. Parties are also racing to comply with campaign and financing regulations as the formal period kicks in.

    KANU officials said a further communication on the party’s programme in Baringo would be issued after consultations with county coordinators. Supporters interviewed outside the venue expressed mixed reactions—some backing a “strategic pause”, others pressing for a quick, on-the-record explanation from the chairman.

    The Baringo race has drawn national attention due to the county’s symbolism and the potential read-through for broader Rift Valley politics. With KANU now out of the ballot, focus shifts to how its grassroots infrastructure will be deployed, and whether it will endorse a candidate or remain neutral during the short campaign window.

  • Details of Ruto, Moi State House Meeting

    Details of Ruto, Moi State House Meeting

    President William Ruto’s meeting with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi at State House on Wednesday has emerged as a carefully orchestrated political negotiation that saw the veteran politician abandon his bid for the Baringo Senate seat in exchange for protection of his family’s struggling business empire.

    The dramatic turn of events left hundreds of KANU supporters stranded outside the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission offices in Kabarnet on Thursday, waiting in vain for their party leader to submit his nomination papers before the 4pm deadline.

    Multiple sources within both government and KANU have revealed that the meeting, which also included KANU Secretary General George Wainaina and former Baringo Woman Representative Gladwel Cheruiyot, centred on what one State House official described as business considerations affecting the Moi family interests.

    “His requests were in terms of his businesses. You know his businesses have been doing badly in the last three years,” a State House source disclosed, adding that Moi pleaded for intervention to safeguard the family’s commercial empire.

    The Moi family has publicly complained that the Kenya Kwanza administration weaponised the Kenya Revenue Authority to target their business interests. Earlier this year, Sosian Energy Limited, an independent power producer partly owned by Moi’s son Kigen, lost its licence to conduct exploration and drilling at the Menengai geothermal project after a Nakuru court revoked its environmental impact assessment.

    In May, Kencont Container Freight Station in Mombasa, a Siginon Group subsidiary linked to the family, faced a police raid over allegations of illegally held land.

    Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen offered a different narrative while speaking at a Jukwa La Usalama Forum on Thursday evening, framing Moi’s withdrawal as political wisdom and part of preparations for the 2027 general elections.

    “The meeting with the President was also a sign of unity because, as you are aware, there is a broad-based government which has Raila and former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s allies in it,” Murkomen said. “So, Gideon Moi has been invited to be in the broad-based government. We are also looking at the future in 2027, so that we can come together.”

    The Cabinet Secretary praised Moi’s decision not to contest, describing it as a sign of political maturity and dignity befitting a veteran politician.

    However, the manner of Moi’s withdrawal has triggered discontent within KANU ranks.

    Party insiders accused their chairman of switching off his phone after instructing them to mobilise supporters for the IEBC clearance process, leaving his grassroots base feeling betrayed.

    “He ought to have prepared his supporters so that they feel respected. We should have been more tactical. The way he has chickened out is not in good taste. It’s creating tension in the party,” a frustrated KANU official said.

    George Wainaina attempted to downplay suggestions of a political deal, insisting the decision followed consultations between the two parties.

    When pressed on whether business interests influenced the withdrawal, he replied that it was merely an agreement between parties, though he promised a comprehensive briefing.

    “That is the Head of State for all of us,” Wainaina said. “If he calls us for a meeting and there are important matters to discuss, we attend. We are a national party and agreeing to attend such a meeting does not mean we are now joining the government.”

    For President Ruto, Moi’s withdrawal eliminates the risk of political embarrassment in his Rift Valley backyard, where a UDA loss would have emboldened critics led by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua. The by-election, triggered by the death of UDA’s William Cheptumo, is widely viewed as a barometer of the President’s influence in his home region.

    In the 2022 elections, Cheptumo defeated Moi decisively, garnering 141,177 votes against Moi’s 71,480. The loss was part of KANU’s broader decimation in the Rift Valley, where the party lost all but one seat to UDA.

    Nairobi gubernatorial aspirant Tony Gachoka, a staunch KANU loyalist, struck a cautious tone about the development. “I’m in KANU to stay. If Gideon does not take his papers, there could be many things out of it,” he said. “He may either join or not join government, at the moment we don’t know what it means.”

    The withdrawal marks another retreat from active politics for Moi and deals a blow to efforts to revive KANU as a national force. Political analysts suggest the move could signal a strategic repositioning ahead of 2027, either through renewed alliance with President Ruto or alignment with opposition forces.

    With Moi out of the race, UDA candidate Vincent Chemitei now enjoys a clear path to victory, consolidating President Ruto’s grip on Baringo politics and the wider Rift Valley region.

