Category: Politics

  • Siaya Leaders’ State House Meeting Cancelled Over Plans To Exclude Governor Orengo

    Siaya Leaders’ State House Meeting Cancelled Over Plans To Exclude Governor Orengo

    A high-level meeting between President William Ruto and political leaders from Siaya County scheduled for Wednesday has been abruptly cancelled amid allegations of attempts to sideline Governor James Orengo.

    The State House meeting, which was aimed at discussing development priorities for Siaya County, was postponed indefinitely on Tuesday, just a day before it was set to take place.

    Multiple sources familiar with the situation indicate that tensions arose after reports emerged that certain leaders had planned to exclude Governor Orengo from the crucial talks.

    The governor, known for his critical stance toward the Kenya Kwanza administration, has reportedly faced growing isolation attempts despite being the county’s top elected official.

    “We were informed of the postponement on Tuesday,” confirmed Bondo MP Gideon Ochanda, who was among those expected to attend the meeting. MP Ochanda denied claims that a preparatory meeting held on Sunday was intended to exclude Orengo, stating that “the governor was out of the country at the time.”

    The Sunday preparatory session, convened by Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi with several Siaya MPs in attendance, had focused on establishing agenda priorities ahead of the State House engagement.

    Wandayi hosting former Siaya gubernatorial candidate Nicolas Gumbo recently in his office.
    Wandayi hosting former Siaya gubernatorial candidate Nicolas Gumbo recently in his office.

    “What we were doing on Sunday was to firm up some of the projects we wanted the national government to prioritise. We wanted to be clear on what to present to the President,” Ochanda explained.

    The cancellation highlights the growing political divide in Siaya following the recent partnership between Raila Odinga’s ODM party and President Ruto’s administration.

    Governor Orengo has maintained his position as a vocal critic of the Kenya Kwanza government, consistently calling for greater accountability.

    In a significant development that underscores the widening rift, Governor Orengo recently sent a formal letter to President Ruto requesting a separate meeting to discuss county matters.

    “The purpose of the meeting is to engage you on key development matters affecting Siaya County and to explore collaborative pathways through which the national government and the county government can work together,” Orengo stated in his letter.

    Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga has publicly defended Orengo at least twice in April against attempts to undermine his leadership position within the county.

    As political tensions continue to simmer in Siaya, it remains unclear when or if the State House meeting will be rescheduled, and whether all elected leaders from the region will be included in future discussions.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Finnish President Reveals Kenya’s Strategic Role in New World Order

    Finnish President Reveals Kenya’s Strategic Role in New World Order

    In a landmark diplomatic engagement, Finnish President Alexander Stubb has identified Kenya as a key architect in reshaping the emerging world order during his unprecedented three-day state visit to the East African nation.

    Speaking about his motivations for the visit, President Stubb expressed surprise that despite six decades of positive bilateral relations, no Finnish head of state had previously made an official trip to Kenya.

    “First, there has never been a state visit by a Finnish President, which I was quite baffled about because we do have good relations for over 60 years and we’ve been quite close countries,” Stubb remarked.

    Kenya Among “Swing States” in Global Power Shift

    In a public lecture at the University of Nairobi that coincided with the completion of his new book, “The Triangle of Power – Rebalancing the New World Order,” Stubb specifically named Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa as African nations best positioned to shape the future global landscape.

    “It is the Global South that will decide how the new world order will look like. In Africa, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa will play a key role, in Asia, India, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia will take up that task which will also see Argentina, Brazil and Mexico fill that role for Latin America,” he said.

    The Finnish leader, a seasoned international relations scholar and former Prime Minister, emphasized that this visit offered him an opportunity to gain insights into the shifting global power dynamics where Kenya holds significant influence.

    “I think we are witnessing a change of the world order, a similar moment that leaders of 1918, 1945, 1960s, 1989 [faced],” Stubb observed.

    “I do think that Kenya is going to be one of the swing states deciding which direction the world is going to tilt, and I wanted to come here and learn.”

    Support for UN Security Council Reform

    President Stubb expressed strong support for President William Ruto’s efforts to increase African representation at the United Nations Security Council, arguing that global governance structures must evolve to reflect contemporary realities.

    “The UN, which is the most important and impactful institution in the world must change its power structures. It is unacceptable to have the UN Security Council remain as it is; created in the image of the victors of World War II. More countries must be represented at the Security Council,” he stated.

    During his address, Stubb highlighted the unique geopolitical advantage held by the 120 countries comprising the Global South.

    Unlike nations definitively aligned with either the U.S.-led West or the China/Russia-led East, these countries possess greater flexibility in their international partnerships.

    “The global south has the power to push for multipolar transactional deals or multilateralism, and for the latter to work, the multilateral institutions have to change,” he explained.

    Demographic Advantage and Strategic Partnerships

    The Finnish President pointed to powerful demographic trends that will enhance Africa and Asia’s global influence, with their populations expected to reach four and five billion respectively by the century’s end.

    However, he cautioned that Global South nations must carefully navigate relationships with major powers.

    “I believe the solution is having a multi-vectoral foreign policy where States cooperate with many different countries and luckily, the global south has the agency and power to make that decision. A country can have Russia, the US and China in their corner to help it in infrastructure projects and this is a plus,” he advised.

    Stubb outlined three possible trajectories for global order: increased regionalism, a 19th-century-style concert of powers with defined spheres of influence, or renewed multilateral cooperation—which he identified as the optimal path forward.

    President William Ruto hosted Finland’s Alexander Stubb Hosted and his spouse Suzanne Innes-Stubb for State Banquet, State House, Nairobi.
    President William Ruto hosted Finland’s Alexander Stubb Hosted and his spouse Suzanne Innes-Stubb for State Banquet, State House, Nairobi.

    President Stubb and his spouse, Suzanne Innes-Stubb, were welcomed by Deputy President Kithure Kindiki upon their arrival.

    The visit included meetings with President William Ruto and Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja, marking a significant step in strengthening bilateral relations at a pivotal moment of global realignment.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Petition Filed for the Removal of DCJ Mwilu from Office Over Gachagua’s Impeachment Case

    Petition Filed for the Removal of DCJ Mwilu from Office Over Gachagua’s Impeachment Case

    Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu faces a fresh ouster bid following allegations of gross misconduct related to the impeachment case of former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.

    The petition, filed Tuesday at the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), accuses DCJ Mwilu of usurping powers constitutionally reserved for Chief Justice Martha Koome.

    Nairobi resident Belinda Egesa, through her lawyers at Bashir & Associates Advocates, filed the petition just two weeks after Mwilu and six other Supreme Court judges received a reprieve in a separate misconduct case.

    The High Court had previously halted the JSC from initiating disciplinary proceedings against them.

    The petition centers on last week’s Court of Appeal verdict which ruled that DCJ Mwilu acted unlawfully when she assigned Justices Erick Ogolla, Anthony Mrima, and Fridah Mugambi to a High Court case in Kerugoya.

    That case, filed by two Kirinyaga residents, challenged the swearing-in of Professor Kithure Kindiki as Deputy President following Gachagua’s impeachment.

    “The Deputy Chief Justice acted in excess of her mandate under Article 165(4) by unlawfully empanelling a High Court bench on October 18, 2024.

    This was a direct usurpation of the Chief Justice’s constitutional role,” the petition states.

    According to the Court of Appeal’s ruling, the Mwilu-appointed bench—which ultimately allowed Prof. Kindiki to be sworn in as Deputy President—was illegally constituted because Mwilu lacked the authority reserved for the Chief Justice.

    Petitioner Seeks Removal from Office

    Based on the Court of Appeal’s findings, Egesa wants the JSC to investigate Mwilu for alleged gross misconduct, incompetence, and violations of the Constitution, potentially recommending her removal from office to the President.

    “The consequence of the unconstitutional conduct of the Deputy Chief Justice in improperly empanelling the bench of three Judges resulted in setting aside of the conservatory orders in Kerugoya High Court, thus greenlighting the swearing-in of Prof. Kindiki as the Deputy President replacing Mr. Gachagua. These events cannot be practically reversed, resulting in a crisis of legality and institutional integrity,” argues Egesa in her petition.

