Category: Politics

  • Sifuna Hints At 2027 Presidential Bid, Says Linda Mwananchi Has The Numbers To Send Ruto Home

    Sifuna Hints At 2027 Presidential Bid, Says Linda Mwananchi Has The Numbers To Send Ruto Home

    Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has, for the first time, strongly indicated he is ready to answer the call for the presidency in 2027, declaring that the Linda Mwananchi movement is undertaking a digital census of supporters to build what he describes as an irresistible wave to send President William Ruto home.

    In a series of interviews and rallies that have energised opposition supporters, the outspoken ODM Secretary General has sought to recast the political debate from ethnic mobilisation to what he terms people-powered regime change, warning that teargas and intimidation will not silence a growing movement.

    “I have answered the question. I have said that when the call comes, you cannot run away,” Sifuna told NTV on Tuesday when pressed about his presidential ambitions, in what allies describe as his clearest signal yet that he is positioning himself for the country’s top job.

    Speaking on Nation FM, Sifuna drew a sharp contrast with the current administration, dismissing development metrics as a campaign tool.

    “Please don’t ask me how many kilometres of road I am going to do. Can I just guarantee you that I will not kill your children? Can I just offer that guarantee?” he posed, framing the 2027 contest as a referendum on governance and human rights rather than infrastructure promises.

    Sisi ndio Sifuna, the people versus the state

    At the heart of Sifuna’s political strategy is a deliberate attempt to de-personalise the movement while building an infrastructure capable of challenging the Kenya Kwanza coalition’s ground network. He has repeatedly insisted that Linda Mwananchi must outlive any single political figure.

    “Don’t make this thing about Sifuna,” he cautioned during the NTV interview, warning that movements collapse when built around individuals. “If only one person stands out, it is very easy to be knocked off the pitch.”

    Even as he downplays his own candidacy, Sifuna is assembling what insiders describe as a parallel political structure. Young volunteers are developing a digital platform to allow supporters to register and contribute resources, from sound equipment to vehicles, creating a crowd-sourced campaign machine that bypasses traditional party funding channels.

    “We need to know what the numbers are and the sort of infrastructure we need to put in place to harness all this support,” he said. “We need to know how many we are. Is it five million of us, 10 million, or 20 million? It has to be a structured process, not just shouting numbers.”

    Voter turnout and the numbers calculus

    Sifuna’s focus on numbers reflects an assessment of Kenya’s electoral mathematics. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission is targeting 6.8 million new voters ahead of 2027, with projections pointing to a register of about 27 million voters.

    He argues that Kenya does not have a voter registration problem but a turnout problem, citing the 64 per cent turnout in 2022, down from 78.9 per cent in 2017, as evidence that apathy has hurt the opposition more than alleged rigging.

    “All of us who are saying Ruto must go must be available to vote him out,” Sifuna said, insisting that unity and high turnout are the only viable paths to victory.

    Veteran lawyer Gitobu Imanyara recently echoed similar sentiments, arguing that overwhelming turnout would make manipulation mathematically difficult.

    Confrontations and state pushback

    The Linda Mwananchi rallies have already encountered resistance. In Kitengela, police dispersed supporters with teargas. In Kakamega, Sifuna claimed his travel plans were leaked, forcing his team to alter their landing plans to avoid disruption.

    “I want to warn the state that it will take more than teargas to stop the voice and the movement of the people,” he said, dismissing remarks by Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen that the chaos was stage-managed.

    Sifuna has called on the Independent Policing Oversight Authority to investigate the use of teargas at his rallies, saying canisters can be traced to specific stations and officers.

    A crowded opposition field

    Sifuna’s emergence as a potential contender complicates an already fragmented opposition landscape. Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka has positioned himself as a possible coalition flagbearer, while former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has sought to rally like-minded leaders. Former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i has also signalled interest in a structured nomination process.

    Rather than consolidating under a single party, Sifuna appears to favour a coalition-style arrangement that allows leaders to retain their political vehicles while pursuing a shared reform agenda.

    Political analyst Joseph Mutua said the approach preserves room for negotiation and realignment as 2027 approaches.

    ODM tensions

    Sifuna’s stance has exposed fault lines within the Orange Democratic Movement . Party leader Raila Odinga is part of the broad-based government arrangement, while his brother Oburu Odinga has publicly indicated support for Ruto’s re-election.

    Vihiga Senator Godfrey Osotsi has countered that ODM has several leaders capable of running for president, naming Sifuna among them.

    Sifuna, who has faced attempts by party officials to remove him as Secretary General, has maintained that the party’s 2027 direction will ultimately be decided by its members.

    The Luhya factor

    Beyond coalition arithmetic, Sifuna has reignited debate about a possible Luhya presidency. Speaking in Kakamega during the burial of former Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo , he challenged Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi and National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula, both of whom support Ruto.

    “To Musalia Mudavadi and Moses Wetang’ula, we want to be on the presidential ballot in 2027. Since you have said you can wait for 2032, support our bid,” Sifuna said.

    He argues that the 2027 race should centre on civil liberties, police accountability and constitutionalism rather than ethnic arithmetic or elite power-sharing.

    As he prepares to resume rallies in Mombasa and other regions after the Ramadan break, Sifuna insists the movement is only beginning.

    Whether Linda Mwananchi can translate online momentum and street mobilisation into electoral power remains to be seen. But with his latest remarks, Sifuna has unmistakably placed himself in the 2027 conversation, setting up a direct contest with both the government and sections of his own party.

  • ‘Raila Warned Me About Babu Owino’s Bloody Hands,’ Says Gaucho in Explosive Tell-All

    ‘Raila Warned Me About Babu Owino’s Bloody Hands,’ Says Gaucho in Explosive Tell-All

    In what is shaping up to be one of the most damaging insider exposés to rock the Orange Democratic Movement’s fractured grassroots, Calvince Okoth, better known as “Ghetto President” Gaucho, has publicly and permanently cut ties with Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, accusing him of orchestrating staged arrests, inciting violence against allies and weaponising grief in a community still reeling from the death of Raila Odinga.

    In a tell-all video that has since gone viral, Gaucho, once described as Babu’s most loyal soldier and self-proclaimed “cell mate,” delivers a string of allegations so grave they threaten to upend the MP’s carefully curated image as a street-level champion of the Luo poor.

    The Dead Man’s Warning

    The most devastating claim in Gaucho’s video centres on a private conversation he says he held with the late ODM leader Raila Odinga before his passing in October 2025.

    When Gaucho sought Odinga’s counsel over growing friction with Babu Owino, he says the veteran politician was blunt and final in his verdict.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    “Raila told me to avoid that boy completely,” Gaucho says in the recording. “He told me his hands are full of blood. He warned me that Babu is a person who can plan your downfall while smiling with you.”

    The allegation is explosive precisely because it invokes a voice that can no longer respond.

    Raila Odinga’s death has left the Luo community deeply divided, with factions fighting for legitimacy in his name. Gaucho’s invocation of a deathbed-style warning from the patriarch himself is calculated to land like a thunderclap.

    A 2022 Arrest ‘Scripted Like a Drama’

    Gaucho’s second major allegation takes aim at one of the defining moments of Babu Owino’s political mythology, his arrest during 2022 anti-government protests, widely celebrated as proof of his commitment to the streets.

    Gaucho says the arrest was theatre.

    “He knew people were turning against him for not voting on the Finance Bill. So he coordinated with someone in the government to ensure he was arrested. He wanted to look like a hero again,” Gaucho claims.

    More chillingly, he alleges that while both men were in custody, Babu arranged for hired goons to assault Gaucho inside the police cells, specifically to deepen the narrative of state persecution, while the MP himself remained safe in a separate cell.

    Babu Owino has not responded directly to these specific allegations. His office did not issue a statement before publication.

    A Community on Edge

    Gaucho’s exposé lands at a moment of acute pressure within the Luo community and within ODM itself.

    The party is already riven by a bitter internal dispute, with the Political Parties Disputes Tribunal recently reinstating Secretary General Edwin Sifuna after the ODM National Executive Committee moved to have him ousted in February.

    Babu Owino and Sifuna lead the rival “Linda Mwananchi” faction, which has positioned itself squarely against the broad-based government and the pro-Ruto wing of ODM associated with Raila’s brother, Oburu Odinga.

    The blood price of that political battle is now impossible to ignore.

    An autopsy on George Olande Otobe, killed during the Linda Mwananchi rally in Vihiga County on February 21, established that he died from multiple severe head injuries consistent with mob violence after allegedly stabbing a fellow attendee, Hussein Hassan, during an altercation.

    The DCI confirmed the death and, in a statement, accused the rally organisers of allowing their supporters to carry weapons into the venue, contrary to constitutional requirements.

    It was the second fatality linked to the Linda Mwananchi tour: on February 15, 28-year-old Vincent Ayomo was shot dead by police in Kitengela during a separate rally.

    Gaucho has placed himself firmly on the other side of this divide.

    He has come out publicly in defence of Interior PS Raymond Omollo, the very official Babu Owino accuses of orchestrating the alleged abduction of his brother-in-law, Geoffrey Ajiki, days before the Kakamega rally.

    Ajiki was eventually released in the early hours of the morning and found in Machakos County, with no formal charges disclosed and no official statement issued by the DCI or Interior Ministry.

    Gaucho dismisses the entire episode as a sympathy hunt, arguing that Babu manufactures victimhood to consolidate his grip on the ODM youth base.

    ‘Stop Dragging PS Omollo Into Your Political Battles’

    Going further in a separate public statement, Gaucho trained his fire on what he describes as Babu’s insatiable appetite for political dominance and his reckless use of tragedy as a campaign tool.

    “Hon. Babu Owino should stop seeking relevance by constantly dragging the name of PS Dr Raymond Omollo into his political battles,” Gaucho declared. “Leadership is built on ideas and solutions, not noise and personal attacks.”

    Gaucho reserved particular contempt for what he sees as Babu’s simultaneous war on multiple fronts, against ODM’s Oburu Odinga-led faction, against the Nairobi county government, and against the national administration.

    “His open hostility toward Party Leader Dr Oburu exposes a deeper struggle for control, wanting to be party leader, kingpin, and governor all at once, while opposing cooperation between the Nairobi Governor and the National Government. You cannot fight all crowns at the same time and still claim to serve the people. Attempting to dominate every political space only exposes insecurities, not strength,” Gaucho said.

    The statement cuts to the heart of Babu’s current political positioning.

    The MP has in recent weeks declared his candidacy for the Nairobi gubernatorial seat in 2027, using high-profile press conferences to accuse Governor Johnson Sakaja of corruption while simultaneously keeping his foot in the Linda Mwananchi camp.

    Gaucho’s charge, that Babu is running too many races at once, echoes a concern whispered in ODM corridors for months.

    “Kenyans need solutions, not endless political drama. They deserve jobs, education, and platforms for growth, not slogans, incitement, and street politics,” Gaucho continued. “Using their frustrations as political fuel is not leadership; it is betrayal.”

    The Kingpin Nobody Can Surpass

    Gaucho’s most pointed warning, directed at university students and young men with political ambition, strikes at the core of Babu’s brand.

    “If you are a smart young man with influence, you are in danger around him,” he says. “He doesn’t want anyone else to rise. He will either link you to a crime or ensure you are frustrated so he remains the only kingpin.”

    In his separate statement, Gaucho broadened that indictment to the entire Luo generation. “Most worrying is the continued use of Luo youth as tools for personal ambition. Our young people deserve empowerment, not manipulation for political mileage.”

    The language of “victim politics” runs through the entire exposé. Gaucho’s central charge, that Babu Owino views the youth not as partners but as props, is a direct assault on the MP’s brand as a grassroots reformer.

    The Machine Begins to Crack

    Gaucho’s defection represents something more than a personal feud. He was, by his own account, an enforcer for the ODM youth wing, a man embedded in the machinery that mobilised crowds, managed optics and kept the grassroots loyal.

    His pivot towards the broad-based government camp and his defence of PS Omollo signal that the infrastructure Babu Owino has long relied upon is beginning to fracture, and that the fracture is being exploited by his political opponents with surgical precision.

    “Babu, I was your friend. I know how you play,” Gaucho says in his closing salvo. “But the people are waking up. You can’t use our blood to climb the ladder anymore.”

    In a final gesture that carried its own political sting, Gaucho closed his statement not with a rallying cry but with a condolence. “I send heartfelt condolences to the family that lost their loved one in Kakamega. May God grant them strength and comfort during this difficult time. May the departed soul rest in peace.”

    It was a message aimed squarely at the same crowd Babu Owino was hoping to command, and Gaucho delivered it first.

    Babu Owino had not publicly addressed the video at the time of publication. He remained focused on his Linda Mwananchi movement, demanding the release of his security officers detained in Kisumu following the Kakamega rally, saying they had been held without charge or explanation.