  • Ruto, Gideon Moi in Secret State House Talks Over Baringo Race

    Ruto, Gideon Moi in Secret State House Talks Over Baringo Race

    President seeks to neutralize political threat as Kanu chairman makes comeback bid in crucial by-election

    President William Ruto has opened secret negotiations with Kanu Chairman Gideon Moi in a bid to persuade him to abandon his senatorial ambitions in the high-stakes Baringo by-election set for November 27.

    The two political heavyweights held an unexpected meeting at State House on Wednesday, their first substantive engagement since the 2022 General Election when the President’s United Democratic Alliance demolished Kanu’s decades-long grip on the Rift Valley region.

    The talks, which have sent ripples across the political landscape, centered on the upcoming Baringo Senate race and the struggling fortunes of the Moi family’s business empire under the current administration.

    Multiple sources with knowledge of the deliberations have revealed that the meeting was far from cordial consensus building but rather a tense negotiation between two men locked in a battle for regional supremacy.

    According to Kanu insiders who spoke to Kenya Insights on condition of anonymity, Gideon Moi resisted the President’s overtures to step aside in favor of UDA’s Kiprono Cheburet, who won the ruling party’s nomination last month.

    The former Baringo Senator, accompanied by Kanu Secretary General George Wainaina and former Baringo Woman Representative Gladwell Cheruiyot, is said to have politely but firmly declined the President’s request despite the personal appeal made within the imposing walls of State House.

    However, officials from the presidency paint a different picture. Speaking off the record, they insist that Moi agreed to withdraw from the race but requested time to consult with other party officials before making a formal announcement.

    “He has agreed to drop from the Baringo race,” one State House official told The Standard, suggesting that an announcement could be imminent.

    The conflicting accounts underscore the delicate nature of the negotiations and the high political stakes involved.

    That Gideon Moi agreed to meet the President at all, after years of maintaining a frosty distance, signals how advanced the talks have become and how seriously both sides are taking this electoral contest.

    For President Ruto, the Baringo by-election has evolved from a routine succession exercise into a critical test of his political dominance in his own backyard.

    The vote will fill the seat left vacant by the death of UDA’s William Cheptumo in February. In the 2022 election, Cheptumo had crushed Gideon Moi with 141,177 votes against the Kanu chairman’s 71,480, a humiliating defeat that seemed to signal the end of the Moi dynasty’s political relevance in the region.

    But Gideon’s decision to mount a fresh challenge has rattled the ruling coalition.

    Political analysts say the President fears that a loss, or even a narrow victory, would embolden his critics, particularly those aligned with former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, and raise questions about his control over the Rift Valley ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Baringo holds deep symbolic significance for both men.

    It is not just Gideon Moi’s political base but the birthplace of his late father, former President Daniel arap Moi, whose shadow still looms large over the county’s politics.

    For the younger Moi, winning here would represent both personal redemption and proof that Kanu remains a force to be reckoned with despite its 2022 electoral massacre.

    The timing of Gideon’s re-entry is strategic. Sources close to the Kanu chairman say he believes the ground has shifted since 2022.

    There is growing discontent in parts of Baringo over the government’s handling of security operations, particularly the disarmament exercises that some communities feel have been carried out unfairly, leaving them vulnerable while neighboring groups remain armed.

    Kanu officials insist their chairman is determined to fight to the end. “Chairman feels it is time to rebuild Kanu from the grassroots,” a senior party official told Kenya Insights.

    “He believes that contesting and winning in Baringo will send a message that Kanu is still alive and that the Moi legacy endures.”

    The former senator has already begun mobilizing support, holding strategy sessions and making donations to local groups.

    Earlier this week, he donated Sh2.5 million to teachers in the county, a move seen as the opening salvo of his campaign.

    This is not the first time the President has met with Gideon Moi since taking office.

    Sources say the two leaders previously met briefly in Dubai when the Kanu chairman was traveling from the United States, but Wednesday’s State House meeting was their first formal engagement on Kenyan soil since the inauguration.

    The invitation itself is telling. In Kenyan politics, a State House summons carries weight, and the President’s decision to personally engage Gideon Moi reveals the level of concern within the ruling coalition.

    UDA strategists understand that a strong showing by Moi, even in defeat, would expose vulnerabilities in the President’s support base and provide ammunition to opposition forces gathering strength ahead of the next general election.

    Political analyst Dismas Mokua argues that the outcome will reverberate beyond Baringo.

    “If Moi performs strongly, it will expose vulnerabilities within UDA ahead of 2027. But if he loses by a big margin, it could mark the end of Kanu’s revival hopes and further cement Ruto’s dominance in the Rift Valley,” he said.

    The Baringo race has already attracted intense interest from political observers who see it as a proxy battle between two competing visions for the Rift Valley.

    On one side stands President Ruto’s UDA, a relatively young party that has positioned itself as the voice of the hustler generation and swept to power promising economic transformation.

    On the other stands Kanu, Kenya’s oldest political party, trying to reclaim relevance by invoking the legacy of the Moi era.