    The petition further alleges that Mwilu violated the Judicial Service Code of Conduct and Ethics Regulations 2020, specifically regulations 9, 11, and 13, which involve impartiality, integrity, and accountability of judges.

    “The Deputy Chief Justice failed to carry out the duties of her office with impartiality and objectivity including administrative duties,” states the petition.

    Egesa contends that Mwilu’s actions have “placed the Judiciary in disrepute” and “eroded public confidence in the Judiciary.”

    Third Ouster Attempt

    This marks the third time DCJ Mwilu has faced removal proceedings stemming from high-profile cases.

    In November 2021, she survived an ouster attempt when a three-judge bench of the High Court thwarted efforts by then-Director of Public Prosecutions Noordin Haji and Director of Criminal Investigations George Kinoti to remove her from office over allegations of corruption and misconduct.

    The new petition relies heavily on the Court of Appeal’s finding that “indubitably, we find and hold that there was no evidence that the Deputy Chief Justice was the acting Chief Justice or that there existed exceptional circumstances that permitted the Deputy Chief Justice to exercise the mandate constitutionally reserved for the Chief Justice by Article 165(4) of the Constitution.”

    The JSC has yet to respond to the petition or announce when it will begin investigating the allegations against the Deputy Chief Justice.

  • Morara Kebaso’s Inject Party Not Registered Despite Loud Promises

    Morara Kebaso’s Inject Party Not Registered Despite Loud Promises

    The much-hyped Inject Party, led by activist-turned-political-hopeful Morara Kebaso, has been exposed as a phantom outfit.

    A new report by the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) confirms that the party—officially named Injection of National Justice, Economic and Civic Transformation—is not registered.

    Yet, since late 2024, Kebaso has repeatedly declared that Inject Party was fully registered and ready to offer free tickets to Gen Z candidates.

    With bold speeches and viral soundbites, he rallied the youth behind a party that, as it turns out, legally doesn’t exist.

    Morara Kebaso built Inject Party on bold rhetoric and a passionate call to arms for Kenyan youth. But facts now tell a different story. The party doesn’t legally exist. It cannot offer tickets. It cannot join coalitions. And it cannot contest elections. [Image/Courtesy]

    Inject Party Missing from Official Records

    Morara Kebaso has spent months branding the Inject Party as the political revolution Kenya’s youth have been waiting for. But in a sobering twist, the latest ORPP report released in March 2025 lists only 91 fully registered parties, and Inject is not one of them.

    The report clearly states that the ORPP is mandated under Section 34(e) of the Political Parties Act to keep an updated register of all parties. It confirms the drop from 92 to 91 registered outfits between February and March. Yet, Inject Party has never appeared on this list—before or after Morara’s public declarations.

    This undermines the legitimacy of Kebaso’s promise that Inject would provide a clean, youth-driven alternative. Worse still, it calls into question how far his campaign is rooted in fact.

    Kebaso’s grand announcements started in December 2024, when he told supporters that the party had cleared all legal hurdles. “INJECT Party of Kenya will sweep Parliament, Senate, and all elective seats like a flash flood,” he said confidently.

    He promised that young aspirants could run for office under Inject without paying a cent for party tickets. These declarations now look more like political theatre than truth.

    False Hope for Kenya’s Youth

    Kebaso’s message struck a chord with frustrated Gen Zs eager for new political voices. He framed Inject as a youth-first movement, promising change, integrity, and an end to the bribery culture associated with party nominations.

    He even doubled down in April 2025, stating, “I promise free party tickets for all youths seeking to vie for positions of leadership across Kenya with the INJECT Party.”

    Such promises raised expectations, encouraged young people to prepare for political campaigns, and fostered online excitement. But with the party missing from official records, it seems Kebaso may have offered empty hope to a generation hungry for power and reform.

    His pledge to not charge aspirants for party tickets now seems hollow. Without registration, Inject cannot lawfully field candidates in any election, offer party tickets, or enter coalitions.

    Opposition Claims Fall Flat

    In March 2025, Morara Kebaso announced that Inject had officially joined the opposition coalition. He declared the party would push for reforms and expose government failures, styling Inject as a new watchdog for accountability and clean politics.

    “We are the opposition now,” he declared. “Gen Zs, we will soon be the government.”

    Yet without a legal party structure, Inject cannot be part of a formal coalition. Coalitions are formed by registered parties under strict rules outlined in the Political Parties Act.

    This raises critical questions. Was Kebaso trying to gain attention through fake alliances? Was he misled about the party’s legal status—or was he knowingly leading a political mirage?

    Kebaso has rejected partnerships with politicians he calls corrupt, insisting that Inject stands on principle. But integrity begins with transparency. If the party isn’t registered, how can it claim the moral high ground?

  • Magwanga Assassination Attempt Sparks Outcry from Governor Wanga

    Magwanga Assassination Attempt Sparks Outcry from Governor Wanga

    Homa Bay is on edge after a shocking assassination attempt targeting Deputy Governor Oyugi Magwanga.

    Governor Gladys Wanga has broken her silence, urging residents to shun violence and uphold peace as security agencies hunt down the attackers.

    The Sunday night incident saw gunmen open fire at Magwanga’s vehicle near his homestead.

    Though the deputy governor was not inside the car, the attack rattled the county’s leadership and raised fresh concerns about the safety of public officials.

    Wanga now demands swift justice and a firm response to stop the violence from escalating.

    Governor Wanga Demands Justice After Magwanga Assassination Attempt

    Governor Gladys Wanga has made a passionate appeal to the people of Homa Bay to remain calm and peaceful following the attempted assassination of her deputy, Oyugi Magwanga.

    In a firm statement released on Monday evening, Wanga condemned the attack and called on security agencies to act swiftly.

    “I am deeply concerned about reports of an incident involving my deputy governor, Hon. Oyugi Magwanga. Any occurrence that raises concerns about the safety and security of our leaders deserves attention and immediate action,” she said.

    The governor emphasized that violence is not the answer to political or personal disputes. She urged residents to reject lawlessness and reaffirm their commitment to peace and democracy.

    Wanga also called on the police and investigative bodies to move with urgency to uncover those behind the cowardly act and prosecute them. “I urge our security agencies to move swiftly and impartially to investigate this matter and ensure those responsible are brought to justice,” she added.

    The attack drew comparisons to the recent killing of Kasipul MP Charles Were, who gunmen shot dead in Nairobi. Wanga warned that the region could slide into a pattern of political violence if leaders fail to address the issue promptly.

    Deputy Governor Magwanga Escapes Death After Gunmen Open Fire

    Homa Bay DG Oyugi Magwanga [Photo/Courtesy]

    The attack happened on Sunday, May 11, as Deputy Governor Magwanga was heading home. He revealed that he had received a tip-off that unknown individuals were trailing him. Acting quickly, Magwanga changed his route and entered his home compound from a different direction.

    “I got information that I was being followed. It forced me to change my route to Gamba and come from the opposite direction,” Magwanga told the press on Monday morning.

    Shortly after, two gunmen reportedly fired at his vehicle at the gate of his homestead. Luckily, Magwanga was not in the car at the time of the shooting. His security team, already on high alert, responded by engaging the attackers in a brief exchange of gunfire, causing the gunmen to flee.

    Despite the close call, Magwanga remained defiant. “I will not be intimidated by people who are after my life. I will continue serving the people of Homa Bay without fear,” he said.

    Heightened Security as Political Tensions Rise

    The assassination attempt on Magwanga, coming just days after MP Charles Were’s killing, has raised alarms about political instability in Homa Bay and the country at large.

    Local leaders are now calling for increased security for elected officials and a thorough review of intelligence operations to prevent similar attacks.

    There are fears that if such incidents continue unchecked, they may discourage public service and lead to chaos in the region.

    Residents are also being asked to assist police by reporting any suspicious activity. The county government has pledged to work closely with law enforcement agencies to ensure peace prevails.