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  • ‪Passaris Declares Bid For Makadara MP Seat in 2027‬

    ‪Passaris Declares Bid For Makadara MP Seat in 2027‬

    Nairobi Women Representative Esther Passaris has declared she will contest for the Makadara Member of Parliament seat in the 2027 General Election.

    Speaking on Monday, February 23, Passaris said she has picked Makadara because she believes she can contribute significantly to the constituency’s development.

    “I want to run in Makadara, I can see I can contribute a lot in terms of development in that area,” Passaris announced.

    The Nairobi Women Representative noted that she had been considering both Westlands and Makadara but decided on Makadara after incumbent MP George Aladwa informed her that he would be contesting the Nairobi gubernatorial seat in next year’s election.

    “There were vacancies in Westlands and Makadara. Aladwa was going to Vihiga, but he changed his mind. When I asked him, he said he is now going to Nairobi County,” she added.

    Passaris’ remarks come months after she announced that she would not seek re-election as Nairobi Women Representative.

    In a statement on November 22, 2025, Passaris said that after serving two terms, it was time for another woman to take over the role.

    “By 2027, God willing, I will have completed two full terms as Nairobi Woman Rep. This is an affirmative action seat, and I believe it is time for another woman to lead,” she explained.

    However, Passaris denied endorsing any politician to be her successor in the position.

    “To be clear, I have not endorsed anyone for the seat. It is far too early for that, and I will not be drawn into political games, misinterpretations, or manipulated graphics,” she stated.

    Passaris was first elected as the Nairobi Women Representative during the 2017 General election under an ODM ticket.

    She was re-elected in the 2022 General Election under ODM, defeating Millicent Omanga, who was running on a UDA ticket.

  • Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Diverting All Development To Nyanza, Neglecting Kalenjins

    Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Diverting All Development To Nyanza, Neglecting Kalenjins

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has sharply criticised President William Ruto, accusing him of sidelining the Kalenjin community in favour of development projects in Nyanza as he hunts for votes ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    Gachagua, now leader of the Democracy for Citizens Party (DCP), made the claims during a joint interview with Kalenjin-language radio stations on Friday evening.

    He reminded the President that the Kalenjin and Mt Kenya votes were decisive in Ruto’s 2022 victory, yet the Rift Valley — the community’s heartland — now feels abandoned.

    “Rais alipitishwa na kura ya Mlima na ya Wakalenjin… sasa nikamwuliza rais, kama tumesahau hawa Wakalenjin, walikuvumilia miaka tano, wewe umechukua kila kitu ukapelekea Nyanza, hutembelei hawa watu… ukija Kericho, Bomet, unakuja interdenomination… mbona hukuji kufungua project? Mimi nilimwuliza,” Gachagua said.

    (The President was elected with votes from Mt Kenya and the Kalenjins… so I asked the President, if we have forgotten these Kalenjins who stood with you for five years, you have taken everything to Nyanza, you don’t visit these people… when you come to Kericho and Bomet, you only come for interdenominational prayers… why don’t you come to open projects? I asked him.)

    The DCP chief said the Kalenjin community, despite producing the sitting President, now lacks champions in Parliament.

    “Hawa wakalenjin hawana mtetezi; wabunge wamenyamaza, masenator pia wamenyamaza, nani atatetea hao?” he posed.

    (These Kalenjins have no defender; their MPs have gone silent, senators too — who will speak for them?)

    Gachagua moved quickly to calm fears that his bitter fallout with Ruto — which led to his impeachment in October 2024 — would translate into revenge against the wider community if the opposition takes power.

    “There is no one who will discriminate against the Kalenjins. They have not wronged anyone. We have a problem with one person, whom we will remove from power when the time comes. Kalenjins are good people. They have worked and developed this country. Just because Ruto has wronged us, it doesn’t mean the whole Kalenjin community has done it,” he said.

    He contrasted Ruto’s frequent development visits to Nyanza — a region that largely voted against him in 2022 — with what he described as ceremonial church stops in Bomet and Kericho, where no major projects are commissioned.

    Gachagua said he will personally tour Kalenjin areas next week, holding meet-the-people rallies in Mulot, Bomet town, Longisa and Sotik before proceeding to United Opposition engagements in Kisii and Nyamira.

    The remarks are part of a broader push by Gachagua and the opposition alliance to peel support away from Ruto in the vote-rich Rift Valley, which delivered a massive bloc for the President in 2022.

    State House had not responded to the accusations by the time of going to press.

    Gachagua’s interview, which aired live across stations including Emoo FM, Chamgei and others, drew mixed reactions online, with some Kalenjin listeners praising his defence of the community while others questioned his motives given his own political battles.

    The DCP leader has been intensifying outreach beyond Mt Kenya, positioning himself as a national figure in the United Opposition’s quest to oust Ruto through the ballot in 2027.

  • Orengo In Trouble As Gumbo Rejoins ODM, Declares 2027 Siaya Governor Bid

    Orengo In Trouble As Gumbo Rejoins ODM, Declares 2027 Siaya Governor Bid

    Former Rarieda MP Nicholas Gumbo has declared his intention to run for the Siaya gubernatorial seat in 2027, setting the stage for a fierce political contest with incumbent Governor James Orengo.

    Gumbo made the announcement during a rally in Siaya, where ODM Deputy Party Leader Oburu Oginga formally welcomed him back to the ODM months after he rejoined the party from the United Democratic Movement (UDM).

    “There is one person from Siaya who has been out of our party for a while, though he was a founder member. He is called Nicholas Gumbo, and I want to welcome him to the party,” Oburu said as he handed Gumbo the ODM party cap, symbolising his return.

    Gumbo had decamped to UDM in 2022 after losing in the ODM gubernatorial nominations.

    He subsequently vied for the Siaya governor’s seat on a UDM ticket, with former police spokesperson Charles Owino as his running mate, but lost to Orengo in the August 2022 General Election.

    Speaking after his official homecoming, Gumbo wasted no time in declaring his political ambitions.

    “I want to announce today, through our party leader, come next year, God willing, I will run to be the governor of Siaya to redeem this county,” he said to cheers from supporters.

    In a thinly veiled attack on the incumbent, Gumbo added: “Orengo bye-bye,” signalling his readiness to mount a spirited challenge against the veteran politician.

    Gumbo described his return to ODM as a homecoming, noting that he was among the party’s founding members.

    “It is good to be back home. I am a founder member of ODM, and I am so happy to be home. Thank you, party leader, thank you, deputy party leader and thank you, Madam Chair Lady,” he said.

    He also called on party members to rally behind Oburu as he works to strengthen and unify the party in Siaya and beyond.

    “Let us campaign to unite the party,” Gumbo urged, adding that internal cohesion would be key to ODM’s success in the next election cycle.

    Oburu, in turn, signalled that the party was keen on consolidating its base ahead of 2027, saying ODM remains open to welcoming back leaders willing to work under its banner.

    Gumbo’s declaration is expected to intensify early campaigns in Siaya County, with political alignments beginning to take shape well ahead of the 2027 polls.

  • Sifuna’s Kakamega Rally Refuses To Fold Despite Teargas, State Push-Back

    Sifuna’s Kakamega Rally Refuses To Fold Despite Teargas, State Push-Back

    NAIROBI, Kenya Feb 21- In politics, opposition rallies rarely begin with anticipation of speeches. They begin with suspense on whether actually they will materialize.

    On Saturday, the Linda Mwananchi rally at Amalemba grounds in Kakamega led by embattled Orange Democratic Movement secretary general Edwin Sifuna was clouded by uncertainties.

    In the hours before the rally, Western Regional Police Commander Issa Mohamud told journalists that police had not been formally notified about the gathering and had only seen posters circulating on social media.

    “We will use all force to maintain peace. We will not accept lawlessness here. We cannot accept our country to go to the dogs,” he said.

    On 19th February, Sifuna has confirmed that he has officially notified Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen about his upcoming Linda Mwanachi Kakamega rally.

    Speaking on the floor of the Senate, he said that he had already sent the notification for the Kakamega rally to the Kakamega OCPD and that he was going to send the same notification to the Senate WhatsApp group.

    “By the way, that individual called Murkomen is still on the Senate WhatsApp group because he is a former senator. In fact, I have taken advantage of that. Yesterday I saw him say that he was not aware that we were going to Kitengela,”

    “I have sent a notification on the Kakamega rally that we have made to the OCPD of Kakamega to his WhatsApp number, and I am going to send it to the Senate WhatsApp group because he reads our messages there,” noted Sifuna.

    In a move that would actually derail the crowd from attending the political rally, Mahoud further claimed that security agencies had received intelligence suggesting that some individuals planning to attend the rally could be armed.

    “We have every kind of information. We are even told people who are coming from as far as Nairobi who are armed with rifles. That is what we have been told. That group who want to make a rally, they are armed, they said they don’t need the police,” he alleged.

    Teargas Disruption

    Even before the Linda Mwananchi Movement leaders made their way to Amalemba grounds, teargas were already billowing.

    Teargas canisters  were lobbed at event organisers ahead of the rally scheduled in Kakamega County today.

    Tension began building early in the morning as small groups of rowdy youths were seen uprooting and setting ablaze road reflectors near Amalemba Grounds, where the rally was scheduled to take place.

    At around 9:00am, a teargas canister was lobbed toward the venue, triggering panic among sections of the crowd. Some attendees responded by hurling stones, escalating the standoff.

    As the situation grew volatile, groups of young men organised themselves along key access roads leading to the grounds. They mounted informal barricades, stopping and inspecting vehicles headed toward the rally site in what appeared to be an attempt to control who accessed the area.

    Elsewhere in Kakamega town, rival political energies were also on display. Youths allied to the broad-based government cruised through the streets atop trucks and motorbikes, chanting slogans and waving placards emblazoned with the words “Two Tutam,” adding another layer of theatre to an already charged morning.

    Sea of Humanity

    Even so, Sifuna led the Linda Mwananchi team to a massive turnout in Kakamega, drawing a sea of supporters to the town ahead of their highly anticipated rally.

    Sifuna’s convoy wound its way through Kakamega town en route to Amalemba Grounds, with throngs of supporters lining the streets, chanting slogans and waving party flags.

    The atmosphere was electric, as Sifuna and Babu Owino stood atop their vehicles, greeting the crowd while music blared from speakers. The popular anthem “Jeshi la Baba” sent supporters into a frenzy, with cheers and waves echoing across the streets.

    He was joined by a host of Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) stalwarts, including James Orengo Caleb Amisi Richard Onyonka Brian Lishenga Jack Wamboka and Majimbo Kalasinga.

    Undettered Crowd

    But the smooth flow of the rally would soon be disrupted as soon as the Nairobi Senator took to the podium. Despite Siaya Governor James Orengo and Vihiga Senator Godfrey Osotsi having uninterrupted speech to the crowd, the rally was almost disrupted when Sifuna took to the podium.

    Teargas canisters arced into the gathering, landing near the stage and within the crowd. White clouds spread quickly across the dias.

    Sifuna had barely risen to offer his opening remarks when canisters landed near the dais, sending thick white plumes billowing into the crowd. Supporters scattered in panic, running in all directions to escape the choking fumes.

    Amid the chaos, Sifuna vowed the meeting would proceed despite the disruption.

    “This meeting will not be disrupted as they did in Kitengela. We will extinguish it like bhang in prison. This meeting will not be disrupted, it will not end,” he declared.

    He urged supporters to remain calm and avoid confrontation with police.

    “Young people, don’t throw stones at them. We will extinguish this teargas like bhang and continue with this meeting,” he said.

    Soon after the Supporters regrouped as others tried to attack individual suspected to disrupt the meeting by lobbying teargas.

    Sifuna urged supporters not to throw stones, not to retaliate, and not to scatter. The meeting, he insisted, would continue. The ODM Secretary General insisted if  the aim was to disperse them, that wouldn’t happen.

    Kitengela Mayhem

    Just days earlier in Kitengela, a similar gathering had ended in chaos after police fired teargas and live bullets as a young man lost his life.

    Chaos erupted on Sunday when police fired teargas at a gathering in Kitengela as Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna and other leaders addressed supporters.

    The disruption came shortly after Sifuna introduced fellow leaders who had joined him at the rally. Despite the upheaval, Sifuna later thanked the residents of Kitengela for turning out and urged them to remain steadfast.

    “Thank you, Kitengela. Despite all the harassment, intimidation, and violence this morning, you showed up. They first destroyed our dais and sound equipment, and now state operatives have teargassed a peaceful assembly, bringing it to an abrupt end. We shall not relent,” Sifuna said.

    When the first teargas canister was thrown, Sifuna called on the crowd to stay calm while trying to figure out who was disrupting the rally. More canisters followed, sending crowds scattering in all directions. Boda boda riders and residents quickly sought safety as the situation became chaotic.

    The rally ended abruptly, with leaders leaving the scene while supporters dispersed across the town.