    As campaigns intensify, both sides are expected to deploy their most effective mobilizers to the county. For the President, retaining the seat is about more than numbers.

    It is about maintaining the symbolism of unity and unwavering support in his home region. For Gideon Moi, the race represents a chance at political resurrection and an opportunity to prove that reports of Kanu’s death have been greatly exaggerated.

    The President’s attempt to negotiate Gideon out of the race also speaks to a broader concern about the Moi family’s economic interests.

    During the State House meeting, sources say discussions touched on the performance of Moi family businesses, which have reportedly faced challenges under the current administration. Whether economic considerations will ultimately influence Gideon’s political calculations remains to be seen.

    What is clear is that the November 27 by-election has transcended local politics to become a defining moment for both the President and the Kanu chairman.

    Gideon Moi’s refusal to immediately accede to the President’s request suggests he believes conditions on the ground favor a competitive race.

    His silence since the meeting, including his failure to respond to media inquiries, indicates that negotiations may still be ongoing behind the scenes.

    For now, the political chess match continues, with both players calculating their next moves.

    The Standard has learned that pressure is mounting on Gideon Moi from various quarters to reach an accommodation with the government, but party insiders say the chairman is resolute. “He has made up his mind to run and he will run,” said one Kanu official.

    As the campaign period officially begins, all eyes will be on Baringo.

    The outcome will not only determine who represents the county in the Senate but will also serve as a barometer of the President’s political strength in his own backyard and offer clues about the shape of Rift Valley politics heading into the next electoral cycle.

    Whether the secret State House talks will yield a political deal or simply mark the beginning of an intense electoral battle remains the question on everyone’s lips.

    What is certain is that the fight for Baringo has become much more than a by-election. It is a contest for legacy, relevance and regional supremacy between two of Kenya’s most prominent political families.

  • They Have No Ideas, Can’t Bring Change,” Prof Manyora Blames Opposition For Gen Z’s Low Voter Registration Turnout

    They Have No Ideas, Can’t Bring Change,” Prof Manyora Blames Opposition For Gen Z’s Low Voter Registration Turnout

    Political analyst Prof Herman Manyora has blamed the opposition for the low voter registration turnout, accusing its leaders of lacking fresh ideas to inspire young people to participate in elections.

    Speaking on his YouTube channel on Tuesday, Manyora said the opposition has failed to connect with Gen Zs who have been demanding change and accountability but now see no hope in the country’s political class.

    He argued that if the opposition had presented a credible vision for change, young people would have flooded voter registration centres in large numbers.

    “I blame the opposition more than I blame the government. Why the opposition? What are they doing about involving young people? What have they done? Is there anything they are doing? They can’t bring any change. None of these political leaders seeking to remove Ruto, even if they go to State House now, will change anything,” he said.

    Manyora said that if opposition parties had new and practical ideas for transforming the country, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) would be overwhelmed with new voter registrations.

    He described the opposition as “bankrupt of ideas” and unable to provide meaningful leadership that excites the youth.

    “If they had new ideas, there would be such long queues that the IEBC would rush to Parliament for emergency funds to handle the overwhelming registration numbers. But they didn’t, even though continuous voter registration is something they should have been doing all along,” he added.

    Manyora said Gen Zs are not registering as voters because they no longer believe in Kenya’s political system.

    The United Opposition top leadership have hinted at coming with a name for their political outfit that comprises different parties. PHOTO@skmusyoka/ X.com
    The United Opposition top leadership have hinted at coming with a name for their political outfit that comprises different parties. PHOTO@skmusyoka/ X.com

    He noted that the young people who led the 2024 anti-finance bill protests have since grown disillusioned by both the government and the opposition, seeing no real difference between them.

    “The main reason Gen Zs are not registering is that things do not make sense to them anymore. There is no better political alternative. They are tired of the same old, recycled politicians who bring little or no change,” he said.

    The ongoing national mass voter registration exercise has recorded a low turnout across most counties.

    In the first week, Trans Nzoia registered only 71 new voters, with just four from Kwanza Constituency. The IEBC had targeted 6.3 million new voters but now faces a slow start amid public apathy and lack of enthusiasm.

    Meanwhile, opposition leaders under the United Opposition banner are still in talks to formalize their coalition ahead of the 2027 General Election. The alliance brings together leaders such as Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua and Eugene Wamalwa.

    Former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i, who is positioning himself for a 2027 presidential run, said his Jubilee Party will help the IEBC mobilize young voters.

    Speaking in Nakuru over the weekend, Matiang’i said his team would engage youth groups and universities to encourage voter registration.

    Manyora warned that unless the opposition changes its approach and genuinely involves the youth in political processes, young Kenyans will continue to lose faith in elections.