  • Gachagua’s Resignation From UDA Escalates Explosive Fallout as Party Slams ‘Toxic’ Exit

    Gachagua’s Resignation From UDA Escalates Explosive Fallout as Party Slams ‘Toxic’ Exit

    In a stunning political clash, the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) on Monday, May 12, publicly welcomed the resignation of former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua — but not without a fierce and blistering rebuke.

    What could have been a quiet political departure erupted into a war of words, with UDA branding Gachagua as divisive, backward, and unfit to lead in a modern Kenya.

    While Gachagua accused the ruling party of betraying its voters, UDA countered that his exit was not only overdue but also a relief. The political rift signals a deepening fracture within Kenya Kwanza as both camps dig in.

    Gachagua's Resignation From UDA Escalates Explosive Fallout as Party Slams ‘Toxic’ Exit
    UDA SG Omar Hassan painted the former deputy president as a relic of a bygone era — a man stuck in the past, unable to adapt to a dynamic political and economic vision. [Photo: UDA]

    UDA’s Explosive Letter Tears Into Gachagua’s Leadership and Style

    The ruling party did not mince words in its response. UDA Secretary General Hassan Omar issued a scathing letter that tore into Gachagua’s resignation and legacy, calling it a “futile attempt to rewrite the facts of his incompetence.”

    “Through your resignation, the party has now fully offloaded a toxic, archaic, polarising and viscous individual,” Omar declared. “Though inconsequential, your public resignation from UDA is a welcome announcement to citizens that Kenya’s most divisive character is out.”

    The letter, which circulated widely across social media and news platforms, accused Gachagua of failing to grasp the responsibilities of his office and of undermining the very government he once helped lead.

    It painted the former deputy president as a relic of a bygone era — a man stuck in the past, unable to adapt to a dynamic political and economic vision.

    In a direct hit, Omar wrote, “You failed to exhibit the shift from being a colonial auxiliary, who through hatred, in word and deed, attempted and continues to sow the seeds of division in Kenya, into a transformative leader.”

    The party said Gachagua had become a political liability, unable to understand or promote the Bottom-up Economic Transformation Agenda (BETA), which is at the heart of UDA’s governance model.

    UDA Dismisses Gachagua’s Resignation as Pointless and Invalid

    Adding insult to injury, UDA dismissed Gachagua’s resignation as both irrelevant and invalid. According to the party, Gachagua technically stopped being a member in 2024 when he was impeached and removed as Deputy Party Leader.

    “The ruling party officially removed one Rigathi Gachagua as its Deputy Party Leader, which automatically revoked his membership,” the party noted.

    That counter-claim now fuels a legal and political tussle over whether Gachagua resigned or was already expelled. But UDA made one thing clear: his departure, however it happened, is final and beneficial to the party’s future.

    Behind the harsh tone lies a deeper message — UDA wants to cleanse its image and refocus its energy on unity and development. With 2027 on the horizon, the party appears keen to distance itself from what it describes as “polarising” forces.

    Gachagua Vows Political Comeback Amid Party Row

    Despite the hostile response from UDA, Gachagua is not retreating quietly. In his resignation letter sent on May 12, he blamed the Kenya Kwanza administration for abandoning its promises to the people.

    He pointed to broken pledges on national unity, economic inclusion, justice, and prosperity. According to him, the government had drifted into what he called a “retrogressive philosophy.”

    The former deputy president has also announced plans to launch his own political party, escalating the confrontation between him and President Ruto’s allies. His next moves could reshape the political landscape ahead of the next general election.

    Still, his critics argue that his political capital has dwindled. Seven months after his impeachment, he has struggled to rally significant national support.

    Conclusion

    The Gachagua UDA resignation debacle is more than a personal fallout. It exposes a widening rift within the ruling coalition and sharpens questions about UDA’s internal coherence.

    While the party has chosen to slam the door shut with unfiltered language, Gachagua seems ready to fight back with a new political vehicle.

    Whether this signals a realignment of Kenyan politics or just more noise remains to be seen — but the message from UDA is clear: Gachagua is out, and he won’t be missed.

  • Gachagua’s New Party Strategy to Unseat Ruto Could Backfire Spectacularly

    Gachagua’s New Party Strategy to Unseat Ruto Could Backfire Spectacularly

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is planning a bold revenge move that could reshape the 2027 presidential race in a dramatic twist that mirrors Kenya’s last political upheaval.

    Gachagua wants to use President William Ruto’s own playbook — breaking away to form a new party, rallying discontented Mount Kenya allies, and chipping away at UDA’s base. The strategy is daring.

    It’s audacious. But it might also be doomed. While it worked for Ruto in 2022, the political climate and ground dynamics have drastically shifted. Gachagua may be trying to play chess, but Ruto already owns the board.

    Gachagua’s New Party Strategy to Unseat Ruto Could Backfire Spectacularly
    Gachagua is leaning heavily on the idea that Mt. Kenya’s discontent can carry him to power. But he may be overestimating the region’s ability to crown presidents on its own. [Photo: Courtesy]

    Gachagua’s New Party Strategy Could Crumble Without National Support

    Gachagua is betting on a risky political gamble: replicate what Ruto did to Uhuru Kenyatta and turn it against the very man who perfected it.

    In the run-up to the 2022 elections, William Ruto formed the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) while still technically serving as Jubilee Party’s deputy leader under President Uhuru.

    From the shadows, Ruto built a new party infrastructure, rallied elected leaders, and secured massive loyalty across Mt. Kenya and the Rift Valley. He pulled off the impossible — dethroning the incumbent system while still within it.

    Fast-forward to 2025, and Gachagua is attempting the same script. By May 15, he’s expected to unveil his own party — a move that has already attracted a few UDA MPs frustrated by internal feuds. But the question looms large: does Gachagua have what it takes to win the war he’s starting?

    The difference lies in the ground game. In 2022, Ruto already commanded loyalty in Mt. Kenya and Rift Valley before formally breaking off. Gachagua, meanwhile, enters the ring after being impeached — a stain that weakens his legitimacy. Worse, he’s trying to unseat a sitting president who knows the tactics inside out.

    Then there’s Raila Odinga. In 2022, he was Ruto’s main opponent. Now, he’s a powerful ally, giving Ruto national breadth from Nyanza to Coast, Nairobi to Western. Gachagua, on the other hand, lacks a clear path to national appeal. His influence beyond the central region is shaky at best.

    Mount Kenya Alone Can’t Win the War

    Gachagua is leaning heavily on the idea that Mt. Kenya’s discontent can carry him to power. But he may be overestimating the region’s ability to crown presidents on its own.

    Yes, Mt. Kenya remains a vote-rich bloc. But it is also fractured. Internal divisions, business rivalries, and shifting youth sentiments make it less predictable than in previous cycles. Besides, many local leaders still see value in staying close to State House, especially when the political perks are flowing.

    In contrast, Ruto has remained steady in Rift Valley and now enjoys goodwill from key opposition regions thanks to his handshake with Raila. Coast, Nyanza, Turkana, Pokot, Western — all these regions are slipping further from Gachagua’s reach. Without broad-based appeal, Gachagua risks being seen as a tribal candidate — a dangerous tag in today’s Kenya.

    And while Gachagua might think Ruto’s impeachment of him in 2024 created sympathy, many voters see it differently. Some view it as evidence of chaos and poor leadership on Gachagua’s part. Others see Ruto as simply taking control before things fell apart, much like Uhuru did in his second term.

    Giving Ruto a Taste of His Own Medicine May Not Work

    Political scientist John Okumu says it best: “President Ruto thought he was smarter than his former boss. But now, he’s getting a dose of his own strategy.” Still, Ruto is no political novice. He’s been through fire — from the ICC, to the Uhuru betrayal, to Raila’s handshake politics. Unlike Gachagua, he has survived and thrived.

    Gachagua’s mistake might be underestimating Ruto’s strategic brain. The president is already rebranding his alliances and securing new power bases ahead of 2027. By bringing in Raila, he’s not just borrowing support — he’s diffusing tribal politics and portraying himself as a national unifier.