    Sifuna condemned the heavy-handed response, saying security officers and hired personnel used excessive force against peaceful attendees. He also vowed to pursue justice for Vincent Ayomo, who was allegedly shot dead during the gathering.

    “We will pursue justice for his family and ensure those responsible for his death are held accountable,” Sifuna said.

  • Police Commander Alleges Sifuna Transported Armed Goons to Fuel Tensions at Kakamega Rally

    Police Commander Alleges Sifuna Transported Armed Goons to Fuel Tensions at Kakamega Rally

    The Sifuna Kakamega Rally has escalated into a high-stakes political and security confrontation after Western Region Police Commander Issa Mahmoud alleged that Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna intends to ferry armed individuals from Nairobi to Kakamega ahead of the planned gathering at Amalemba Grounds.

    The claims, delivered publicly and without hesitation, have injected fresh tension into an already charged political atmosphere. As both sides dig in, the unfolding standoff now tests the limits of political mobilization, state authority, and public order in Western Kenya.

    Police Commander Alleges Sifuna Transported Armed Goons to Fuel Tensions at Kakamega Rally
    Edwin Sifuna’s Kakamega rally has become a defining moment that will test political tolerance, state authority, and the commitment of leaders and security agencies to uphold order, protect rights, and prevent Kenya from sliding into avoidable confrontation. [Photo//Courtesy]

    Sifuna Rally Faces Intense Scrutiny Over Alleged Armed Goons Mobilization in Kakamega

    Commander Mahmoud addressed the media with a firm and deliberate tone, asserting that security agencies had received intelligence reports indicating that individuals traveling from Nairobi for the rally were armed with firearms, including rifles. He stated that these reports formed the basis of heightened security concerns surrounding the event.

    According to Mahmoud, the police had not received formal notification from the rally organizers as required under the law governing public assemblies, a procedural lapse he emphasized as both unusual and troubling. Mahmoud explained that his office became aware of the rally primarily through social media circulation rather than through official communication channels.

    In his view, this lack of coordination undermines structured security planning and raises legitimate concerns about the intentions behind the gathering. He maintained that political leaders must respect established legal processes, particularly when organizing large public events that draw crowds and carry potential security risks.

    The commander further underscored that the police service remains committed to safeguarding lives and property in Kakamega County. He stressed that law enforcement would not tolerate disorder or lawlessness under any circumstances.

    Mahmoud assured residents that his command has sufficient personnel on standby and that additional officers can be deployed if the situation demands reinforcement. His message was unequivocal: the state will exercise its mandate to maintain order and will intervene decisively should any threat materialize.

    By framing the allegations within a broader commitment to peace and security, Mahmoud positioned the police response as preventive rather than reactive. However, the gravity of accusing a sitting senator of planning to ferry armed goons elevates the issue beyond routine security caution and into the realm of significant political controversy.

    Security Concerns Deepen After Kona Mbaya Convoy Incident

    The security warning follows a recent incident involving Sifuna’s Linda Mwananchi convoy, which came under attack at Kona Mbaya trading centre while en route to Kakamega. During the incident, unknown individuals hurled a stone at one of the vehicles, escalating tensions and raising questions about the safety of political mobilization in the region. While the attack did not result in reported fatalities, it amplified fears that political rivalry could spill into open confrontation.

    Police authorities now cite that episode as evidence of an increasingly volatile environment. In their assessment, introducing alleged armed elements into such a context could rapidly intensify instability. Mahmoud’s public remarks reflect a strategic effort to signal readiness and deterrence, making clear that law enforcement agencies will not allow Kakamega to become a theatre of political violence.

    The broader implication of these developments extends beyond a single rally. Kenya’s political landscape has frequently grappled with allegations of hired goons and organized disruptions during high-profile gatherings. By publicly raising the alarm, the police leadership has sought to establish control over the narrative and reinforce the authority of the security apparatus in managing public assemblies.

    Nevertheless, the situation places residents of Kakamega in a precarious position. Many citizens expect their leaders to articulate political agendas freely, yet they also demand peace and stability. The tension between constitutional freedoms and security enforcement now defines the immediate political climate surrounding the Sifuna Kakamega Rally.

    Police Commander Alleges Sifuna Transported Armed Goons to Fuel Tensions at Kakamega Rally
    If political actors continue weaponizing goons for intimidation and disruption, they will erode public trust, weaken democratic institutions, and push communities toward fear and instability instead of debate, accountability, and responsible leadership. [Photo//Courtesy]

    Sifuna Rejects Allegations and Defends Constitutional Rights

    Senator Edwin Sifuna has firmly rejected the allegations and signaled his intention to proceed with the rally as scheduled. He maintains that he possesses a constitutional right to assemble and address supporters in any part of the country, including Kakamega. From his perspective, the security warnings amount to undue pressure designed to frustrate legitimate political engagement.

    Sifuna has not acknowledged any plan to transport armed individuals and has instead emphasized the need for authorities to focus on protecting lawful political activity. His allies argue that the Kona Mbaya convoy attack demonstrates that his team faces hostility rather than orchestrating it. They contend that law enforcement should prioritize investigating those responsible for the stone-throwing incident instead of issuing broad allegations against rally organizers.

    The senator’s defiance underscores a broader political dynamic in which opposition figures often frame security interventions as tools of intimidation. At the same time, security agencies defend their actions as necessary safeguards against disorder. This friction forms the backdrop against which Sifuna’s Kakamega rally now unfolds.

    As the rally date approaches, the stakes remain high. If the event proceeds peacefully, it may reinforce confidence in both political expression and law enforcement oversight. However, if unrest erupts, scrutiny will intensify on all parties involved, from organizers to security commanders. In either scenario, the confrontation has already reshaped the political conversation in Western Kenya.

    The Sifuna Kakamega Rally has evolved into more than a regional gathering; it has become a litmus test of authority, accountability, and democratic space. How leaders and security agencies navigate this moment will signal the direction of political engagement in the months ahead.

  • I Personally Paid For Your Ticket To Visit Raila in India, Oketch Salah Silences Ruth Odinga After Claiming She Barely Knew Him

    I Personally Paid For Your Ticket To Visit Raila in India, Oketch Salah Silences Ruth Odinga After Claiming She Barely Knew Him

    A simmering feud inside the Orange Democratic Movement exploded into a full-blown public war on Thursday after businessman Oketch Salah issued a stunning point-by-point demolition of Kisumu Woman Representative Ruth Odinga, revealing for the first time that he was personally responsible for funding and arranging her business class flight to India to visit her ailing brother, the late former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

    The bombshell disclosure came just hours after Ruth had sat before cameras on a leading local television station and declared, with stunning casualness, that she barely knew the self-styled adopted son of Baba — claiming she had only met him about three times in her entire life.

    Salah was having none of it.

    In a two-page signed statement dripping with controlled fury but measured in tone, the Migori businessman tore into Ruth’s claims as fabrications, insisting that not only did she know him, but that she had reached out to him personally on multiple occasions, and that every single meeting between them had been at her own initiative.

    “It is unfortunate that you chose to go before a major media house and make statements that are not accurate,” Salah declared, going straight for the jugular before laying out a damning narrative that threatened to upend Ruth’s carefully crafted version of events.

    The central charge was explosive.

    According to Salah, when Raila was receiving treatment in India at a hospital in Kerala, it was none other than Salah himself who lobbied for Ruth to be allowed to join them after her aide Jeff Oyier reportedly made repeated calls to Raila saying she desperately wanted to travel.

    Not only did Salah claim he convinced a reluctant Raila to extend the invitation, he says he personally organised and paid for a business class ticket on Emirates Airlines for the legislator.

    “For the record, I am the one who convinced Baba to have you join us in India, after Jeff Oyier called him several times saying that you wanted to come. I am also the one who arranged your business class ticket on Emirates,” Salah stated, the words reading as nothing short of a public humiliation for the Kisumu lawmaker.

    The revelation fundamentally contradicts Ruth’s portrayal of Salah as a peripheral figure she barely recognised, and places her firmly within a web of interactions that she had sought to deny before millions of television viewers.

    Salah also moved to pre-empt any suggestion that he had abandoned Raila in his final hours, explaining that the only reason he returned to Kenya before Raila’s death was because Raila himself had personally asked him to go back to oversee the conclusion of his son’s wedding, which had been postponed multiple times due to the leader’s deteriorating health. He added that he had been scheduled to meet Raila again in Dubai after the former PM’s departure from Kerala, a reunion that never came.

    The blistering statement also ventured into deeply contested political territory. Ruth, speaking in her Wednesday interview, had sought to cast doubt on Salah’s standing within ODM, saying the party had resolved he should not be permitted to speak on its behalf since he holds no membership card.

    Ruth Odinga

    Salah dismissed this framing with remarkable force, declaring that ODM was never the private property of any one family and issuing what amounted to an ultimatum.

    “ODM does not belong to you, or to me, or to any one family. If it does, then let that be stated openly, and I will step away without hesitation. Baba spent more than 20 years building ODM into a national party. It belongs to the people of Kenya, from every part of this country,” he wrote, in words that will reverberate through the party’s structures for days to come.

    But perhaps the sharpest blade in his arsenal was reserved for the growing civil war between Ruth and her elder brother, ODM acting party leader Dr Oburu Odinga. Salah told Ruth in barely veiled terms that her public attacks against Oburu were a dangerous game of political self-destruction that she would live to regret.

    “You should stop fighting your elder brother, who is the current party leader. Dr Oburu Odinga did not simply assume a position; he carries a responsibility, and Baba entrusted me, in good faith, to work with him. If you allow your elder brother to be put on the chopping board today, do not be surprised if tomorrow it is your turn,” he warned, in a prophecy that will not be easily forgotten.

    Salah also refused to retreat on his most controversial claim — that Raila, in his final days, had resolved to endorse President William Ruto for a second term in 2027. Both Winnie Odinga and Raila Junior have furiously rejected this assertion, with Winnie suggesting in a previous interview that Salah should be urgently referred to a mental health facility. Salah was unmoved.

    “Baba was clear to me that he intended to endorse President William Samoei Ruto for a second term. I am duty-bound to speak honestly about what he told me, without fear, without distortion and without seeking permission from anyone,” he stated, doubling down with a defiance that suggests this battle is far from over.

    The public spat marks the latest chapter in a turbulent few months for the Odinga family and the party Raila built, as competing factions jostle over his political legacy, the direction of ODM, and the terms of any future pact with the ruling Kenya Kwanza coalition.

    Raila Odinga died on October 15, 2025, aged 80, after suffering a cardiac arrest during a morning walk while receiving treatment in India. He had led ODM for over two decades, transforming it into one of Kenya’s most powerful political vehicles.

    Salah, a businessman from Migori with no formal elected position, first attracted national attention during Raila’s final months by posting regular updates on the opposition icon’s health and describing himself as an adopted son. The claims have divided opinion sharply, with Oburu, his son Jaoko Oburu, and Mama Ida Odinga reportedly acknowledging him at various public events, while Winnie, Raila Junior, and now Ruth have moved to distance the family from him entirely.

    Dennis Onyango, Raila’s former spokesman, stepped into the debate this week with a partial defence, telling a local radio station that Salah was indeed a familiar face around Raila and had been known to everyone in the leader’s inner circle. Onyango confirmed that Salah had accompanied Raila on travels and communicated regularly with the former PM, though he stopped short of endorsing the adopted son label.

    Yet the walls have not entirely held. ODM national chairperson Gladys Wanga was compelled to publicly clarify last week that Salah neither represents nor speaks for the party in any capacity, a declaration that underlined just how alarming his growing visibility had become to the party establishment.

    Salah closed his statement with a passage laced with the kind of quiet grief that no political statement can fully contain. “Finally, I say this with a heavy heart: I am the one who spent most of Baba’s final moments with him. Those moments were real, painful and deeply personal. I will not allow that truth to be erased or turned into political theatre.”

    “I speak today not out of anger but out of respect for Baba’s memory and for the truth,” he concluded.

    Whether that truth is accepted, disputed, or drowned out by the noise of a party in the throes of a succession crisis may well define the next chapter of Kenyan opposition politics.

  • Oketch Salah Strikes Back At Ruth Odinga In Explosive Public Feud

    Oketch Salah Strikes Back At Ruth Odinga In Explosive Public Feud

    Migori businessman Oketch Salah has fired back at Kisumu Woman Representative Ruth Odinga, sparking a bitter public feud that has sent shockwaves through political circles. The row intensified after Ruth publicly disowned Salah, questioning his ties to the late Raila Odinga and distancing both the Odinga family and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) from his political activities.

    Salah responded in a fiery statement on X on February 19, 2026, defending his close association with Raila and accusing Ruth of spreading inaccurate claims.

    The clash highlights growing tensions over Raila’s legacy, party leadership, and the influence of outsiders in ODM politics. Salah insists his involvement was personal, tied solely to Raila, while Ruth maintains he has no authority to speak on family or party matters.