    “The young people will do things their own way,” he said. “If the opposition doesn’t wake up, Gen Zs might completely abandon the ballot and look for new ways to express their power.”

  • Matiang’i Isolated: Behind The Scenes Rivalry in Opposition Inner Circle Erupts in Public

    Matiang’i Isolated: Behind The Scenes Rivalry in Opposition Inner Circle Erupts in Public

    Former Interior CS finds himself increasingly sidelined as Gachagua’s aggressive tactics threaten to splinter opposition unity ahead of 2027 polls

    The veneer of unity within Kenya’s opposition has spectacularly crumbled, exposing a toxic cocktail of ego, ethnicity and naked ambition that threatens to hand President William Ruto an easy path to re-election in 2027.

    At the centre of this implosion is former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i, who finds himself fighting a lonely battle against former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s increasingly aggressive attempts to dominate the opposition space .

    What was supposed to be a formidable coalition to unseat Ruto has instead become a stage for petty squabbles, with Gachagua positioning himself as the undisputed kingmaker while systematically isolating anyone who dares challenge his supremacy.

    The public spat between the two men on Friday laid bare the deep fissures running through the United Opposition.

    While his colleagues were courting voters in Kajiado, Matiang’i was conspicuously absent, holding his own rally in Nakuru in what insiders say was a deliberate snub to Gachagua’s increasingly dictatorial style.

    The message was clear: Matiang’i will not be bullied into abandoning his Jubilee Party base to genuflect before Gachagua’s Democracy for Citizens Party.

    Gachagua’s remarks at the DCP headquarters dripped with contempt for his ostensible ally.

    His dismissive reference to “boardroom negotiations” and social media posturing was a thinly-veiled attack on Matiang’i’s approach to politics. But it was his ethnic dog whistle telling Matiang’i to “go get a party solidifying his base in Kisii region” that revealed the true nature of his game.

    Gachagua is not interested in building a national coalition. He wants to carve up Kenya into ethnic fiefdoms, with himself controlling the lucrative Mount Kenya vote bank.

    This Balkanisation strategy is precisely what has kept Kenya’s opposition perpetually weak. Instead of building a movement based on ideology and national interest, Gachagua is resurrecting the tired ethnic arithmetic that has failed Kenya for decades.

    His boast, as revealed by Jubilee Secretary-General Jeremiah Kioni, of controlling “seven million votes from the mountain, one million from Kalonzo, and 800,000 from Matiang’i”  exposes a man who sees his allies not as partners but as vote contractors subservient to his grand design.

    Matiang’i’s defiance in Nakuru was therefore not just about defending his choice to remain in Jubilee. It was a principled stand against the ethnic balkanisation of Kenyan politics.

    His insistence that “you cannot choose a party for someone” and his call for democracy within the opposition alliance represents a fundamentally different vision from Gachagua’s strongman approach.

    But principle alone does not win elections in Kenya, and Matiang’i’s isolation within the coalition suggests he is losing this battle.

    The former Interior CS finds himself in an impossible position. His association with former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party is both his strength and his Achilles heel.

    Rigathi Gachagua on a campaign trail.

    While it gives him institutional support and a ready-made party structure, it also makes him vulnerable to accusations of being Uhuru’s “lapdog” and a Trojan horse for the old establishment.

    Critics like lawyer Ndegwa Njiru have openly dismissed him as “a political novice” who could be used to split opposition votes , further undermining his credibility within the coalition.

    Gachagua, by contrast, has successfully positioned himself as the anti-establishment rebel, the victim of state persecution who was impeached for standing with the common man.

    Never mind that his own record as Deputy President was marked by the same ethnic mobilisation and political opportunism he now deploys against Ruto.

    His persecution narrative has given him a legitimacy that Matiang’i, who served in both Uhuru’s and briefly in Ruto’s government, struggles to match.

    The accusation by Kioni that Gachagua has been cutting deals with Ruto in Narok  adds another layer of intrigue to this mess.

    While Gachagua has vehemently denied any betrayal, the allegation speaks to a deeper suspicion within the opposition: that he is more interested in using the coalition as leverage to negotiate his way back to relevance rather than genuinely committing to regime change.

    His aggressive domination of the opposition space, his insistence that DCP be the sole vehicle for Mount Kenya, and his systematic sidelining of rivals like Matiang’i all point to a man playing a longer, more cynical game.

    For Matiang’i, the options are increasingly bleak. He can continue to fight from within, defending his Jubilee base while hoping that his patience and principle will eventually be rewarded.

    But this strategy requires that the opposition actually wins in 2027, a prospect that looks increasingly remote given the current dysfunction.

    Alternatively, he could break away entirely, but that would simply accelerate the fragmentation of the opposition and guarantee Ruto’s re-election.

    The real winners in this spectacle are President Ruto and his Kenya Kwanza coalition.