    Meanwhile, Gachagua’s new party strategy risks painting him as a disgruntled ex-loyalist with no clear agenda beyond revenge. It also gives Ruto the upper hand to frame him as a betrayer — the same narrative Ruto used successfully against Uhuru.

    Political karma may indeed be at play, but Kenya’s voters are sharper now. They want solutions, not recycled drama. And they are unlikely to ditch a sitting president who still commands large chunks of the vote for a deputy who fell out barely a year into office.

    Final Word

    Gachagua is bold, but boldness isn’t strategy. His attempt to turn Ruto’s own tactics against him may generate short-term noise, but without national support and a compelling alternative agenda, it’s unlikely to produce a win. In politics, repeating history doesn’t always mean repeating success.

    If Gachagua wants to be more than just a footnote in 2027, he may need to go back to the drawing board — because playing Ruto’s game, on Ruto’s terms, may just be political suicide.

  • Farouk Kibet Blasts Kalonzo Musyoka over Criticism of New IEBC Nominees

    Farouk Kibet Blasts Kalonzo Musyoka over Criticism of New IEBC Nominees

    President William Ruto’s personal assistant, Farouk Kibet, has gone on the offensive against Wiper party leader Kalonzo Musyoka after the latter condemned the president’s recent appointments to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).

    Kibet, known for his sharp tongue and unapologetic loyalty to Ruto, accused Kalonzo of fueling endless political drama instead of focusing on solutions for ordinary Kenyans.

    During a fiery speech in Nandi County, Kibet rallied Parliament to approve the IEBC nominees swiftly, dismissing the opposition’s objections as noise rooted in tribalism and political bitterness.

    Farouk Kibet Blasts Kalonzo Musyoka over Criticism of New IEBC Nominees
    As the battle over the IEBC nominees heats up, one thing is clear: Ruto’s allies are ready to fight back—and Farouk Kibet is leading the charge. [Photo: Courtesy]

    Farouk Kibet Leads UDA Allies in Fierce Defense of IEBC Appointments

    Speaking at a fundraising event in Nandi County, Farouk Kibet did not mince words. He openly condemned Kalonzo Musyoka and other opposition figures for what he termed as a “habitual obsession” with fighting the government.

    According to Kibet, the delay in setting up a functional IEBC has left many electoral areas without representation, and it is the citizens who suffer most.

    “We want the IEBC in place as early as yesterday,” Kibet declared. “There are constituencies without representatives. People want to vote. They want their voices heard. Yet, the opposition’s biggest agenda is always ‘Ruto Must Go’ – even in their sleep.”

    Kibet urged the National Assembly to ignore what he called “political noise” and move quickly to approve President Ruto’s nominees.

    In his view, the opposition is not driven by principle or constitutional fidelity but by a desperation to stay relevant ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    His sentiments were echoed by several UDA lawmakers, including Kimani Ichung’wah and Didmus Barasa, who joined the onslaught against Kalonzo’s faction.

    They framed the opposition’s outrage as not only unpatriotic but also deeply tribal.

    Kimani Ichung’wah Accuses Kalonzo of Ethnic Profiling

    National Assembly Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah took the opportunity to slam Kalonzo’s remarks as thinly veiled tribal propaganda.

    According to Ichung’wah, the Wiper party leader has resorted to ethnic profiling simply because the IEBC chair nominee hails from a tribe not favorable to the opposition.

    “When the process is fair and transparent but doesn’t favor them, they scream tribalism,” Ichung’wah charged. “The names were legally submitted to the President. Now that the opposition can’t control the process, they cry foul and drag in ethnicity.”

    Ichung’wah insisted that the opposition had no constitutional ground to reject the nominees and challenged them to produce concrete evidence that the appointments were flawed or unconstitutional.

    He also questioned whether Kalonzo’s attacks were merely laying the groundwork for rejecting future election results.

    By portraying Kalonzo’s statements as attempts to delegitimize the IEBC before it even begins work, Ichung’wah sought to discredit any future claims by the opposition about electoral malpractice.

    Kalonzo blasted the IEBC nominee list as partisan and illegal. He claimed that President Ruto had ignored the constitutional requirement for public consultation and bipartisan concurrence. [Photo: Courtesy]

    Didmus Barasa Warns of Desperate Opposition Ahead of 2027

    Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa further fanned the flames by accusing Kalonzo and his allies of teaming up with disgruntled figures like former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua to create artificial crises.

    Barasa dismissed their criticism as a desperate strategy to stall the government’s development agenda and build an anti-Ruto coalition for 2027.

    “Personally, I am not worried,” Barasa said. “Come 2027, our biggest competitor won’t be Kalonzo or Raila. It will be our own success—what we’ve done to change people’s lives.”

    Barasa added that Kalonzo’s accusations regarding election rigging were baseless and merely intended to sow public distrust. He accused the opposition of always discrediting institutions that they do not control, calling it a tactic that has outlived its relevance.

    Kalonzo, on his part, had earlier blasted the IEBC nominee list as partisan and illegal. He claimed that President Ruto had ignored the constitutional requirement for public consultation and bipartisan concurrence.

    “This move has turned the commission into a low-trust institution,” Kalonzo said. “We are looking at a blatant plan to manipulate the 2027 elections and the coming by-elections.”

    But for Farouk Kibet and his allies, the opposition’s complaints are not about democracy or the Constitution. They believe the noise is purely political—a smokescreen to deflect from the lack of alternative solutions.

    Farouk Kibet has now become a central figure in defending the President’s decisions, reminding Kenyans that the real priority should be restoring electoral credibility and giving every constituency proper representation.

  • Gachagua Set to Launch New Party Launch This Week

    Gachagua Set to Launch New Party Launch This Week

    After months of whispers and speculation, the wait is over. Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is finally stepping into the political ring with a new party set to be launched this week.

    The announcement, made during a church service in Juja on Sunday, May 11, has set tongues wagging and political calculations shifting.

    Gachagua’s declaration was nothing short of explosive. Not only did he confirm the long-rumored party launch, but he also promised a grand celebration to mark the beginning of what he calls a new political dawn.

    With bold words aimed at President William Ruto and an unveiled plan to consolidate Mount Kenya’s political base, Gachagua is gearing up to make a strong comeback—this time as the boss of his own political machine.

    Rigathi Gachagua to Launch New Party and  Challenge Kenya Kwanza Strategy

    Rigathi Gachagua’s decision to form a new party is a direct challenge to President Ruto’s grip on the Mount Kenya region. The former Deputy President, ousted just seven months ago through impeachment, seems undeterred.

    Instead, he is charging back with a clear mission—to protect Mount Kenya’s political voice from being diluted by Ruto’s allies. Speaking to a crowd of supporters in Juja, Gachagua made it clear that he sees Ruto’s strategy for 2027 as manipulative.

    He warned that the government would try to scatter the Mount Kenya vote by propping up small political parties and fake presidential bids. “We will not accept that,” he said. “People know their party, and they will know their candidate in due time.”

    Gachagua’s sharp tone left no doubt that he is ready to go head-to-head with the Kenya Kwanza administration. Sources close to his camp confirm that the much-anticipated launch is set for Thursday, March 15. The event will unveil the party’s name, slogan, and colours, with celebrations expected to follow.

    In a move that surprised many, Gachagua revealed that the party will have strong leadership from Kajiado, with the national chairperson hailing from the county. This signals an attempt to expand his influence beyond the traditional Mount Kenya stronghold.

    Gachagua is not just thinking about the party’s future but also about the country’s democratic health. He dismissed fears of rigging in the 2027 polls following the controversial appointment of a new IEBC commissioner.

    “The polling station result is final. That’s what the Supreme Court ruled in 2013,” he said. “The IEBC just tallies. The real power lies in your vote.”

    Mount Kenya Power Politics at the Heart of Gachagua New Party Launch

    Mount Kenya has long been the crown jewel in any serious presidential campaign. Gachagua’s move to launch his own party is clearly aimed at keeping that jewel within his grip.