    The Oketch Salah-Ruth Odinga feud has now moved beyond private disagreements into a highly public battle over legacy, loyalty, and political influence within ODM. Both sides are determined not to back down, leaving the party and the public to witness one of the most bitter political exchanges in recent Kenyan history. [Photo//Courtesy]

    Oketch Salah-Ruth Odinga Feud Turns Fierce With Blistering Accusations

    Oketch Salah wasted no time addressing Ruth Odinga directly. In his X statement, he described her public remarks as “unfortunate” and “inaccurate,” insisting that his connection was always with the late Raila Odinga alone.

    “Let me be clear from the outset: if you do not wish to associate with me, that is entirely your choice. I have never forced myself into your life,” Salah wrote. “My relationship was with your late brother, Baba, and that relationship stood on its own. It had nothing to do with any other member of the family.”

    Salah also provided specific examples of his support for the Odinga family. He claimed he was instrumental in bringing Ruth to India at Raila’s invitation, arranging her business-class travel and coordinating her stay. Salah explained that he returned to Kenya early only because Raila asked him to attend his son’s wedding, which had been repeatedly postponed due to the elder Odinga’s health.

    He stressed that his political engagement was driven by Raila’s instructions, not personal ambition. “I come from a well-established business family. I am self-sufficient, and whatever I have done for ODM was at Baba’s request,” he said.

    Salah also reminded Ruth that ODM belongs to the Kenyan people, not a single family. He warned against internal fights, highlighting the responsibilities of party leaders such as Dr. Oburu Odinga. He cautioned that disrespecting leadership could have consequences for her in the future.

    Ruth Odinga Rejects Salah’s Claims

    Ruth Odinga struck back a day earlier, distancing herself from Salah and questioning the depth of his relationship with the Odinga family. Speaking on local TV on February 18, 2026, she said she had met Salah only three times.

    “I really don’t know him that well. I am one of the people surprised that he says he knows me,” she said. She criticized Salah for revealing private conversations with her late brother, saying, “If at all he was my brother’s friend, he should have had the integrity not to disclose private talks.”

    Ruth also requested space for the family during their grief and emphasized that Salah has no right to speak on behalf of ODM since he is not a party member. She disputed his claims of being present at Raila’s final moments in India, asserting that she was with her brother until the end.

    Family Backlash Intensifies

    The feud extends beyond Ruth. Earlier, East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) MP Winnie Odinga condemned Salah’s claims about Raila’s final moments, calling them lies and questioning his intentions. She said his statements crossed a line, veering into deliberate misinformation.

    “He should be rushed to either Mathare or DCI with immediate effect,” Winnie Odinga said, expressing outrage over Salah’s public assertions.

    Salah, meanwhile, has continued to defend his narrative. He claimed he was with Raila from the onset of his illness until his last moments, describing their relationship as deeply personal and emotionally significant. He framed his statements not as a political move but as a tribute to Raila’s memory, insisting on honesty without fear or distortion.

    Oketch Salah, a prominent businessman from Migori, gained attention in Raila’s last months for sharing updates about the elder statesman’s health. While some family members and party officials reject his claims, Salah remains steadfast, emphasizing his loyalty to Raila and asserting that his role was personal, not political.

     

  • Migori Governor Ayacko Hands Obado Family 900-Acre Gold Belt in Brazen Political Deal Ahead of 2027

    Migori Governor Ayacko Hands Obado Family 900-Acre Gold Belt in Brazen Political Deal Ahead of 2027

    There are political deals made in the open, and then there are deals cooked in the shadows that only surface when the paper trail becomes impossible to ignore.

    What has emerged from the corridors of the Migori County Government is, by any measure, one of the most explosive land transactions in the county’s short devolved history: Governor Ochillo Ayacko’s Cabinet has quietly approved a request to lease 900 acres of public land to a private company owned by the family of former Governor Zachary Okoth Obado, a man against whom Ayacko battled bitterly for years and who currently faces murder and corruption charges in the courts of Kenya.

    The land in question, parcel Muhuru Kadem/Macalder/498, is no ordinary piece of soil.

    It sits on one of the richest gold belts in Nyanza, a zone that has historically been the flashpoint of violent conflicts among artisanal miners scrambling for a slice of its mineral wealth.

    It is public land, held in trust for the people of Migori since the days of the South Nyanza County Council.

    On it today stand a sub-county hospital, schools, a bus park, markets, an aggregated industrial park and offices of both county and national government.

    Yet the Ayacko administration, without apparent public participation or transparency, moved to hand a 30-year lease on this same tract to Global Search Solutions Ltd, a company incorporated in 2009 and registered under certificate number CPR/2009/3899, whose ultimate beneficial owner is Hellen Odhiambo Odie, wife to Okoth Obado.

    Enemies Yesterday, Partners Today

    That this deal involves Obado’s family makes it all the more extraordinary. Ayacko and Obado have shared one of the most bitterly personal rivalries in Kenyan county politics.

    In 2017, Ayacko ran against Obado for the governorship and lost. He went to court to challenge the result. He lost again. He nursed his wounds, ran a third time in 2022, and finally unseated the Obado dynasty.

    For years, the two men were the defining political poles of Migori County, as antagonistic as chalk and cheese.

    Something has changed.

    The two former adversaries have, in recent months, been photographed in each other’s company with a warmth that has set political tongues wagging across the Lake Region.

    Obado, facing a corruption trial over an alleged Sh505 million fraud during his tenure, has since decamped to President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    Governor Ayacko, for his part, is said to be desperate for any political lifeline that can help him stave off a fierce challenge from Uriri Member of Parliament Mark Nyamita, who has publicly declared his intention to unseat him.

    Mark Nyamita.
    Mark Nyamita.

    In that landscape, an Obado endorsement would be worth its weight in gold, quite literally.

    It is against this backdrop that the land deal landed on the floor of the Migori County Assembly in December 2025, tabled by Majority Leader Ken Ouma. There are already glaring inconsistencies in the paperwork.

    The motion tabled by Ouma speaks of 350 acres for Global Search Solutions. The Cabinet Memorandum approved by Ayacko’s executive speaks of 900 acres. Nobody has adequately explained that discrepancy of 550 acres of gold-rich public land.

    A Man in Court, a Family in Business

    Okoth Obado is not merely a disgraced former governor. He is a man standing in the dock on two separate fronts.

    In the High Court, Justice Cecilia Githua ruled in January 2025 that Obado has a case to answer in the 2018 murder of Rongo University student Sharon Otieno, who was seven months pregnant when she was killed and her body dumped in Kodera Forest, Homa Bay County. Forty-two witnesses have testified. The case continues.

    In the Milimani Anti-Corruption Court, Obado, four of his children and several associates face charges of conspiracy to commit economic crime, money laundering and unlawful acquisition of public property, with investigators linking them to the alleged siphoning of close to Sh2 billion from Migori County coffers through networks of proxy companies.

    The EACC has already seized and auctioned properties linked to Obado and his allies valued at over Sh505 million. Among the forfeited assets were residential blocks, commercial properties and vehicles.

    This is the family whose company now seeks a 30-year lease on 900 acres of Migori’s most valuable public land. The audacity of the application is breathtaking. Its apparent endorsement by the sitting governor is more so.

    Silence Where Answers Should Be

    When Nation Media Group first broke this story, it sent text messages and made calls to Governor Ayacko seeking comment. He did not respond. His communications office promised a statement. None came. The governor’s silence in the face of such questions is not merely politically damaging. For residents of Migori, it is a thunderous statement of its own.

    The company’s Chief Executive Officer in charge of operations and finance, Evans Ouma Ogutu, whose personal telephone number appears as the contact for the company in official county documents, was more forthcoming, though not necessarily more convincing.

    He insisted that the lease application is a legitimate business matter, that Obado’s political trajectory has no bearing on the company’s operations, and that Hellen Odhiambo Odie, the registered owner, plays no role in the day-to-day running of Global Search Solutions.

    He emphasised that the request has followed due process and must still pass through the county assembly’s lands committee, public participation and, if successful there, through the National Land Commission. “We are following every procedure and meeting the requirements set for such a lease,” he told reporters.

    Perhaps. But due process does not begin and end with procedure. It also demands transparency about who benefits and why. The stated purpose of the lease is to revive cotton farming and establish a Carbon in Pulp gold processing plant. On paper, that sounds like development.

    In Migori’s political reality, cotton and gold are the window dressing for a transaction whose true currency is votes.

    Governor Ayako in the company of Obado in a recent event.
    Governor Ayako in the company of Obado in a recent event.

    The Troubling Paper Trail

    What makes this deal doubly troubling is what documents reveal about the other companies seeking land alongside Global Search Solutions.

    Majority Leader Ouma’s motion sought approval to lease 50 acres to Joymakers Foundation, 50 acres to Vivatel Networks Limited and 31 acres to Noiya Women Enterprises Ltd.

    According to CR12 records, both Global Search Solutions and Vivatel Network Solutions were prequalified suppliers for Kisumu County between 2018 and 2020, during the height of the Obado era in Migori.

    Vivatel Network Solutions also shares a postal address with another entity, Conton Group. The web of interconnected companies deserves the full scrutiny of investigators.

    The Migori County Assembly’s Lands Committee has been tasked with conducting public participation before tabling a final report.

    Majority Leader Ouma told reporters the assembly has not yet considered the matter and that ward representatives will do due diligence.

    That is reassuring in principle. But the committee operates within a political ecosystem where the executive that sent them this request is the same executive that decides their budget, their resources and their political futures. The structural incentives for rubber-stamping are formidable.

    The People’s Gold, The Politicians’ Game

    Ultimately, this story is not about Ayacko and Obado alone, though their political calculations are at its heart.

    It is about 900 acres of land that belong to the people of Migori County. It is about a gold belt that local miners have bled and died over, resources that generations of Migori residents have a constitutional right to benefit from.

    The Constitution of Kenya 2010 is unambiguous: public land held in trust by a county government exists for the benefit of its residents. It cannot be parcelled out to benefit the political ambitions of those entrusted with its stewardship.

    If the Migori County Assembly approves this lease without genuine, transparent public participation, it will not merely have failed in its legislative duty. It will have handed a corrupt political establishment exactly the prize it sought.

    The matter must now go before the National Land Commission, civil society and the courts if necessary. Migori’s gold belongs to Migori’s people, not to the next political deal cut in the shadows ahead of 2027.

  • MCAs Open Fresh Bid to Impeach Sakaja, Brand Governor ‘Incapable’ After Humiliating State House Deal

    MCAs Open Fresh Bid to Impeach Sakaja, Brand Governor ‘Incapable’ After Humiliating State House Deal

    NAIROBI, Kenya — The ink on Governor Johnson Sakaja’s deal with the national government had barely dried before Nairobi’s ward representatives were sharpening their knives, with a fresh impeachment motion gathering speed on the streets of the capital and threatening to blow City Hall apart.

    What was supposed to be a political triumph for the embattled first-term governor has spectacularly backfired. The cooperation agreement signed at State House on Tuesday — hailed by Sakaja as “the best thing to have happened to Nairobi” — has instead handed his enemies the very weapon they needed to finally bring him down.

    For Members of County Assembly who have long stewed in frustration over broken promises, stalled projects, and delayed bursaries, the Sh80 billion deal is not a lifeline for Nairobi. It is a confession. A damning, public admission, they argue, that Johnson Sakaja cannot run Kenya’s capital.

    Resign or Be Removed

    South B MCA and Deputy Minority Leader Waithera Chege was blunt, unsparing, and unambiguous. “We are telling the governor to either resign or be impeached. He needs to choose one. I have personally put my signature on the new impeachment motion. It is because of his incompetence that we are in this situation,” she said.

    Ms Chege’s verdict carried the cold certainty of someone who has already made up her mind. She was not issuing a warning. She was announcing an outcome. “The reason why the national government has come on board is because of his failure to understand what he is supposed to do and why he was elected by Nairobi people,” she said.

    Kileleshwa Ward MCA Robert Alai, never a man known for restraint, was equally devastating. “We feel the governor is too incompetent and even if you give him 1,000 years, he will not change the city. He does not have the capacity to run the capital city,” said Mr Alai, who confirmed that as of Tuesday, more than 55 MCAs had already appended their signatures to a fresh ouster motion.

    Robert Alai
    Robert Alai

    A Governor on Borrowed Time

    Sakaja’s predicament has been months in the making. Talks for State House to take a greater role in the management of Nairobi began in November last year, just weeks after President William Ruto and the late ODM leader Raila Odinga staged a dramatic joint intervention to spare the governor from his first impeachment crisis in September 2025.

    At the time, 87 of 123 MCAs had already signed onto the ouster motion, far exceeding the one-third threshold of 41 signatures required by the Nairobi County Assembly Standing Orders for an impeachment motion to be tabled. That the motion was pulled back owed nothing to any sudden outbreak of confidence in the governor, and everything to raw political muscle from the very top.