    Every public spat between opposition leaders reinforces Ruto’s image as the only politician with organisational discipline. Every accusation and counter-accusation proves that the opposition is not ready to govern.

    The chaos within the United Opposition is a gift that keeps on giving to a President who faces serious challenges on multiple fronts but can at least count on his enemies to destroy themselves.

    Political analysts have warned that this disarray is precisely what Ruto needs to cement his political base.

    While the opposition burns through its political capital in internal wars, Ruto’s team is busy consolidating support, deploying technocrats to counter Gachagua’s influence, and building a national machinery that will be nearly impossible to defeat if the opposition cannot get its act together.

    The tragedy is that Kenya desperately needs a viable opposition. Ruto’s government has presided over economic hardship, allegations of extrajudicial killings, and massive corruption.

    There is genuine public appetite for change.

    But that change requires a united front, a coherent alternative vision, and leaders willing to subordinate their egos to a larger cause. None of these elements are currently visible in the opposition.

    Gachagua’s bulldozing tactics, his ethnic mobilisation strategy, and his apparent inability to work with anyone who does not submit to his authority are not signs of strong leadership.

    They are the marks of a politician who learned nothing from his own impeachment, who believes that might makes right, and who is willing to sacrifice the opposition’s chances of victory on the altar of his own ambition.

    Matiang’i’s isolation is therefore not just about one man’s struggle for relevance. It is a symptom of a broader disease afflicting Kenya’s opposition: the inability to build coalitions based on shared purpose rather than ethnic arithmetic, the preference for strongman politics over democratic deliberation, and the triumph of personal ambition over national interest.

    Unless something changes dramatically, the 2027 election is already decided.

    Not because Ruto is unbeatable, but because the opposition has beaten itself. And Kenyans, who deserve better than this circus, will once again be asked to choose between an unpopular incumbent and a dysfunctional alternative that cannot even agree on who should carry their flag, let alone what they stand for.

    The next two years will determine whether the opposition can salvage something from this wreckage. But based on current evidence, Gachagua’s aggressive dominance and Matiang’i’s isolation suggest that the United Opposition is neither united nor much of an opposition.

    It is simply a collection of wounded egos, ethnic entrepreneurs, and political opportunists playing out their personal dramas on the national stage while Ruto watches and smiles.

  • Maraga Declares 2027 Presidential Bid, To Run On UGM Ticket

    Maraga Declares 2027 Presidential Bid, To Run On UGM Ticket

    Former Chief Justice David Kenani Maraga has officially declared his bid for the presidency in the 2027 General Election, announcing that he will run on the United Green Movement (UGM) ticket.

    The declaration, made Thursday at the party’s Green Action House headquarters in Nairobi, marks Maraga’s dramatic shift from the bench to active politics after years of serving in the judiciary, where he is best remembered for annulling the 2017 presidential election.

    Flanked by UGM leaders and supporters, Maraga received the party’s colours and unveiled his political vision, anchored on the rule of law, human rights, and democratic governance.

    “I accepted the call to join this party because it aligns with my personal principles and ideologies on a wide range of matters. This includes matters on the rule of law, respect for human rights and democratic governance, among others,” he said.

    UGM co-founder and former Ndhiwa MP Neto Agostinho hands David Maraga the party’s flag.
    UGM co-founder and former Ndhiwa MP Neto Agostinho hands David Maraga the party’s flag.

    “I have committed to building and restoring the dignity of Kenyans as well as protecting our human rights.”

    UGM, co-founded by former Ndhiwa MP Neto Agostinho after his departure from ODM, has recently sought to reposition itself as a progressive movement appealing to young voters and reform-minded citizens.

    Maraga’s entry is expected to give the party a high-profile candidate with a clean public image and strong name recognition.

    The former CJ has in recent months increased his political visibility, attending rallies and grassroots events organised by UGM, with particular emphasis on engaging Gen Z voters.

    At a June event in Kwale, where the party launched its county office, Maraga urged young people to embrace political leadership, declaring them the “drivers of Kenya’s future.”

    On campaign financing, Maraga said his presidential run would rely on contributions from supporters while committing to inject between Sh1 million and Sh2 million of his personal resources.

    The plan has drawn mixed reactions, with some welcoming his transparency and others questioning the sufficiency of grassroots fundraising in a competitive race.

    Maraga also addressed remarks made by President William Ruto, who had accused him of branding Kenya a failed state.

    He clarified that his statement had been misrepresented. “The President distorted what I said. I didn’t say Kenya is a failed state. I said that Kenya is sliding toward being a failed state based on what happened during the Gen Z protests,” he explained.

    With his candidacy, Maraga joins a growing list of political heavyweights and newcomers positioning themselves for the succession battle as President Ruto’s first term draws to a close.

    His campaign is expected to test whether a former head of the judiciary can successfully transition into Kenya’s fiercely competitive political arena.