    The former DP is betting big on regional loyalty and voter fatigue with broken promises. His message is simple: Mount Kenya deserves its own voice, not a borrowed one. He’s capitalizing on the growing sense of betrayal among voters in the region who feel abandoned by the current regime despite their overwhelming support in 2022.

    His rhetoric paints President Ruto as a leader willing to sacrifice regional unity for political convenience. By claiming that Ruto plans to flood the mountain with decoy candidates and parties, Gachagua is presenting himself as the lone protector of the region’s political integrity.

    Insiders say the new party will push for grassroots development, youth empowerment, and regional autonomy—areas where many believe Ruto has underperformed.

    With Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Eugene Wamalwa, and Fred Matiang’i already in the opposition orbit, Gachagua’s entry could reshape the entire 2027 election narrative.

    New Alliances and 2027 Presidential Ambitions

    While Gachagua has yet to announce his presidential ambitions, he did not rule out a joint ticket with fellow opposition leaders. “We are in talks,” a close ally revealed. “There’s growing interest in forming a grand coalition to face off with Ruto.”

    If Gachagua’s party launch succeeds this week, it will mark the start of a new era in Kenyan politics—one where no region can be taken for granted, and no election is a sure bet.

    Observers are watching closely. Will he team up with Kalonzo? Could Karua or Matiang’i become his running mate? Or will Gachagua take the plunge himself and go for the top seat?

    One thing is certain: the Gachagua New Party Launch is more than just a rebranding—it’s a declaration of war. And as the 2027 race begins to take shape, Gachagua is making sure he’s not just in the game—he’s ready to win it.

  • Is Ruto Secretly Funding Peter Salasya’s Anti-Raila Western Region Tour?

    Is Ruto Secretly Funding Peter Salasya’s Anti-Raila Western Region Tour?

    In what appears to be an emerging political chess game ahead of the 2027 general election, evidence is mounting that President William Ruto may be quietly bankrolling Mumias East MP Peter Salasya’s extensive tour across Western Kenya counties—a region traditionally loyal to opposition leader Raila Odinga.

    The Unexpected Rise of Peter Salasya

    Salasya, the first-term DAP-Kenya legislator who catapulted from obscurity to national prominence after winning his seat with just 12,000 votes in 2022, has recently embarked on an ambitious political campaign spanning five Western counties: Bungoma, Kakamega, Busia, Vihiga, and Trans Nzoia.

    “I have broken the history as the first Luhya leader to have traversed the entire Western of 5 counties and do rallies on my own,” Salasya proudly declared during one of his recent rallies.

    But questions are emerging about how a freshman MP with modest resources has managed to finance such an extensive political operation—and what his real objectives might be in a region long considered Raila Odinga’s stronghold.

    A Strategic Infiltration

    Multiple sources within political circles suggest that Salasya’s sudden rise and expansive campaign infrastructure bears the hallmarks of state-backed operations.

    President Ruto, facing dwindling support in his once-reliable Mt. Kenya base, appears to be recalibrating his strategy by focusing on Western Kenya.

    “President Ruto is playing a long game. Salasya appeals to Gen Z and the broader youth base, a demographic that Ruto knows will be crucial in the next election,” explains Dr. James Wafula, a political analyst at the University of Nairobi.

    “He’s using Salasya not just to gain sympathy votes, but to disrupt Raila’s traditional support base in the Luhya community.”

    The timing is particularly notable as it coincides with Ruto’s growing challenges in Central Kenya, where his alliance with Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has shown signs of fracturing.

    The Anti-Raila Messaging

    While Salasya has not directly attacked Raila Odinga in his speeches, political observers note that his messaging emphasizes “new leadership” and “breaking from the past”—thinly veiled references to Odinga’s long-standing influence in Western Kenya politics.

    “The strategy here is subtle but effective,” notes veteran political commentator Mercy Adhiambo.

    “By positioning Salasya as a fresh alternative and the new face of Luhya leadership, Ruto is attempting to erode Raila’s support without directly antagonizing him.”

    This approach appears designed to avoid triggering the defensive loyalty that direct attacks on Odinga have historically generated in the region.

    Following the Money

    Financial logistics for political campaigns of this scale typically require substantial resources—campaign vehicles, security, public address systems, mobilization networks, and accommodation for traveling teams.

    For a first-term MP without significant personal wealth, the source of such funding remains conspicuously unexplained.

    “In Kenyan politics, when you see this level of consistent rallying without clear funding sources, someone powerful is usually footing the bill,” says political economist Dr. Peter Choge.

    “The scale of Salasya’s operations suggests institutional backing rather than grassroots financing.”

    In a particularly revealing moment during a recent interview on the Obinna Show, Salasya hinted at potential high-level backing: “You never know! Someone at the top might ask: ‘Who controls the youth?’ And they later say, ‘We can give you the money… Peter Salasya, leave the MP seat and be an ambassador of the youth countrywide.’ I can’t refuse such an offer!”

    Splitting the Opposition Vote

    Political strategists suggest that Ruto’s alleged support for Salasya serves multiple objectives.

    First, it aims to fracture the Opposition’s unity in Western Kenya, creating multiple centers of power that would complicate Raila Odinga’s 2027 presidential bid.

    Second, by elevating Salasya, Ruto appears to be forcing DAP-Kenya leader and former Defence Cabinet Secretary Eugene Wamalwa—a former key Odinga ally in the region—to focus on internal battles rather than national coalition-building.

    “It’s reminiscent of the political playbook used effectively during the Moi era,” says political historian Dr. Chris Bisu.

    “Create enough internal division within your opponent’s stronghold that they spend more time fighting each other than fighting you.”

    Presidential Ambitions or Decoy?

    Adding to the intrigue, Salasya has recently declared presidential ambitions, an unusual move for a first-term legislator. While this announcement has been met with skepticism in some quarters, it serves the strategic purpose of positioning him as a potential spoiler in 2027.

    “Whether or not Salasya actually runs is almost irrelevant,” explains political analyst Sheila Munene. “His role may simply be to fragment the Western vote enough to force a run-off, which would give Ruto leverage in post-election negotiations.”

    The Youth Factor

    Perhaps most concerning for Raila Odinga’s camp is Salasya’s growing popularity among young voters, particularly Gen Z, who have shown less allegiance to traditional political loyalties.

    His rags-to-riches story—complete with supporters building him a house known as “Simba” after his election—resonates powerfully with younger voters disillusioned by establishment politics.

    “Salasya represents what many young people want to believe is possible in Kenyan politics,” notes youth advocate Michael Omondi.

    “That narrative alone makes him valuable to Ruto, who has struggled to connect with younger voters in recent months.”

    Deniability and Distance

    While the evidence of Ruto’s involvement remains circumstantial, the pattern aligns with established political strategies of creating arms-length proxies to penetrate opposition strongholds.

    By maintaining public distance from Salasya’s campaign, Ruto preserves deniability while potentially reaping the benefits of the Western Kenya political disruption.

    “The President doesn’t need to be seen with Salasya for this strategy to work,” notes political strategist Diana Meso. “In fact, the effectiveness partly depends on maintaining the appearance of independence.”

    Neither the President’s office nor Salasya’s team responded to requests for comment on the funding sources behind the Western Kenya tour.

    As 2027 approaches, the question remains whether Salasya will emerge as a significant political force in his own right or simply serve as a tactical instrument in Ruto’s broader strategy to neutralize Raila Odinga’s Western Kenya support base.

    What’s clear is that the battle for the Luhya vote has begun much earlier than expected, with new players and hidden hands shaping what promises to be a complex political chess match.

    Kenya Insights maintains strict editorial independence. The views expressed in this article are based on reporting and analysis by our political desk and do not necessarily represent the official position of Kenya Insights Media Group.

  • Ruto and Raila’s Hidden Hands Behind New IEBC Nominees Exposed

    Ruto and Raila’s Hidden Hands Behind New IEBC Nominees Exposed

    The game is rigged. Behind the smiles and handshakes, a quiet plot is unfolding to control Kenya’s 2027 elections.

    President William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga, sworn rivals in public, are now accused of having hidden hands in the nomination of the new IEBC nominees—a move that critics say is nothing short of a political heist.