    But the deal that saved him also diminished him. Sakaja was given 60 days to fix bursary disbursements, address corruption claims, resolve stalled ward projects, release ward development funds, and restore street lighting. Multiple MCAs now say those promises were not kept.

    Baba Dogo MCA Geoffrey Majiwa put it plainly. “We are going on with the signature collection because the governor has not implemented what we agreed upon last year when we shelved the impeachment bid,” he said.

    The Sh80 Billion Deal That Became a Liability

    On Tuesday, February 17, Governor Sakaja stood alongside Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi at State House and signed a cooperation agreement transferring key county functions to the national government. The deal, witnessed by President Ruto, covers water and sewerage, roads and drainage, housing and infrastructure, solid waste management, and the regeneration of Nairobi’s rivers. It unlocks Sh80 billion for the capital.

    President Ruto described it as a necessary intervention for a city that must “meet the highest standards of order, infrastructure, efficiency, and service delivery” not only for its residents but for Kenya as a whole. The governor, for his part, pointed to the legal basis for the arrangement under Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2012, and asked critics where else he was supposed to find Sh80 billion.

    “I have no regrets at all. It was in the interest of the people. Where would I have gotten this amount from? Do I pontificate or get my people what they want?” Sakaja told journalists.

    But the MCAs are unmoved by the arithmetic. To them, the deal does not represent resourcefulness. It represents surrender. And the court agrees the matter deserves urgent scrutiny: the High Court certified as urgent a petition filed on February 18 challenging the legality of the agreement, with the main hearing set for March 16, 2026.

    The ODM Fracture and the Weakening Political Shield

    The governor’s political exposure has grown since September. He was elected on President Ruto’s UDA party ticket in 2022, yet the majority in the Nairobi County Assembly belongs to ODM. The September reprieve hinged on Raila Odinga’s intervention. But Odinga died in October 2025, and ODM is now split between a faction loyal to Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna and another aligned with Siaya Senator Oburu Oginga.

    Senator Sifuna, who has already dismissed the State House cooperation deal as unconstitutional and declared that Sakaja had effectively become “the new Deputy Governor” of his own county, now has no particular political incentive to throw the governor a lifeline.

    An MCA who spoke anonymously added a cutting observation about the governor’s management style. “The governor is still accessible as he is always at Riverside. He only works with a clique of MCAs including the Budget Committee chairperson and the Majority Leader,” the source said.

    Ms Chege framed the isolation starkly. “How come everyone is against you? Every other MCA apart from less than five out of the 85 wards are complaining. I don’t know what happened to the governor. I don’t think he is in charge,” she said.

    Sakaja Plays It Cool

    For now, the governor is playing a dangerous game of studied nonchalance. Asked about the fresh impeachment bid, Sakaja claimed ignorance. “How do I respond to what I have not seen? I am not aware of any such plans,” he said.

    The bravado may be ill-timed. Embakasi North MP James Gakuya, who has his own eyes on the Nairobi governorship in 2027, dismissed the impeachment threat as dead on arrival, arguing President Ruto’s deal was itself designed as a shield. “The impeachment of Sakaja as governor before 2027 is impossible because the route that President Ruto has taken is meant to redeem Sakaja from impeachment,” Gakuya told Kameme TV.

    If Gakuya is right, then Sakaja’s salvation and his humiliation are one and the same thing. He survives only because the President has taken over. And if the MCAs have their way, that is precisely the reason he must go.

  • President Ruto and Uhuru Reportedly Gets In A Heated Argument In A Closed-Door Meeting With Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed‬

    President Ruto and Uhuru Reportedly Gets In A Heated Argument In A Closed-Door Meeting With Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed‬

    Kenya’s most explosive political feud tore through the gilded corridors of the African Union in Addis Ababa last Sunday in a dramatic confrontation that has rattled regional diplomats and sent shockwaves through the continent’s fragile peace architecture.

    President William Ruto and his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta locked horns in a tense, behind-closed-doors meeting hosted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on the sidelines of the 39th AU Summit, with multiple aides and participants telling the media that the session degenerated into an electric exchange of accusations and counter-accusations that left the room stunned.

    The fiery encounter was no accident of scheduling.

    It was a carefully engineered intervention, sanctioned by Great Lakes presidents, specifically designed to force the two men into the same room and thaw their deep freeze of a relationship that, sources say, has directly sabotaged Kenya’s coveted role as mediator in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s catastrophic eastern conflict.

    And it failed spectacularly.

    The drama began, deceptively enough, with a photograph.

    A group image showing PM Abiy Ahmed sandwiched between the two Kenyan leaders went viral almost the moment it was posted online, dissected frame by frame by an eager Kenyan public hungry for any signal of reconciliation between the country’s fourth and fifth presidents.

    The image was shared by Uhuru’s camp after all parties had agreed to await Ahmed’s nod. But Ruto’s official handles never shared the photo at all. That single, glaring omission spoke louder than any statement either side would later issue.

    Inside the room, it was anything but cordial.

    “Aides recount a room electric with grievance,” a source close to the talks told the media. Ruto, who has long simmered over what his camp views as deliberate political sabotage by his predecessor, came to Addis prepared.

    He confronted Uhuru with what he described as evidence of subversion against his Kenya Kwanza administration, presenting a case that his government’s difficulties, from the Gen Z revolts of 2024 to the resurgence of the opposition Azimio coalition, bore the fingerprints of his predecessor’s scheming.

    Uhuru, characteristically composed but reportedly sharp in his rebuttal, denied it all.

    He told the gathering he had not been undermining the Kenya Kwanza administration. But he did not pull his punches either, firing back that the government had failed to accord him the dignity and protocol owed to a former head of state.

    Party leadership, he reportedly argued, cannot be equated to treason. Democratic participation cannot be dressed up as subversion.

    THE DRC CRISIS NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT

    Beneath the personal drama lay a far more alarming reality: Kenya’s internal feud had, in the blunt assessment of an AU secretariat investigation, been actively strangling peace efforts in the eastern DRC.

    Uhuru serves as a linchpin on the AU-EAC-SADC facilitation panel tasked with mediating in the restive provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu, regions where M23 rebels and their backers have unleashed a humanitarian catastrophe on millions of Congolese civilians.

    His role demands seamless communication with President Ruto’s government, passing on progress reports and flagging obstacles to AU headquarters.

    Instead, the two camps have given each other cold shoulders so frosty that the diplomatic pipeline has effectively seized up.

    AU presidents, alarmed at the glacial pace of progress in the DRC talks, commissioned an internal investigation.

    Its conclusion was damning: the personal animosity between Kenya’s fourth and fifth presidents was the single biggest structural impediment to regional peace.

    That finding is what dragged both men into a room with Abiy Ahmed, a leader who has cultivated personal rapport with both through years of shared Horn of Africa diplomacy and bilateral ties.

    His pitch, sources say, was blunt: reconcile or watch DRC’s chaos swallow Kenya’s carefully built mediator reputation along with it.

    The pitch did not land as planned.

    THE BETRAYAL THAT REFUSES TO DIE

    To understand why the room crackled with such barely suppressed rage, you have to understand a decade’s worth of broken promises.

    Ruto served as Uhuru’s deputy for a full ten years, from 2013 to 2022, under the TNA-URP alliance and later the Jubilee Party banner.

    Their partnership was sealed with what insiders describe as a solemn political covenant: Uhuru would serve two terms, then hand the baton to Ruto.

    The now-infamous pledge, delivered in Kikuyu by Uhuru, was: “Mimi nitafanya zangu kumi, kisha kumi za William.” I will do my ten years, then hand over to William to do his ten.

    Instead, Uhuru shook hands with Raila Odinga, threw the full weight of state machinery behind the opposition, and watched Ruto’s allies face raids, prosecutions, and frozen funding. Ruto won anyway in 2022, but the wounds have festered ever since.

    Uhuru, far from retreating into the quiet golf courses of retirement, has weaponised his post-presidency. He has openly endorsed Wiper boss Kalonzo Musyoka and former Interior CS Fred Matiangi, both seen as serious presidential contenders for 2027. His Jubilee Party has been revived and restructured. Kalonzo has been installed as Azimio coalition party leader. Ruto’s camp views all of it as a coordinated political insurgency designed to end his presidency after one term.

    The Addis meeting erupted just three weeks after Ruto hosted Uhuru’s younger brother Muhoho Kenyatta at State House in Nairobi, in what was seen as another backchannel reconciliation attempt. Muhoho, who publicly attended in his capacity as the International Council representative of the Duke of Edinburgh Award, is widely regarded as the family’s quiet power broker. The attempt, clearly, did not produce the desired effect.

    Ruto told Ahmed in the meeting that he had done everything within his power to accommodate his predecessor in retirement. He cited his now-famous December 2024 visit to Ichaweri, Uhuru’s rural home in Gatundu South, where he arrived bearing 12 goats, a deeply symbolic gesture among the Kikuyu people. The visit was hailed as the most potent signal yet that the two men had buried the hatchet. Within weeks, Uhuru was at a Jubilee Party meeting openly attacking Ruto’s government, accusing it of erasing the gains of his own decade in power.

    “Today, many of the past’s gains have been eroded,” Uhuru told the gathering that installed Matiangi as Jubilee’s new kingpin.

    Twelve goats, it turned out, were not enough.

    Neither side was willing to confirm the explosive details of what transpired in Addis, though neither could fully deny that the meeting happened.

    State House spokesman Munyori Buku was carefully evasive, telling reporters: “I am not aware there was a mediation meeting. I know President Ruto and former President Uhuru Kenyatta met together with PM Abiy. I have no details of what transpired because it was a closed meeting.”

    Uhuru’s spokesperson Kanze Dena was more colourful in her dismissal. “Aiii surely!! Wasisalimiane? Inakuwa analysis!! Acheni hizo,” she fired off, suggesting the entire controversy was a case of reading too much into two men saying hello.

    Politicians from Uhuru’s orbit were less diplomatic.

    Embakasi North MP James Gakuya, speaking to Kameme TV on Wednesday, said plainly that the retired president is not going anywhere near the government’s corner. “Uhuru has indicated that he is in the opposition, and this is a way of Ruto’s divide-and-rule tactic,” Gakuya said, adding that no amount of wooing would pull Uhuru out of the united opposition camp ahead of 2027.

    The stakes of this feud extend far beyond the bruised egos of two men who once ruled Kenya together.

    The DRC’s eastern provinces remain a theatre of catastrophe, with the M23 rebellion, backed by external actors, having seized territory and displaced millions. Kenya’s role as a neutral mediator, which Nairobi has carefully cultivated since the 1990s, is the product of decades of diplomatic investment.

    The EAC regional force that Kenya led into eastern DRC last year, and the Nairobi Process which Uhuru champions on the AU panel, are the twin pillars of that investment. Without coordination between the two Kenyan poles, that edifice is cracking.

    The CSIS, in a detailed September 2025 report on Kenya-DRC relations, noted that domestic political dynamics in Kenya, specifically the conflict between Ruto and Uhuru, had directly impacted the DRC peace process from the very beginning, with the two camps not talking to each other even as Kenyan troops served in the region.

    For Ruto, the personal calculus is no less urgent.

    He heads into 2027 battered by the Gen Z uprisings of 2024, a stubborn economic crisis, a rebellion from former deputy Rigathi Gachagua in the Mt Kenya heartland, and now a resurgent opposition coalition that his predecessor appears to be personally bankrolling.

    A unified opposition in 2027 could prove devastating for a sitting president who squeaked to victory in 2022 with 50.49 percent of the vote.

    For Uhuru, the calculus is simpler: stay relevant, wield influence, and deny Ruto the coronation he believes was stolen from their pact.

    PM Abiy Ahmed, who facilitated what was meant to be a quiet rapprochement, leaves Addis with a failed mediation on his hands and two Kenyan leaders whose cold war now risks becoming a continental liability.

    One senior diplomat, briefed on the encounter and speaking strictly on condition of anonymity, put it most bleakly: “Africa cannot afford to have its most experienced mediating nation paralysed by a personal feud. The DRC is bleeding. Kenya is squabbling.”

    As things stand, the squabble shows no sign of ending.

  • Sakaja To Work Under Mudavadi In New Deal With Ruto For Nairobi County Functions

    Sakaja To Work Under Mudavadi In New Deal With Ruto For Nairobi County Functions

    Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has formally agreed to serve as the deputy of Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi on a powerful new joint steering committee for the capital, in the most dramatic restructuring of the city’s governance since the controversial Nairobi Metropolitan Services era.

    The bombshell arrangement, sealed at a high-profile ceremony at State House on Tuesday afternoon and witnessed personally by President William Ruto, places the elected governor of Africa’s fourth-largest city in a subordinate role to a national government official who does not hold an elected county mandate.