  • Mombasa Youths Stranded After Maraga Refuses to Give Fare, Student Leaders Left Devastated

    Mombasa Youths Stranded After Maraga Refuses to Give Fare, Student Leaders Left Devastated

    Mombasa, Kenya — Former Chief Justice and 2027 presidential aspirant David Maraga sparked mixed reactions on Friday after he declined to provide transport money to dozens of youths and students who had attended his consultative meeting in Mombasa.

    The gathering, which had drawn university students and young people mobilized by student leaders, was part of Mr Maraga’s tour of the Coast region as he seeks to popularize his presidential bid.

    But what began as an enthusiastic engagement ended in disappointment when attendees realized the former CJ would not offer them what they termed “mchongo”—a common slang for cash handouts or fare refunds.

    “When we heard you were coming, we rushed here thinking the former Chief Justice would at least consider us. Some of us don’t even have fare to go back home,” said Obiero Otonda, a student leader, to loud cheers from his peers.

    In response, Mr Maraga stood firm, stating that while he appreciated their turnout, he would not give them transport money.

    “You’ve asked whether I’ll give you transport money to go home, and I’m sorry, but I won’t. I won’t give you because I don’t have it. If I had the money, I would have considered it since you came to meet me. But I will not dish out handouts to gain support,” he said.

    He further explained that his presidential campaign would be run differently, free of the entrenched culture of political bribery.

    “Even if I raised ten times my target for this campaign, I would not use it to give out money like the Sh10,000 you hear some Kenyans are given at State House. That is not sustainable leadership,” Maraga added.

    Some student leaders expressed frustration, insisting their appeal was not about political handouts but genuine facilitation to get students back home.

    “Some of us even paid for students to come for this meeting. This is not bribery; it was just to ensure comrades were present. We misunderstood him to mean he refused because of his Christian principles,” Mr Otonda clarified.

    As murmurs of discontent grew, human rights activist Shakira Wafula, who accompanied Mr Maraga, stepped in to calm the situation.

    “Youth, please don’t be offended. I know some of you genuinely don’t have fare, and as the aspirant’s team, we’ll sacrifice to ensure you get home safely. But let’s stay focused on the bigger picture of Mr Maraga’s presidential vision,” she said.

    The incident highlighted the growing tension between young voters’ expectations and politicians’ promises to break away from Kenya’s entrenched money-for-support political culture.

  • Kioni: Gachagua is Secretly Working With Ruto

    Kioni: Gachagua is Secretly Working With Ruto

    Jubilee Party Secretary General Jeremiah Kioni has sensationally claimed that former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is quietly working hand-in-hand with President William Ruto despite projecting himself as an outsider in government.

    Speaking on Hot 96 on Sunday evening, Kioni alleged that Gachagua recently convened a closed-door meeting in Narok County with about 15 local leaders, including members of the clergy, where he defended the controversial move by the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) to deny Joshua Ole Kaputa a ticket for the upcoming Narok Town Ward by-election.

    According to Kioni, Gachagua assured the gathering that Kaputa would be accommodated in future nominations as part of a wider deal he is striking with Ruto.

    “Gachagua told them William Ruto has already sent emissaries and they had agreed to first put their houses in order before sitting down formally. He said by then he would have seven million votes from the mountain, one million from Kalonzo and 800,000 from Matiang’i. He boasted he would control more than half the cake and share some with the Maasai community,” Kioni alleged.

    Kioni declined to provide further evidence of the secret pact but insisted, “He said it himself. I will give you the date and hour the minute I leave this studio.”

    The Jubilee boss dismissed any possibility of his party collaborating with Gachagua, accusing him of cutting sinister backroom deals while pretending to be politically estranged.

    “We would like to work with like-minded parties that actually believe in sending William Ruto home, not those advancing selfish ‘get your people and I get mine’ arrangements,” he charged.

    Kioni used the platform to rally young Kenyans to register as voters as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) begins a fresh continuous registration exercise targeting 6.3 million new voters.

    “You must register in numbers. It makes no sense to be an active critic of the government and fail to vote them out. Failing to register amounts to voting them back in,” he said.

    The IEBC hopes to raise the number of registered voters from 22.1 million to 28 million ahead of the 2027 General Election.

  • Kuria Drops Bombshell: Kenya Headed for First-Ever Presidential Run-Off in 2027

    Kuria Drops Bombshell: Kenya Headed for First-Ever Presidential Run-Off in 2027

    Former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria has blown open the 2027 political debate, predicting that the presidential race will be so tight it will spill into a run-off — a first in Kenya’s history.

    In a blunt statement on Sunday, September 28, Kuria declared that no candidate, including President William Ruto, will meet the stringent constitutional threshold to secure victory in the first round.

    “There will be no outright winner in the first round,” Kuria said, describing the election as a turning point in Kenya’s fragile democracy.