    At least five out of the seven people picked by President Ruto to steer the next elections have deep ties to either the Head of State or Raila Odinga’s political machinery.

    This has sparked outrage, suspicion, and warnings of a looming electoral crisis. But is this just another political tussle or a carefully calculated scheme to predetermine the outcome of 2027?

    How the New IEBC Nominees Are Tied to Ruto and Raila’s 2027 Strategy

    President Ruto’s nomination of Erastus Edung Ethekon as the new IEBC chair raised eyebrows immediately. Ethekon, a former Turkana County attorney, is seen by many as more than a legal expert—he is viewed as a loyalist with a direct line to State House.

    Alongside him, the president appointed Registrar of Political Parties Ann Nderitu, Moses Alutalala Mukhwana, Mary Karen Sorobit, Hassan Noor Hassan, Prof. Francis Odhiambo Aduol, and Fahima Araphat Abdallah as commissioners.

    But behind the official titles lies a troubling pattern. Critics argue that several nominees have either worked closely with President Ruto or have family and political connections to Raila Odinga’s inner circle.

    One of the commissioners, insiders reveal, is even related to a powerful figure in Raila’s team. This convergence of political interests is fueling fears that the IEBC, the body tasked with overseeing free and fair elections, is being transformed into a puppet of the political elite.

    Opposition leaders were quick to sound the alarm. Wiper party leader Kalonzo Musyoka blasted the appointments as partisan and illegal.

    “We are extremely concerned that Dr.Ruto chose to be partisan by ignoring the principle of consultation and concurrence in his recommendations of the chairman and members of the IEBC,” Kalonzo said.

    He warned that the new appointments had already “created a low-trust institution” and accused Ruto of plotting to rig not only the 2027 elections but also upcoming by-elections.

    A Broken Promise on Consultation

    One of the key criticisms of the new IEBC nominees is that President Ruto ignored the agreement struck through the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO). The NADCO report, which was hammered out between Kenya Kwanza and Azimio leaders, recommended that new commissioners be appointed through consultation and concurrence to ensure neutrality.

    Yet Ruto went ahead with unilateral appointments. “He ignored our agreement. He ignored consultation. Ruto wants to be a player and the referee at the same time,” Kalonzo told mourners at the funeral of Kariobangi North MCA Joel Munuve. His words struck a chord across the political divide.

    Ruto’s move not only sidelined Azimio but also undermined the spirit of bipartisan dialogue that followed last year’s protests over electoral reforms. By rejecting a consultative approach, critics argue, Ruto has set the stage for another disputed election, planting seeds of division even before campaigns begin.

    A Calculated Capture of the Referee

    The nomination of loyalists is more than political favoritism—it is a power strategy. With control over the IEBC, both Ruto and Raila stand to benefit from an electoral body less likely to challenge irregularities.

    Political observers note that while Raila appears critical of the appointments, some of his allies have quietly endorsed them, signaling a backdoor understanding. One nominee previously served as a legal adviser to Musalia Mudavadi’s ANC party, now part of Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

    Another nominee is tied to Raila’s political orbit through family connections. “This is not a coincidence. This is the capture of the electoral process through appointments that guarantee loyalty to the political class,” said a Nairobi-based political analyst who requested anonymity.

    Kenyans are watching closely. Many fear that the IEBC’s credibility, already battered by past elections, is being buried under political deals that put partisan interests above democracy. “We are heading into 2027 with an electoral commission that answers to the highest bidder,” warned the analyst.

    Opposition Vows to Defeat Ruto Despite New IEBC Nominees

    Despite the odds, Kalonzo and other opposition leaders are preparing for battle. “He can as well go ahead and appoint himself as the chairman of IEBC, but we will still send him home in 2027,” Kalonzo declared, vowing to mobilize Kenyans to resist any electoral manipulation.

    The opposition plans to release a comprehensive statement next week outlining its strategy. Behind the scenes, Azimio leaders are weighing legal options, public protests, and international advocacy to challenge the appointments.

    But time is not on their side. With each passing day, the New IEBC Nominees move closer to assuming office, setting the stage for an electoral showdown in 2027 that could mirror or even surpass the disputes of 2007 and 2017.

    Meanwhile, faith in the electoral process continues to erode. Civic groups warn that unless the appointments are reversed or subjected to public scrutiny, Kenya risks sliding into a pre-election crisis marked by protests, mistrust, and political instability.

    The Stakes Could Not Be Higher

    For both Ruto and Raila, 2027 is not just another election—it is a fight for political survival. Ruto seeks a second term to cement his legacy, while Raila, nearing the twilight of his political career, is determined to secure what has long eluded him: the presidency.

    The battle over the New IEBC Nominees is thus not merely about who runs the electoral commission; it is about who controls the levers of power in Kenya’s fragile democracy.

    As Kenyans brace for what lies ahead, one thing is clear: the independence of the IEBC is under siege. And unless bold steps are taken to reclaim it, the 2027 elections may already be lost—long before the first vote is cast.

  • EXCLUSIVE: Nanok’s Former Lawyer Erastus Ethekon Emerges as Dark Horse for IEBC Chair Position

    EXCLUSIVE: Nanok’s Former Lawyer Erastus Ethekon Emerges as Dark Horse for IEBC Chair Position

    Political insiders have revealed that Erastus Edung Ethekon, a 48-year-old lawyer and former Turkana County attorney, has emerged as President William Ruto’s preferred candidate to chair the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).

    While public attention has focused on prominent names like Anne Amadi and Charles Nyachae, sources close to State House suggest Ethekon’s candidacy represents a calculated political maneuver with significant implications for Kenya’s electoral future.

    The Power Behind the Throne

    Former Turkana County Governor Josphat Nanok, who was the Director General of President-elect William Ruto’s Presidential campaign during an interview at his office in Lodwar town, Turkana County on March 25, 2022.
    Turkana County Governor Josphat Nanok, who is the Director General of Deputy President William Ruto’s Presidential campaign during an interview at his office in Lodwar town, Turkana County on March 25, 2022.
    JARED NYATAYA (Eldoret).

    Ethekon’s path to consideration runs through Josphat Nanok, President Ruto’s influential deputy chief of staff and former Turkana Governor.

    The two men’s professional relationship dates back to Nanok’s governorship, when Ethekon served as county attorney.

    “Ethekon’s candidacy makes perfect sense when you look at the political chess board,” explained a senior official familiar with the selection process who requested anonymity. “His connection to Nanok places him within the President’s trusted circle.”

    Nanok himself played a pivotal role in Ruto’s successful 2022 presidential campaign, cementing his position as a key strategist within the administration.

    This relationship has fueled speculation that Ethekon’s potential appointment represents a strategic effort to install an ally at the helm of Kenya’s electoral body.

    Making His Case

    During his March interview with the IEBC selection panel, Ethekon outlined ambitious plans to restore public confidence in the commission.

    He emphasized his commitment to transparent electoral processes and collaborative stakeholder engagement.

    “I have the energy and experience to lead,” Ethekon told the panel, addressing concerns about his relative youth compared to other candidates.

    His vision includes implementing internal reforms that would allow commissioners to formally register dissenting opinions, potentially preventing the post-election disputes that have plagued previous electoral cycles.

    Professionally, Ethekon built his reputation in Turkana County, where his legal expertise contributed to several development initiatives, including securing funding for community projects and launching an investment portal in partnership with the International Finance Corporation.

    Questions of Integrity

    Ethekon’s candidacy has not escaped scrutiny.

    Unconfirmed reports suggest financial irregularities occurred during his tenure in Turkana’s county government.

    These allegations point to inflated pending bills and questionable spending patterns, including substantial daily expenditures on travel and per diems during COVID-19 restrictions.

    Critics also highlight the operation of unauthorized bank accounts within the Turkana County Executive and alleged misappropriation of COVID-19 emergency funds during this period.

    However, no official records directly implicate Ethekon in any wrongdoing, and his public service record shows involvement in peace initiatives and administrative appointments.

    Strategic Diversion?