    The cooperation agreement, backed by Sh80 billion in projected investment, was signed by Mudavadi on behalf of the national government and Sakaja on behalf of Nairobi City County.

    It formalises a joint governance framework that critics say blurs the constitutional lines defining Kenya’s devolved system, even as its architects insist it represents nothing more than a funding boost for a cash-strapped city.

    “What we are formalising today is not a transfer of functions. Let me repeat, there is no transfer of functions taking place. For the avoidance of doubt, I have no interest in running the city; my hands are already full,” Ruto declared at the ceremony, in remarks that his supporters found reassuring and his detractors found unconvincing.

    Under the two-tier structure established by the pact, a Joint Steering Committee chaired by Mudavadi with Sakaja deputizing will set overall policy direction and coordinate national ministries and agencies with county officials.

    A second-tier Implementation Committee, comprising Nairobi County Executive Committee members and national Principal Secretaries, will oversee day-to-day project execution.

    For a governor who spent three years loudly proclaiming that Nairobi would never again be run from State House, Tuesday’s signing ceremony represented a politically jarring reversal.

    Only six days earlier, at the Nairobi County Assembly, Sakaja had thundered that the NMS era was a “defilement of devolution” that saddled the county with Sh16 billion in pending bills and broke the spirit of the public service.

    “In 2020, Nairobi got into a misadventure. The NMS experiment left us with a Sh16 billion hole in pending bills, low staff morale due to mistreatment and a defilement of devolution,” Sakaja told MCAs on February 11, in what now reads as either a prescient warning or an elaborate setup for Tuesday’s ceremony.

    The governor was at pains to reframe the deal in terms sharply distinct from that dark chapter. “This is not an NMS takeover. That was a misadventure that left behind Sh16 billion in debt. This is not a transfer of function. This is a cooperation that recognises Nairobi as the nation’s capital,” he said. “It demonstrates that, 13 years later, the President has heard us.”

    But the question of whether Nairobians were consulted before their governor agreed to sit underneath a national government appointee in the management of their city is already proving divisive.

    Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna, who learnt of the signing from a media invite and not from City Hall, was unambiguous in his fury.

    “The Governor of Nairobi assured us he wasn’t transferring any functions to the National Government. I’m surprised to see a scheduled signing ceremony at State House this afternoon,” Sifuna posted on X as the ceremony was underway. “As we await to see what the actual thing is, I remind Sakaja Johnson to be mindful of the provisions of the Constitution and the need for involvement of the electorate and the leadership of Nairobi prior to making such decisions. Any unconstitutional clawback to devolution shall be strenuously resisted. A comprehensive statement shall follow.”

    The senator’s concerns are grounded firmly in the Constitution. Under Article 187, the transfer of a county function to the national government requires a formal deed of transfer, approval by the County Assembly, and proof that the function can be more effectively performed nationally. No such deed has been tabled before the Nairobi County Assembly, and Sifuna has made clear he has seen neither the deed nor an assembly resolution.

    Principal Secretary for Housing and Urban Development Charles Hinga added fuel to the fire last week when he told a city diplomacy forum that it was only a matter of time before the government fully took over Nairobi. “Nairobi is not a county but a capital city, so collaboration with the national government is inevitable despite what people say,” Hinga said, adding that the city under the current arrangement was “dysfunctional.” His remarks were widely seen as laying the political groundwork for exactly the kind of deal signed on Tuesday.

    President Ruto tried to smother the flames, assuring Kenyans that the agreement would be subjected to public participation and scrutiny by the Nairobi County Assembly before full implementation. “The sooner we start, the sooner Nairobians benefit from modern infrastructure and efficient city management,” he said.

    The pact, anchored on Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act 2019 which recognises Nairobi as Kenya’s capital city and mandates intergovernmental cooperation on funding and service delivery, spans five key sectors. Solid waste management will see a city-wide garbage collection system go live on April 1, backed by a 3,500-member “Green Army” and a new treatment plant at the Ruai facility capable of converting waste into power and fertiliser. Road infrastructure commitments include the rehabilitation of 62 kilometres of city roads through the Kenya Urban Roads Authority at a dedicated cost of Sh2.1 billion. On water and sewerage, the Athi Water Works Development Agency will lead long-term supply projects including a new dam in Maragua, the Northern Collector II Tunnel, and expansion of trunk sewer lines. The national government has committed to settling public lighting bills on all nationally-funded road projects. Ruto also announced contracts for 110,000 housing units in Nairobi City County, a Sh5 billion modern market at Gikomba, and construction of hostels to accommodate 14,000 students.

    Sakaja cited New York and Paris as capitals that receive substantial national government support while remaining under locally elected leadership, arguing that Nairobi was entitled to no less. He pointed to an increase of 140 million litres of water per day through the Northern Collector Tunnel as an early fruit of the collaboration, with plans underway to add nearly 200 million additional litres daily through upcoming projects.

    The deal is the first capital-specific intergovernmental framework of its scale since devolution began in 2013. Its architects call it a defining moment in Nairobi’s urban history. Its critics call it devolution’s most sophisticated undoing yet, dressed up in the language of cooperation.

    What is beyond dispute is this: for the first time since the NMS era that Sakaja himself called a defilement, the governor of the capital city will be sitting at a committee table, and Musalia Mudavadi will be at its head.

  • Sakaja Alleges State House Plot to Seize City Hall as Service Failures Mount

    Sakaja Alleges State House Plot to Seize City Hall as Service Failures Mount

    Sakaja Blames Powerful Individuals in State House For Scheming To Take Over City Hall Roles Even As His Leadership Comes Under Scrutiny Over Underperformance

    Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has sensationally claimed that powerful individuals within the national government are scheming to wrest control of key City Hall functions, even as his administration faces mounting criticism over poor service delivery and financial mismanagement.

    Speaking in a wide-ranging interview over the weekend, the embattled governor said unnamed officials eyeing the lucrative Nairobi governorship in 2027 are pushing a sinister agenda to take over county functions through the backdoor, despite his categorical refusal to cede any responsibilities to the national government.

    “There are speculations, and some people are pushing that agenda. Think about the political stakes in Nairobi after the Presidency; there is no bigger position to contest than the governorship of Nairobi,” Sakaja said, his voice thick with frustration.

    The governor insisted that unlike the defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services arrangement that left City Hall with a crippling Sh16 billion debt, the current framework with President William Ruto’s administration is merely a support mechanism and not a transfer of functions.

    “We have not ceded any functions. A transfer of functions is not what we are discussing and it is not something we will do. If there were a transfer of functions, there would be a formal document as provided for in Article 187 of the Constitution. Have you seen any such document? There is none,” Sakaja declared defiantly.

    But even as the governor attempts to fend off what he terms as a hostile takeover, his administration is drowning in a sea of failures that have left Nairobians questioning his competence and mandate to lead the capital city.

    City Hall is bleeding money like a wounded animal. Official records show that unpaid revenues ballooned by a staggering Sh2 billion between July and September last year, with land rates defaulters alone accounting for Sh1.29 billion of the unpaid dues. Only 50,000 out of 250,000 registered land parcels currently pay rates, exposing a catastrophic failure in revenue collection.

    The garbage crisis continues to choke the city, with mountains of refuse piling up in estates and the Central Business District despite Sakaja’s repeated promises to clean up Nairobi. Residents have watched helplessly as their once-beautiful city degenerates into a filthy mess, with the governor blaming everyone from the defunct NMS to rogue garbage collectors for the mess.

    Roads across the capital remain in shambles, pockmarked with potholes that swallow vehicles whole during the rainy season. Water scarcity has become the norm rather than the exception, with many estates going for days without supply. Street lighting is virtually non-existent in vast swathes of the city, turning them into crime hotspots where muggers and thugs reign supreme.

    The situation has become so dire that even members of the County Assembly, supposedly Sakaja’s allies, have turned against him with brutal honesty. Baba Dogo MCA Geoffrey Majiwa did not mince his words when he declared that the governor has failed residents for the past three years.

    “It is true that the governor has failed the residents for the past three years. He has done nothing. He talks about collaboration, but what is the nature of this collaboration? There must be papers showing a transfer of functions, yet we are seeing none. It is a sad tragedy for Nairobi,” Majiwa said, calling for Sakaja’s resignation or impeachment.

    Deputy Majority Whip Waithera Chege was equally scathing, openly welcoming greater national government involvement and faulting Sakaja for his spectacular failures.

    “For a long time, we have been crying to the President about the governor’s performance. We support this fully. It is clear that the governor has failed in delivering his mandate. What we want now is the implementation of all the projects through the national government. Residents want better services, nothing else,” Chege said without holding back.

    The political intrigue intensified after it emerged that Sakaja, accompanied by his entire cabinet, held a secret meeting with President Ruto at State House last week. No official communique was issued after the marathon session, fueling speculation that a deal to hand over key functions was sealed behind closed doors.

    Reports indicate that the arrangement covers garbage collection and disposal, public works including road construction and maintenance, water supply and affordable housing, with the national government committing an estimated Sh2.1 billion to accelerate service delivery through agencies like the Kenya Urban Roads Authority and Athi Water Works Development Agency.

    President Ruto himself has made several public pronouncements about taking charge of Nairobi’s transformation. In a church service at AIC Pipeline, he declared that his administration would handle waste management, roads and street lighting, signaling an increasingly central role for the national government in running the capital.

    “We must make Nairobi more accessible, and we have agreed with the governor on how we are going to do it. On water, we have completed the Northern Collector Tunnel and we now have an extra 140 million litres. We will deal with the garbage menace,” Ruto announced, leaving little doubt about the shift in power dynamics.

    Sakaja’s predicament mirrors that of his predecessor Mike Sonko, who was similarly pressured by President Uhuru Kenyatta into signing off key responsibilities to the NMS in 2020 after City Hall descended into chaos marked by leadership wrangles, corruption allegations and deteriorating service delivery.

    The governor has tried to defend his position by arguing that Nairobi’s unique status as the capital demands special financing and collaboration with the national government, citing examples of Paris and New York which receive substantial national support.

    “Paris, with a population of 2 million, has a budget of Sh13 trillion yet Nairobi, with over 6 million people, has a budget of about Sh38 billion. If we want to compete with international cities, we must embrace special financing and strategic partnerships,” Sakaja said, attempting to justify the controversial arrangement.

    He pointed to Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2019, which recognises Nairobi as Kenya’s capital and calls for formal cooperation between county and national governments on funding and service delivery.

    However, constitutional lawyers and opposition politicians have raised serious questions about the legality of the arrangement. Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has been particularly vocal, pointing out that no formal deed of transfer has been tabled before the County Assembly as required by Article 187 of the Constitution.

    “Constitutionally there has to be a deed of transfer of functions. It has to be approved by the county assembly. I have seen neither,” Sifuna posted on social media, throwing cold water on Sakaja’s claims that no transfer has occurred.

    The drama has exposed the precarious position that Nairobi governors find themselves in, caught between the demands of running a complex metropolis and the political machinations of powerful interests at the national level who see control of the capital as a stepping stone to higher office.

    With AFCON 2027 on the horizon and mounting pressure to transform Nairobi into a world-class city, the stakes have never been higher. But as garbage piles up, roads crumble and residents suffer, the question on everyone’s lips is whether Sakaja has what it takes to turn things around, or whether the vultures circling State House will eventually swoop in to pick at the carcass of his failed administration.

    For now, the governor remains defiant, insisting that he will protect devolution and resist any attempts to undermine the county government. But with his performance record speaking louder than his words, time may be running out for Johnson Sakaja’s City Hall dream.

  • Gachagua, Kalonzo Meet With Oburu In Machakos

    Gachagua, Kalonzo Meet With Oburu In Machakos

    NAIROBI, Kenya Feb 13 – A rare meeting between opposition leaders and the ODM leader on Friday raised eyebrows after Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, and Oburu Oginga came together in Machakos during a condolence visit.

    The three leaders met at the home of Machakos Senator Agnes Kavindu while consoling her family following the death of her son.

    While the visit was meant to offer comfort, the political mix at the gathering quickly drew attention across the country.

    ODM Oburu Oginga and Wiper Patriotic Front leader Kalonzo Musyoka in Machakos
    ODM Oburu Oginga and Wiper Patriotic Front leader Kalonzo Musyoka in Machakos

    Gachagua and Musyoka are currently leading a united opposition push aimed at unseating President William Ruto in the 2027 General Election.

    Their alliance has been vocal in criticizing the government and rallying support across different regions.

    However, the presence of Oburu at the same meeting raised eyebrows, given his political position.

    Oburu is aligned with the broad-based government arrangement, and has miantained ODM’s push at supporting President Ruto’s re-election bid.

    While no formal statements were issued after the meeting, images and reports of the leaders together have already ignited debate online.