    The Constitution requires a candidate to bag more than 50 percent of all valid votes cast and at least 25 percent of the vote in 24 counties.

    Anything short of that triggers a run-off between the top two. Kenya has never gone there before, but Kuria insists 2027 will mark the beginning of “a new chapter” in the ballot’s history.

    The warning lands at a time when political trenches are hardening.

    Ruto, seeking re-election, is no longer guaranteed the easy dominance he enjoyed in 2022. His estranged deputy-turned-rival Rigathi Gachagua is openly gunning for State House.

    Kalonzo Musyoka, long dismissed as a perennial deputy, is aggressively pitching himself as the face of opposition unity.

    Narc Kenya’s Martha Karua remains a thorn, while heavyweights like ex-Chief Justice David Maraga and former Interior CS Fred Matiang’i are lurking in the wings.

    Activist Boniface Mwangi has also thrown his hat in the ring, promising to upset the status quo.

    The biggest wildcard remains Raila Odinga. Will he run again, back an ally, or cut a deal with Ruto? His silence has only deepened speculation.

    Kuria’s forecast is a direct challenge to Kenya’s traditional two-horse races.

    A run-off would not only redraw political alliances but also test the resilience of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) under immense pressure.

    It would also force Kenyans into a second bruising campaign season, raising the stakes for stability and cohesion.

    For Kuria, the message is clear: 2027 will not be business as usual.

    For Ruto, the signal is even louder — the road back to State House may be longer, bloodier, and far less certain than he ever imagined.

  • IEBC Launches Ambitious Registration Drive, Targets 6 Million Gen Zs: How and Where to Apply

    IEBC Launches Ambitious Registration Drive, Targets 6 Million Gen Zs: How and Where to Apply

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has embarked on what could be the most significant voter mobilisation exercise in Kenya’s democratic history, targeting an estimated 6.3 million new voters with Generation Z at the heart of the campaign.

    The Continuous Voter Registration exercise, which resumes tomorrow, represents a critical juncture for Kenya’s electoral landscape as the commission seeks to capture the political energy of young Kenyans who have increasingly asserted their voice in national affairs.

    IEBC Chairman Erastus Ethekon announced that the exercise will run until November 27, 2025, with registration centres operating across all 290 constituencies except in areas currently scheduled for by-elections.

    The commission has identified youth aged between 18 and 27 as the primary target demographic, recognising their potential to reshape Kenya’s political trajectory.

    “The youth represent the future of our democracy, and their participation is crucial for legitimate electoral outcomes,” Ethekon stated during the launch ceremony.

    The commission’s data indicates that approximately 2.1 million Kenyans turned 18 in the past year alone, with projections suggesting that 7.8 million citizens between 18 and 27 remain unregistered.

    The registration process has been streamlined to accommodate the tech-savvy generation, with services available at all constituency offices from Monday to Friday, 8am to 5pm.

    Citizens seeking to register must present either a valid Kenyan Identity Card or passport, be at least 18 years old, and must not have been previously registered as voters.

    Beyond new registrations, the exercise offers comprehensive electoral services including correction of voter details, transfers to new electoral areas, and verification of existing registration through the commission’s online portal at verify.iebc.or.ke.

    The initiative comes at a time when young Kenyans have demonstrated unprecedented political engagement, particularly following recent nationwide protests over governance issues.

    Political analysts suggest this demographic shift could significantly influence future electoral outcomes, with parties already adjusting their messaging to appeal to younger voters.

    However, the commission faces considerable logistical challenges in reaching rural areas where many eligible youth reside.

    Transportation costs and limited awareness remain significant barriers, prompting calls for enhanced civic education programmes and mobile registration units.

    Civil society organisations have welcomed the initiative while emphasising the need for sustained voter education.

    Kenya Young Parliamentarians Association Secretary General noted that registration alone is insufficient without corresponding efforts to educate voters about their rights and responsibilities.

    The commission has also clarified that individuals previously convicted of election offences within the past five years, those declared of unsound mind, or those who have recently changed their residence must complete additional verification processes.

    With Kenya’s political landscape increasingly shaped by youthful voices demanding accountability and change, the success of this registration drive could determine not just electoral participation rates but the very character of future democratic discourse in the country.

    The commission expects to release preliminary registration figures by the end of October, providing the first indication of whether this ambitious target will be achieved.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • “Unless They Murder Me, I’ll Be the Next President in 2027,” Boniface Mwangi Declares

    “Unless They Murder Me, I’ll Be the Next President in 2027,” Boniface Mwangi Declares

    Nairobi, Kenya – Renowned Kenyan activist and photojournalist Boniface Mwangi has boldly declared his intent to contest the 2027 presidential election, stating, “If they don’t murder me, I will win the Kenyan presidential election.”