    Political analysts suggest the prominence given to candidates like Amadi and Nyachae may represent a deliberate strategy to deflect attention from Ethekon’s candidacy until an official announcement is made.

    “The President understands the significance of controlling the electoral commission,” noted another source close to the selection process. “Floating other names creates breathing room for the actual appointment.”

    What It Means

    The IEBC chairperson wields considerable influence over Kenya’s electoral framework.

    The appointment of Ethekon would likely face intense scrutiny regarding the commission’s independence, particularly given his connections to influential figures within the current administration.

    As the selection process enters its final stages, Kenyans await an official announcement that will either confirm these insider claims or redirect the national conversation about the future of electoral management in the country.

    The IEBC, tasked with ensuring free and fair elections, continues to represent a critical institution in Kenya’s democratic landscape—making the identity of its next leader a matter of significant public interest.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • [VIDEO]: Meru Lands ‘Slayqueen’ CEC Nominee Joy Karwitha Steals Show With Chopper Arrival For Swearing-in; Her Car Theft Scandal Resurfaces

    [VIDEO]: Meru Lands ‘Slayqueen’ CEC Nominee Joy Karwitha Steals Show With Chopper Arrival For Swearing-in; Her Car Theft Scandal Resurfaces

    In a dramatic display that has set Meru County abuzz, newly appointed Lands CEC nominee Joy Karwitha Kaaria made headlines yesterday when she arrived by helicopter for her swearing-in ceremony, while questions about her past legal troubles have reignited public debate about her appointment.

    The 32-year-old Managing Director of CyberAce Africa, a cybersecurity solutions provider, touched down at Kinoru Stadium before being whisked away to the county headquarters where she was officially sworn in as the executive committee member for lands, physical planning, urban development and public works.

    “I had important business in Nairobi when I received confirmation of my approval,” Karwitha reportedly told onlookers who gathered to witness her grand entrance.

    “The helicopter was necessary to ensure I wouldn’t miss this important ceremony.”

    Her appointment comes after significant political maneuvering within Governor Isaac Mutuma’s administration.

    Karwitha’s predecessor, Kinoti Marete, resigned following protests from Buuri MP Mugambi Rindikiri, who accused the governor of regional bias in his cabinet appointments.

    “After lengthy consultations with the government and my family, I have agreed to step down and allow my position to be given to somebody from Buuri Constituency following concerns by residents that I am not from Buuri,” Marete stated in his resignation.

    However, Karwitha’s nomination has reignited controversy surrounding a 2023 legal case in which she was charged with stealing a Range Rover from her former employer, Luxury Vehicle Imports Limited.

    During her vetting, the county assembly’s committee on appointments confirmed she had been cleared by all relevant Chapter Six agencies.

    “There was no negative report from the Kenya Revenue Authority, Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, Directorate of Criminal Investigations, Higher Education Loans Board and the Credit Reference Bureau,” reported Meru Assembly Majority Leader Patrick Mutuma. “She has impressive knowledge about the docket, is experienced and well-connected.”

    Meru Lands CEC nominee Joy Karwitha during her swearing-in on May 6, 2025.
    Meru Lands CEC nominee Joy Karwitha during her swearing-in on May 6, 2025.

    Governor Mutuma defended his choice, stating that all ten executive members will now undergo induction to fast-track service delivery.

    “We are working with the council of governors to ensure the new executive team works in line with the constitution. We should now focus on unity and delivering the much-needed development programmes,” he said.

    Karwitha joins a diverse cabinet that includes Monica Kathono (Finance), Jenaro Gatangugi (Agriculture), Marius Maranya (Public Service Management), and Dr. David Bariu (Roads and Transport), among others.

    As she takes office, all eyes will be on the young executive to see if her performance will quiet critics or vindicate supporters who believe her technological expertise and connections will benefit Meru County’s land management and urban development initiatives.

    ​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Political Strategist Ngunjiri Wambugu Dumps Gachagua For Uhuru, Predicts Second Term for Ruto

    Political Strategist Ngunjiri Wambugu Dumps Gachagua For Uhuru, Predicts Second Term for Ruto

    Former Nyeri Town MP Ngunjiri Wambugu has made a significant political shift, leaving former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s camp to rejoin former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party.

    In a surprising twist, Wambugu also expressed optimism about President William Ruto serving a second term, contrary to Gachagua’s recent assertions.

    Speaking on Kogi’s Corner TV on Tuesday night, Wambugu clarified that his relationship with Gachagua was purely professional.

    “I was not there as a politician. I was there as a professional. After the impeachment against him in October 2024, my work came to an end. I’m now back to my politics as an independent actor,” he stated.

    Wambugu, who served as Gachagua’s communications expert from November 1, 2023, explained that his role was to improve the former Deputy President’s public image.

    He revealed that he initially worked for the presidency as a whole, including President Ruto, before focusing exclusively on Gachagua’s communications strategy.

    Mt. Kenya Political Realignment

    Rigathi Gachagua.
    Rigathi Gachagua.

    The defection comes at a critical time when Gachagua is reportedly planning to launch a Mt. Kenya-focused political party later this month.

    Wambugu strongly criticized this move, describing it as “the beginning of a one-party dictatorship” in the region.

    “I am Jubilee. As a democracy, we cannot be a one-party dictatorship. I have a problem with that; we cannot have a Gachagua party that is for all in Mt. Kenya. That would undermine our ability to mobilize voters for 2027,” Wambugu asserted.

    He further challenged Gachagua’s claim that all other parties in Mt. Kenya are “Ruto’s wheelbarrows,” calling it “not a strategically sound statement.”

    Healing Political Landscape

    According to Wambugu, the political climate in Mt. Kenya is gradually improving, with anger against President Ruto subsiding since Gachagua’s impeachment last November.

    Former Nyeri Town MP Ngunjiri Wambugu in a light moment during the Kogi’s Corner TV.
    Former Nyeri Town MP Ngunjiri Wambugu in a light moment during the Kogi’s Corner TV.

    “People are healing. From the anger in November over the Gachagua impeachment, where people couldn’t listen to their leaders, today they are listening,” he observed.

    Wambugu drew parallels between the current political situation and previous administrations, noting that both former Presidents Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta faced significant opposition in their first two years but ultimately served full ten-year terms.

    “I know there are people in Ruto’s government who are trying to figure out how to make his government popular. They will motivate themselves to make this government succeed. I hope there are people who will correct the mistakes,” he said.

    Warning Against Political Balkanization

    The former legislator warned Mt. Kenya residents against following Gachagua’s calls to “shout at Ruto” during presidential visits to the region. “We cannot zone ourselves… we cannot balkanize our region,” he cautioned.

    He also highlighted the risk of the region losing the deputy presidency currently held by Prof. Kithure Kindiki if they don’t strategize properly.

    “We are a crucial voting bloc. If we don’t stay with Ruto, we will lose the seat and if we don’t get it, we will leave… we are here to help the government work,” Wambugu emphasized.

    Jubilee Party’s Position

    Wambugu affirmed that Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party, which receives funding from the exchequer, wants a stake in the 2027 general election.

    “We are a party that is funded by the exchequer, we are not going to let that go by closing ourselves,” he declared.

    He argued that multi-party competition in Mt. Kenya has historically driven high voter turnout, averaging 95% compared to the 66% typically seen in ODM strongholds where single-party dominance prevails.

    Political Analysts’ Take

    According to former Mt. Kenya MCA caucus leader Charles Mwangi, Wambugu’s defection creates uncertainty about Jubilee Party’s position and the stability of Gachagua’s political influence.

    “Politics is a very interesting game full of deception. Mr. Wambugu even said that the only recognized king of Mt. Kenya is Mr. Kenyatta. Mr. Kenyatta publicly shook hands with President Ruto in December last year. We are at interesting moments,” Mwangi commented.

    As the 2027 general election approaches, Wambugu has urged Mt. Kenya voters to make independent choices rather than following party waves as happened in 2022.

    “Let’s not be fools, let’s vote for those who are ideal for us… let’s not go for 2022 party fever. I don’t see Gachagua making another wave,” he concluded.