  • Sifuna, Babu Owino Are Uhuru’s Project, Orengo Is Opportunist, Inconsequential in Kenyan Politics, Miguna Says

    Sifuna, Babu Owino Are Uhuru’s Project, Orengo Is Opportunist, Inconsequential in Kenyan Politics, Miguna Says

    Firebrand lawyer Miguna Miguna has launched a blistering attack on ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, Embakasi East MP Babu Owino and veteran politician James Orengo, branding them political opportunists bankrolling former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s shadowy agenda.

    In a series of explosive posts on X, the self-proclaimed General tore into the trio, claiming they are part of a sinister plot to install former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i as Kenya’s next president using Uhuru’s dirty money.

    Miguna accused Sifuna and his “confused groupies” of masquerading as progressive legislators while spending years in Parliament without tabling a single pro-people legislation or impeachment motion against President William Ruto despite their theatrical press conferences denouncing his administration.

    The Canada-based lawyer reserved his harshest words for Orengo, a man he once admired as a Form One student at Onjiko Secondary School in the 1970s when Orengo served as Ugenya MP.

    “After we became adults and encountered James Orengo in politics, we realized to our collective consternation that he blew hot and cold and wasn’t a revolutionary,” Miguna wrote, systematically dismantling Orengo’s political legacy spanning five decades.

    Miguna claimed he was among ODM strategists in 2007 who insisted Orengo receive a nomination certificate after losing in Ugenya, arguing the party didn’t need “hooligans in parliament.” But he says Orengo repaid that faith with incompetence and cowardice.

    He accused the former Lands Minister of bungling a crucial 2007 presidential vote audit alongside PNU’s Martha Karua, sleeping at KICC while Karua “messed up the exercise” and failing to table a coherent report on electoral irregularities that sparked post-election violence.

    During the 2009 ICC Review Conference in Kampala, Miguna claims Orengo and Amason Kingi refused to present ODM’s position on ICC indictments against Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, forcing him to step in.

    “During the constitutional review process when Kibaki and his PNU gang tried to scuttle the completion of the process, Orengo always hid and left me alone to battle the PNU mandarins,” Miguna charged.

    He savaged Orengo’s 2010 decision to support Raila Odinga’s switch from a parliamentary to presidential system, watching sheepishly as the late Otieno Kajwang called Miguna “the Mau Mau who has refused to leave the forest.”

    The lawyer’s most damning accusation centers on what he calls serial betrayal. In 2018, as Miguna organized resistance through NRM-Kenya against “despots” Uhuru and Ruto, he claims Orengo and Raila abandoned him and cut deals with the duo.

    “Although I beseeched Orengo to break ranks with the conservative, cowardly and reactionary elements within ODM so that we could chart a revolutionary path for the country, Orengo was too cowardly to take a stand,” Miguna wrote.

    He accused Orengo of supporting the Uhuru-Raila handshake and the unconstitutional BBI despite raising parliamentary concerns, then displaying similar cowardice when Raila entered another handshake with Ruto after betraying Gen Z protesters.

    Miguna questioned why Sifuna, Orengo and others demanding answers about Raila’s death didn’t call for an autopsy or make murder allegations at his funeral where they spoke.

    “If Ida and Winnie believed Raila Odinga was murdered, why did they tell Kenyans about Raila’s will which presumably Orengo drafted and Raila’s wish to be buried within 72 hours?” he asked.

    He challenged their progressive credentials, asking what concrete actions they’ve taken as public office holders to fight for justice for victims of police brutality or tackle corruption beyond press conference theatrics.

    “What the opportunistic reactionary cowards are doing is trying to deceive Kenyans that they care about unemployment, corruption and high cost of living when they have spent their entire lives praising and worshipping the SYSTEM which brought unemployment, corruption, high cost of living, impunity and abuse of power,” Miguna charged.

    The lawyer warned Kenyans against being deceived by politicians who hold press conferences during the day while meeting Uhuru, Ruto and Matiang’i at night.

    “I don’t fear being attacked by naive and stupid zombies who get attracted to the newest conman in town. I’m here to expose hypocrites, conmen, thugs, drug dealers, murderers and opportunists,” Miguna declared.

    He concluded with his trademark rallying cry: “Truth shall set us free!”

    The allegations come as ODM figures have stepped up criticism of the Ruto administration while demanding transparency around the circumstances of Raila Odinga’s recent death.

  • Wavinya Ndeti’s SEKEB Leadership Under Fire as Regional Bloc Grinds to Standstill

    Wavinya Ndeti’s SEKEB Leadership Under Fire as Regional Bloc Grinds to Standstill

    The South Eastern Kenya Economic Bloc has become virtually dormant under Machakos Governor Wavinya Ndeti’s chairmanship, with sources within the organization painting a damning picture of a once-promising regional alliance now teetering on the brink of irrelevance.

    SEKEB, which brings together the counties of Machakos, Kitui and Makueni, was designed to be a powerful vehicle for economic transformation and cultural development across the lower Eastern region. However, insiders claim that since Ndeti took over the helm in March 2024, the bloc has failed to undertake a single meaningful engagement, activity or event.

    “It’s a complete shame,” a source within SEKEB told The Star on condition of anonymity. “The organization has become moribund. There’s been absolutely nothing happening. No initiatives, no projects, no visible leadership.”

    The criticism comes barely two years after Ndeti assumed the chairmanship from Kitui Governor Julius Malombe in what was meant to herald a new era of regional cooperation. Instead, observers say the bloc has receded into obscurity.

    According to sources, Ndeti’s leadership deficiencies stem from an apparent inability to drive innovation and creativity, qualities deemed essential for attracting development opportunities to a region grappling with water scarcity, poor infrastructure and limited economic diversification.

    The allegations have raised eyebrows, particularly given that her fellow governors, Malombe and Makueni’s Mutula Kilonzo Junior, are widely regarded as sharp, focused and professional leaders. Critics question why the two have allowed SEKEB to languish under what they describe as ineffective stewardship.

    “These are governors who have demonstrated competence in their own counties,” another source said. “It’s puzzling that they would stand by and watch this critical regional body collapse.”

    SEKEB’s mandate extends beyond mere political symbolism. The bloc is meant to spearhead joint infrastructure projects, coordinate water resource management, promote trade and tourism, and present a unified political voice for the Ukambani region in dealings with the national government.

    When it was operationalized, SEKEB had ambitious plans including the completion of the Thwake Multipurpose Dam, establishment of specialized healthcare units across the three counties, development of aggregation centers for farmers, and lobbying for equitable revenue sharing from national parks within the region.

    The 3rd SEKEB Summit held in March 2024, where Ndeti took over leadership, saw the governors receive an Economic Blueprint and Investment Plan from consultants. They committed to implementing the first phase within three years. However, critics now claim this blueprint has gathered dust.

    Ndeti’s troubles extend beyond SEKEB. In October 2023, she was replaced as chairperson of the Council of Governors’ Trade and Cooperatives Committee, with the position going to Nakuru Governor Susan Kihika. At the time, there were whispers that governors had threatened to exit the committee if Ndeti remained at the helm, though these claims were never officially confirmed.

    Her removal from that position has now been cited by critics as evidence of a broader leadership crisis.

    “If governors had no confidence in her ability to lead a CoG committee, what made anyone think she could successfully chair a complex regional economic bloc?” one county official asked.

    The concerns come at a particularly sensitive time for devolution in Kenya. County governments are already battling funding delays from the National Treasury, constitutional tensions over resource allocation, and persistent questions about their capacity to deliver services efficiently.

    Regional economic blocs like SEKEB were envisioned as mechanisms to pool resources, leverage economies of scale, and amplify the voice of smaller counties in national policy debates. Their failure represents a significant setback for the devolution agenda.

    Ndeti, who made history as the first woman elected to represent Kathiani Constituency in parliament and went on to become Machakos governor in 2022 after two unsuccessful attempts, has faced scrutiny throughout her political career.

    In her defense, supporters point to initiatives she has launched within Machakos County, including youth empowerment programs, healthcare infrastructure improvements, and efforts to combat drug abuse. They argue that managing a county and chairing a multi-county bloc require different skill sets and that unfair criticism risks undermining women in leadership.

    When reached for comment, SEKEB secretariat officials declined to respond to the allegations, stating only that the bloc’s activities are guided by summit resolutions and that the next major engagement would be communicated in due course.

    Efforts to reach Governor Ndeti for comment were unsuccessful by the time of going to press.

    However, the allegations have sparked debate about the effectiveness of regional economic blocs across Kenya. While some, like the Lake Region Economic Bloc and the North Rift Economic Bloc, have made visible strides in joint projects and political coordination, others have struggled with infighting, lack of resources, and unclear mandates.

    For the people of Machakos, Kitui and Makueni, the stakes could not be higher. The three counties share common challenges: chronic water shortages exacerbated by climate change, limited industrial development, high youth unemployment, and inadequate transport infrastructure.

    A functional SEKEB could marshal collective bargaining power to secure national government support for mega-projects like the Thwake Dam, push for better terms in mining contracts, coordinate tourism marketing around shared assets like Tsavo National Park, and create a unified labor market for skilled workers.

    Its failure, on the other hand, leaves each county to fight alone for national attention and resources, a battle that smaller counties rarely win.

    As pressure mounts on Ndeti’s leadership, some observers are now calling for either a change in chairmanship or a complete restructuring of SEKEB’s governance model to ensure accountability and results.

    “What the people of lower Eastern need is not talk, but tangible action,” a Kitui-based economist said. “If the current leadership cannot deliver, then perhaps it’s time for a rethink before this bloc becomes completely irrelevant.”

    The coming months will be critical in determining whether SEKEB can be revived or whether it will join the long list of regional initiatives that promised much but delivered little.

  • My Only Crime Is Not Supporting Ruto, I Remain Legitimate ODM SG, Sifuna Breaks Silence After Ouster‬

    My Only Crime Is Not Supporting Ruto, I Remain Legitimate ODM SG, Sifuna Breaks Silence After Ouster‬

    Nairobi Senator declares his removal illegal, vows to fight back in courts as ODM power struggle intensifies

    In a fiery press conference that has sent shockwaves through Kenya’s opposition ranks, embattled Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has launched a blistering counterattack against his purported removal as Orange Democratic Movement Secretary-General, declaring the move illegal and vowing an all-out legal war to reclaim his position.

    Speaking before a packed room of supporters and media at a Nairobi hotel on Wednesday, February 12, a visibly defiant Sifuna dismissed Tuesday’s decision by a section of the ODM National Executive Committee as nothing more than a politically motivated hatchet job orchestrated by party leaders who have sold out to President William Ruto’s government.

    “Let me state, without fear of contradiction, that this action is illegal, unprocedural, and a blatant violation of the ODM Constitution, as well as the principles of natural justice,” Sifuna thundered, his voice cutting through the tension-filled room. “I remain the validly elected Secretary-General of the Orange Democratic Movement.”

    The senator’s defiance comes barely 24 hours after the ODM NEC convened in Mombasa and resolved to strip him of his duties, a move that has plunged Kenya’s main opposition party into unprecedented turmoil and exposed deep fractures within its leadership.

    “My Only Crime? Refusing to Support Ruto”

    In what is shaping up as the most dramatic internal party battle in ODM’s 18-year history, Sifuna pulled no punches in identifying what he believes is the real reason behind his ouster.

    “Indeed, as far as internal differences in opinion go, my only ‘crime’ is that I oppose any plans and schemes within the party to support President William Ruto’s re-election, because I have held and continue to hold the firm position that this country cannot afford another five years of this expensive, divisive, incompetent and disastrous Ruto misadventure,” he declared to thunderous applause from his supporters.

    The statement represents the most direct acknowledgment yet of the elephant in the room that has been tearing ODM apart since party leader Raila Odinga struck a rapprochement deal with President Ruto last year, a move that saw several ODM members appointed to Ruto’s cabinet.

    Sifuna’s opposition to this cooperation has been unwavering and vocal, putting him on a collision course with a section of the party leadership that appears increasingly comfortable with the government.

    “I Was Never Given a Chance to Defend Myself”

    Central to Sifuna’s legal challenge is his claim that he was afforded no opportunity to respond to whatever allegations were leveled against him before the NEC moved to remove him.

    “At no time have I been informed of any allegations against me, be they of indiscipline, insubordination or incompetence in the execution of my duties as SG,” he stated emphatically. “Neither have I been invited to respond to any complaints in and out of the party, on any matter that would constitute grounds for removal. Consequently, no lawful organ of the party has invited me for any hearing.”

    Legal experts suggest this procedural irregularity could form the backbone of Sifuna’s court challenge, as most party constitutions require members to be given an opportunity to be heard before disciplinary action is taken against them.

    The senator also took direct aim at governors and other party officials who he claims have made defamatory allegations against him, particularly accusations of extortion.

    “This is a coordinated war against me,” Sifuna charged. “You people know me and my work. Those governors making those allegations, we will meet them in court because it is very defamatory. If I have ever extorted you, bring the evidence for Kenyans to see.”