    The provocative announcement, made during a rally in Nairobi on September 27, 2025, underscores Mwangi’s determination to challenge Kenya’s political establishment.

    Mwangi, 42, who gained international recognition for documenting the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya, launched his presidential bid under the “People Power” banner.

    Speaking from a stage adorned with green, red, and black banners colors reflecting the Kenyan flag he rallied supporters with fiery rhetoric: “No amount of PR can save a thieving, murderous regime or those who served in it. A government of thieves and killers.”

    Presidential aspirant Boniface Mwangi giving an address to his supporters.
    Presidential aspirant Boniface Mwangi giving an address to his supporters.

    The activist’s political journey began with his unsuccessful 2017 parliamentary bid for the Starehe Constituency under the Ukweli Party, which he founded.

    His latest presidential announcement comes during a turbulent period following his July 2025 arrest by Kenyan police, who accused him of distributing money to hire thugs during anti-government protests that resulted in 19 deaths—charges he denies.

    Mwangi was also charged with unlawful possession of ammunition, which the Kenya Human Rights Commission called a “trumped-up accusation” aimed at silencing dissent.

    Amnesty International similarly suggested the legal actions are part of a broader campaign to intimidate activists.

    His confrontational approach to politics is well-established. In October 2016, he accused then-Deputy President William Ruto of involvement in the assassination of government critic Jacob Juma, leading to a defamation lawsuit.

    This contentious relationship with political elites has reinforced his image as an outsider committed to fighting corruption.

    The announcement has generated polarized reactions on aupporters like lawyer Paul Muite expressed optimism while urging Mwangi to collaborate with other opposition figures such as Busia Senator Okiya Omtatah.

    Critics, however, dismissed his chances, calling him “not a threat to anyone.” Others suggested his candidacy might split opposition votes, potentially benefiting the incumbent.

    Mwangi’s campaign platform, detailed on bonifacemwangi.com, focuses on ending inequality, guaranteeing healthcare and education, ensuring living wages, and demanding accountability in leadership.

    “This isn’t just politics, it’s about your family’s future,” he declared, positioning his campaign as a grassroots movement rather than personal ambition.

    As Kenya prepares for the August 2027 election, Mwangi’s entry positions him as a polarizing figure in what promises to be a crowded field, including other independent candidates like former Chief Justice David Maraga.

    Whether his “People Power” movement can achieve electoral success remains uncertain, but his declaration has reignited discussions about Kenya’s democratic future.

    His rallying cry—“Kubali utapigia Boniface Mwangi KURA Ikutoke! Usiogope!” (Accept and vote for Boniface Mwangi when the time comes! Don’t be afraid!)—resonates with citizens frustrated by the status quo, setting the stage for what promises to be a contentious and closely watched campaign.

  • Linda Jamii Is Way Better Than Linda Mama, UDA Hits Back at Uhuru

    Linda Jamii Is Way Better Than Linda Mama, UDA Hits Back at Uhuru

    The ruling United Democratic Alliance (UDA) has launched a blistering counterattack against retired President Uhuru Kenyatta, accusing him of peddling half-truths in his defence of the Linda Mama maternity programme.

    In a statement Saturday, UDA Secretary General Hassan Omar dismissed Uhuru’s claim that the Jubilee-era scheme outshines the Ruto administration’s Linda Jamii initiative, branding the remarks as selective and misleading.

    “Linda Jamii is ahead in scope, quality, and inclusivity. It is a true household cover, not a limited package,” Omar declared, insisting that the Ruto government has expanded health access far beyond what its predecessor offered.

    According to UDA, Linda Mama restricted benefits to expectant mothers and delivery services, leaving out spouses and children, while Linda Jamii—now run by the one-year-old Social Health Authority (SHA)—covers the entire household. The programme caters for antenatal, delivery, and post-natal care, and pays for complications such as ICU and HDU treatment.

    Omar noted that the new scheme has doubled payouts, with normal deliveries set at Sh10,000 and Caesarean sections at Sh34,200, compared to Sh17,500 under Linda Mama. Payments in Level 6 hospitals go as high as Sh30,000.

    “This is a universal model, unlike NHIF, which for decades only served those who could contribute. Uhuru should stop comparing apples and oranges,” Omar fired.

    The UDA official also tore into Uhuru’s record on infrastructure, accusing him of leaving a staggering Sh1.1 trillion in pending road bills tied to 1,300 kilometres of incomplete projects. “We inherited a country buried in debt and stalled works. We are now building roads sustainably, using the Road Maintenance Levy Fund, not reckless borrowing,” he said.

    Omar maintained that Ruto’s administration is not only delivering a stronger health system but also pursuing infrastructure with “prudence, accountability, and sustainability.”

    The exchange marks an escalation of political hostilities between Kenya Kwanza and Uhuru’s camp, as both sides battle to shape the legacy debate around healthcare and development.