    Nine Years at the Helm: The Longest-Serving SG

    Sifuna’s removal, if it stands, would end a remarkable nine-year tenure as ODM Secretary-General, making him the longest-serving individual in that position in the party’s history.

    “This month marks the beginning of my ninth year as SG of ODM, the longest serving individual in that position,” he noted with evident pride. “To serve that long at the feet of the enigmatic Raila Odinga needed one to summon all reservoirs of wisdom from all possible sources, but most importantly, to remain a true and loyal student of the great icon.”

    The senator’s tenure has been marked by his fierce defense of party interests, his combative political style, and his ability to articulate the opposition’s position in ways that resonated with millions of Kenyans frustrated with government policies.

    His supporters argue that this track record of loyalty and service makes the manner of his removal all the more shocking and politically motivated.

    The Raila Factor: Honoring or Betraying the Icon?

    Perhaps the most emotionally charged element of Sifuna’s statement was his repeated invocation of Raila Odinga’s name and legacy, positioning himself as the true custodian of the veteran opposition leader’s principles.

    “Even in the current circumstances, I would never betray the ideals and principles of my late leader, Rt Hon Raila,” Sifuna declared, referring to Raila’s political mentor, his late father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

    He went on to paint a picture of a party leadership that has lost its way, abandoning the very principles that Raila Odinga spent decades fighting for.

    “It is painful to note that sections of the party continue to desecrate the legacy and memory of Raila, by turning this party into a theatre of the illegal,” Sifuna lamented, citing recent irregular gazette notices and procedural violations.

    The statement represents a direct challenge to those in ODM who claim to be acting with Raila’s blessing or at his direction, with Sifuna essentially arguing that the party godfather would never have sanctioned such irregular proceedings.

    “Raila Did Not Raise Cowards”

    In what may become one of the defining quotes of this political drama, Sifuna invoked the memory of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga to rally his supporters and signal his determination to fight.

    “As I said in Busia, Raila did not raise cowards. He did not teach us to run away from hardship or challenges but to confront them head on,” Sifuna declared. “Our Party constitution places a responsibility on us to fight for ODM. And fight we shall. Through all lawful means we shall fight for this great institution until the very end.”

    The reference to Jaramogi’s fighting spirit and legacy of resistance against injustice is likely calculated to resonate with ODM’s grassroots base, many of whom view the Odinga family’s political journey as synonymous with the struggle for democracy and social justice in Kenya.

    Show of Force: The Power Brokers Back Sifuna

    The optics at Wednesday’s press conference spoke volumes about the battle lines being drawn within ODM. Flanking Sifuna were some of the party’s most prominent figures, including Siaya Governor James Orengo, EALA MP Winnie Odinga (Raila’s daughter), and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino.

    Governor Orengo, himself a legal heavyweight and ODM’s Deputy Party Leader, was unequivocal in his support: “As I stand here, the Secretary General of ODM is Senator Edwin Sifuna.”

    The presence of Winnie Odinga was particularly significant, as it suggests that even within the Odinga family, there may not be unanimous support for the moves against Sifuna.

    The show of force indicates that Sifuna is not an isolated figure but rather has substantial backing from key party stakeholders who share his concerns about ODM’s direction and the manner of his removal.

    The Personal Opinion Defense

    Addressing allegations that he had confused party positions with personal opinions, Sifuna mounted a vigorous defense of his right to freedom of expression.

    “Those who have made accusations against me should come and explain how I confused party position with my own opinion,” he challenged. “I do not think it is correct to say that I do not have a right to a personal opinion. Raila told them that everyone in ODM, irrespective of the position, has a right to speak their mind.”

    This argument cuts to the heart of a fundamental tension in political parties: where does legitimate internal debate end and indiscipline begin? Sifuna is essentially arguing that robust internal debate is healthy for democracy and that silencing dissent turns a political party into an authoritarian structure.

    “We Will Go to That NDC”

    Looking ahead to the party’s National Delegates Conference, Sifuna made clear that he considers himself still very much in the game.

    “I am still the SG of ODM. We will go to that NDC. We are still members of NDC; these are delegates of ODM. No one can kick us out of the party,” he insisted.

    The statement suggests that the battle for ODM’s soul will ultimately be decided at the NDC, where delegates from across the country will have their say on the party’s direction and leadership.

    It also indicates that Sifuna plans to contest any attempts to exclude him from party processes and will likely seek court orders to protect his rights as a party member and elected official.

    The Legal Battle Ahead

    True to his combative nature, Sifuna has made clear that this dispute will be settled in the courts.

    “We will challenge every illegality in the courts of law and in the court of public opinion,” he declared. “Surrender is not an option.”

    Legal experts anticipate a protracted court battle that could parallel the dramatic 2014 case when the party faced internal rebellion from a faction led by some MPs who felt sidelined.

    The courts will likely be asked to determine whether proper procedures were followed in Sifuna’s removal, whether he was accorded his rights to be heard, and whether the NEC had the authority to remove him without following the constitutional process.

    A Party at War With Itself

    The Sifuna saga has exposed fault lines within ODM that go beyond personalities to fundamental questions about the party’s identity and future.

    On one side are those like Sifuna who believe ODM must remain a strong opposition force, holding the government accountable and offering Kenyans an alternative vision. They view cooperation with Ruto as a betrayal of everything the party stands for.

    On the other side are those who argue that political realism requires engagement with government, that ODM can achieve more for its constituencies through cooperation than confrontation, and that Raila’s own decision to work with Ruto should be respected.

    The fact that this battle is playing out so publicly and bitterly suggests that neither side is willing to compromise, setting the stage for either a dramatic reconciliation or a potential party split.

    The Grassroots Question

    Perhaps the most important unknown in this drama is where ODM’s grassroots base stands. Sifuna has positioned himself as defending the party’s core principles and resisting what he portrays as a sellout to Ruto.

    “I urge our members to remain calm, steadfast, and committed to the ideals that brought us together,” Sifuna appealed. “ODM is bigger than any individual, and it must remain anchored in justice, transparency, and respect for its own constitution.”

    If the grassroots rally behind Sifuna, the party leadership may find itself isolated and forced to reconsider. If they back the NEC’s decision, Sifuna’s defiance may prove futile.

    Early indications on social media suggest significant support for Sifuna among younger ODM supporters who view him as a principled fighter, but the party’s rural strongholds may take a different view.

    What Happens Next?

    As this political drama unfolds, several scenarios are possible. Sifuna could win in court and be reinstated, vindicating his stand and humiliating those who moved against him. The courts could rule against him, ending his tenure as Secretary-General and potentially diminishing his influence within the party.

    A compromise could be brokered, with Sifuna agreeing to tone down his criticism in exchange for retention of his position. Or the dispute could escalate into a full-blown party split, with Sifuna leading a faction that breaks away to form or join another opposition vehicle.

    What is clear is that this is not just about Edwin Sifuna’s political future. It is about the future direction of Kenya’s main opposition party, about whether there will be a strong opposition voice to hold the government accountable, and ultimately about the health of Kenya’s democracy.

    For now, Sifuna remains defiant, claiming his position, rallying his supporters, and preparing for the legal and political battles ahead. In a statement dripping with determination, he concluded: “I remain a loyal member and the SG of the ODM Party. I remain committed to the struggle for a fair, just, and democratic Kenya.”

    The coming weeks will reveal whether that commitment will be enough to save his position and his party.

  • Raila’s Death Remains A Mystery, Those Responsible For His Death Are Out There, Says Orengo

    Raila’s Death Remains A Mystery, Those Responsible For His Death Are Out There, Says Orengo

    Siaya Governor James Orengo has said the death of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga remains a mystery, saying those responsible remain silent while questions about his passing linger.

    Orengo also alleged that parts of the ODM leadership are taking instructions from State House, deepening divisions within the party.

    “I said, at the funeral of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, that they killed Jaramogi Oginga Odinga… I said in the presence of President Moi. I also want to say without fear of contradiction, the death of Raila Odinga, which is still a mystery to all of us, those who bear responsibility for the death of Raila are out there, and they are silent about it. But I hope that one day, we will determine the circumstances in which Raila Odinga passed away,” the ODM Governor said on Thursday during a press briefing.

    Governor Orengo recalled his long association with Raila’s family, saying that the spirit and body of Raila Odinga live on in the ODM leadership.

    Raila passed away on October 15, 2025, in India. A cardiologist at Devamatha Hospital in Kochi revealed that the late former prime minister had multiple health conditions, including diabetes, hypertension, chronic kidney disease, and a deep vein thrombosis in his right lower limb. An IVC filter had been placed to manage the clot.

    Dr Sister Alphons said Odinga’s condition worsened after he collapsed during a morning walk near an Ayurvedic hospital close to Devamatha Hospital. He was brought to the emergency unit around 8:20 am (Indian Time), but despite extensive CPR efforts, he could not be revived.

    Following Raila’s death, President William Ruto declared a seven-day national mourning period, ordering the Kenyan flag to be flown at half-mast. Ruto also announced that Odinga would be given a state funeral with full honours.

    In his will, Raila wished to be buried within 72 hours of his demise. He was buried on October 19, 2025, in the family’s graveyard in Kango Ka Jaramogi, Nyamira, Bondo, beside his late father Jaramogi and son Fidel’s graves.

  • Sakaja Denies Handing Nairobi Functions to State After State House Meeting with Ruto

    Sakaja Denies Handing Nairobi Functions to State After State House Meeting with Ruto

    Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has dismissed claims that his administration has ceded key county functions to the National Government following a high-level meeting with President William Ruto at State House.

    Speculation of a fresh deed of transfer, similar to the 2020 arrangement that birthed the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, gained traction this week after reports suggested that departments such as roads, garbage collection and water services had been handed over.

    “There is no transfer of any functions,” Sakaja said on Wednesday morning, terming the reports false. In a subsequent social media post, he added: “Fake news. No functions or roles ceded.”

    Despite the categorical denial, it has emerged that the governor, accompanied by all County Executive Committee members, met President Ruto at State House on Tuesday. No official communiqué was issued after the meeting, and the exact timing remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the discussions say the future of the capital dominated the agenda.

    A senior City Hall official, who sought anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, said the President pressed the county leadership for progress reports in critical sectors, particularly roads and waste management.

    Nairobi County received Sh2.1 billion in 2025 earmarked for road improvements. According to the source, the President sought clarity on delivery timelines and the scope of completed works.

    The push for accelerated upgrades is understood to be linked to preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, which Kenya will co-host with Uganda and Tanzania.

    The meeting is said to have resolved that both levels of government would continue working in tandem, with an ambitious proposal that each Member of County Assembly will see at least one kilometre of tarmac road constructed in their respective wards.

    Waste management also featured prominently. Discussions reportedly touched on Green Nairobi Company Limited, an entity expected to play a central role in garbage collection and city cleanliness under a long-term arrangement believed to span 25 years.

    Sakaja has previously defended the model as a structural overhaul of the city’s waste ecosystem. In an earlier television interview, he argued that the current system incentivises volume rather than cleanliness. He has also pledged the establishment of a 45-megawatt waste-to-energy plant in Dandora, saying the project would transform refuse management while generating electricity.

    President Ruto and Sakaja in a past event.
    President Ruto and Sakaja in a past event.

    President Ruto has in recent months intensified his public pronouncements on Nairobi’s transformation. In October last year, he declared that the capital “cannot continue to be a city in filth,” signalling imminent agreements with private sector players to modernise waste management. He has repeatedly pledged national resources to improve roads, lighting and drainage, framing Nairobi as central to Kenya’s global image.

    In July, the President announced a 70-kilometre road construction plan within the city, promising completion of major stretches in Embakasi by year’s end. Earlier this month, he said the National Government, in collaboration with the county, would from April roll out structured garbage management services, alongside major investments in water supply, informal settlement upgrades and electricity connectivity.

    The renewed coordination has revived memories of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, which in 2020 assumed control of four key county functions following a deed of transfer signed between former Governor Mike Sonko and the National Government. The arrangement, later wound up, fundamentally altered the governance structure of the capital and remains politically sensitive.

    Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna questioned whether any constitutional process had been initiated this time. Under Article 187 of the Constitution, a transfer of functions between levels of government requires a formal agreement and approval by the relevant legislative bodies. “Constitutionally, there has to be a deed of transfer of functions. It has to be approved by the county assembly. I have seen neither,” Sifuna said.

    While Sakaja maintains that no such process is underway, the optics of a full county cabinet meeting at State House and the deepening joint planning on roads, waste, water and housing underscore an increasingly central role for the National Government in shaping Nairobi’s trajectory.

    With AFCON 2027 on the horizon and mounting public pressure over traffic congestion, garbage backlogs and infrastructure strain, the capital has become a test case for intergovernmental cooperation. Sakaja is expected to address the County Assembly later today, where attention will focus on whether he offers further details on what transpired behind closed doors at State House.