  • “I Will Not Be Distracted By Slayqueens,”: CS Mutua Lashes at Senator Orwoba Over Alleged Fake Fake Foreign Jobs, Threatens to Make Her Kose Senate Job

    “I Will Not Be Distracted By Slayqueens,”: CS Mutua Lashes at Senator Orwoba Over Alleged Fake Fake Foreign Jobs, Threatens to Make Her Kose Senate Job

    Labour Cabinet Secretary Alfred Mutua has launched a scathing attack on nominated Senator Gloria Orwoba, accusing her of running a fake recruitment agency for export of labour and threatening to have her removed from her Senate position.

    “I will not be distracted by slayqueens or rogue people,” declared a visibly agitated CS Mutua during his appearance before the Senate Labour Committee, where he defended his ministry’s foreign employment program against allegations of corruption and mismanagement.

    The fiery confrontation comes amid growing concerns over the fate of Kenyans seeking employment abroad, with Senator Orwoba questioning the transparency of the process and alleging that thousands of citizens have been defrauded.

    In a formal letter to Senate Speaker Amason Kingi, CS Mutua accused Senator Orwoba of not only spreading misinformation but also of “extorting recruitment agencies” and threatening ministry officials.

    “Her assertion that this programme is a scam and that nothing has taken place is not only false, it is reckless and damaging,” Mutua stated firmly during the committee proceedings.

    “Baseless political theatrics aimed at sowing fear and undermining public trust will not be entertained. We are dealing with people’s lives and futures, not political popularity contests.”

    Senator Orwoba.
    Senator Orwoba.

    The dispute centers on allegations by Senator Orwoba that 89 Kenyans had paid 15,000 shillings each to recruitment agencies but were yet to secure promised jobs abroad.

    CS Mutua countered that the opportunities were being rolled out in phases and that those who hadn’t traveled had received refunds.

    In a radio interview this morning, CS Mutua further inflamed tensions by claiming that complaints about the foreign jobs program were concentrated in “one community” that had been “incited by somebody from that community,” though he declined to name the specific community or the alleged instigator.

    “Agencies are now saying that we don’t want to work with this community because of a delay of one week, and they are taking to the streets,” Mutua alleged.

    “That community is a very good community; they are very patient; they are very good people, but when you incite them for personal gains because you want to run for office or something, it brings a problem.”

    Senator Orwoba, while acknowledging her office was working with the National Employment Authority to secure jobs for youth from Bobasi, defended her actions as part of her oversight responsibilities.

    The Labour Ministry has meanwhile announced plans to avail funds through the Youth Development Fund and Uwezo Fund to help Kenyans access loans for recruitment fees, and has cautioned job seekers against traveling on tourist visas instead of proper work visas.

    “I remain focused on building an honest, accountable, and effective labour migration system that serves and uplifts every Kenyan,” CS Mutua declared in his statement. “We will not be distracted.”

    The Senate Labour Committee has yet to fully discuss CS Mutua’s letter, but has challenged Senator Orwoba to table evidence supporting her claims that thousands of Kenyans were defrauded under the Labour Ministry’s watch.

    As this high-stakes political battle unfolds, the future of Kenya’s foreign employment program—and potentially Senator Orwoba’s position—hangs in the balance.

  • Trouble in Paradise: Is Kindiki on His Way Out of Ruto’s Govt?

    Trouble in Paradise: Is Kindiki on His Way Out of Ruto’s Govt?

    Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s political future in President William Ruto’s administration appears increasingly precarious as insiders reveal a shifting power dynamic within Kenya Kwanza’s inner circle.

    Multiple sources close to the presidency suggest that Kindiki, who replaced the impeached Rigathi Gachagua, may soon find himself sidelined in favor of new allies from Western Kenya and Nyanza.

    Warning Shots from Mudavadi

    In what political observers interpret as the first public warning shot, Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi made a thinly veiled statement during a function in Othaya, Nyeri County, on Sunday that has set tongues wagging across Mt. Kenya region.

    “There are many people, myself included, who are interested in the Deputy President position. If you’re not careful, the mountain will lose it,” Mudavadi cautioned the Mt. Kenya electorate, adding ominously, “A bird in hand is better than ten in the bush. Hold on to what you have and take it seriously.”

    Sources within Kenya Kwanza who spoke on condition of anonymity confirm that Mudavadi’s statement wasn’t a slip of the tongue but a calculated move sanctioned by State House to test public reaction to a potential change in the deputy presidency.

    Dwindling Support in Mt. Kenya

    President Ruto’s approval ratings in the Mt. Kenya region have plummeted dramatically, with internal polling showing his popularity stands at a dismal 15 percent—down from 19 percent before his recent tour of the region. This decline has accelerated concerns about the region’s electoral value to Kenya Kwanza in 2027.

    “The President is deeply worried about Mt. Kenya’s drift,” revealed a senior UDA official. “Kindiki was supposed to stabilize the region after Gachagua’s impeachment, but he lacks the political muscle to rally the mountain behind Ruto.”

    Unlike his predecessor Gachagua, who maintained a robust grassroots network, Kindiki has struggled to connect with voters beyond his immediate Tharaka-Nithi base. His technocratic approach, while effective in administration, has failed to translate into political capital.

    “The President needs someone who can deliver votes, not just manage files,” said the source.

    Western Kenya: The New Power Base?

    Multiple sources confirm that President Ruto is actively cultivating Western Kenya and Nyanza as alternative power bases for his 2027 re-election bid. The elevation of Mudavadi to the powerful Prime Cabinet Secretary position was reportedly just the first step in a broader strategy.

    Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga’s increasingly close relationship with the President has raised eyebrows within ODM circles. Her frequent appearances at presidential functions in Nyanza and Western Kenya are now understood to be part of a calculated strategy to penetrate Raila Odinga’s traditional strongholds.

    “The President has essentially written off Mt. Kenya for 2027. He’s betting big on Western and Nyanza,” revealed a strategist within the President’s inner circle. “Kindiki doesn’t fit into this new equation.”

    Upcoming Litmus Test

    President William Ruto.
    President William Ruto.

    The upcoming Mbeere North by-election will serve as a crucial test of Kindiki’s political relevance. Should UDA lose this contest in what is considered part of Kindiki’s Eastern Kenya sphere of influence, sources indicate it could accelerate plans to sideline him.

    “The President is a pragmatic politician. If Kindiki can’t deliver even his backyard, his usefulness is severely diminished,” said a Kenya Kwanza parliamentary leader who requested anonymity.

    Former MPs who supported Gachagua’s impeachment are now reportedly making quiet overtures to the ousted deputy president as he prepares to launch a new political vehicle—a development that has not gone unnoticed at State House.

    2032 Succession Politics

    Beyond immediate political considerations, sources reveal that President Ruto is already laying the groundwork for his succession in 2032, with Western Kenya figuring prominently in these calculations.

    “The President believes that to cement his legacy, he needs to break the Central Kenya-Rift Valley stranglehold on the presidency,” said a close ally of the President. “Kindiki was never part of the long-term plan—he was always a stopgap measure after Gachagua’s removal.”

    Unless Kindiki can quickly reinvent himself as a political mobilizer rather than just an administrator, his days in Kenya Kwanza’s inner circle appear numbered. With Mudavadi’s ambitions now in the open and new alliances forming in Nyanza, the Deputy President finds himself increasingly isolated in a rapidly evolving political landscape.

    As one senior government official put it: “In Kenyan politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests. Right now, Kindiki’s interests and Ruto’s are diverging fast.”

  • Raila Calls on Supporters To Ignore Standard Newspaper; Terms Its Reporting Malicious

    Raila Calls on Supporters To Ignore Standard Newspaper; Terms Its Reporting Malicious

    NAIROBI — Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader Raila Odinga has urged his supporters to disregard reporting by The Standard newspaper, accusing the media house of running a malicious campaign against him and his family.

    In a strongly-worded statement issued Tuesday by the party’s Secretary General Senator Edwin Sifuna, ODM condemned what it termed as a “campaign of demonising and tarnishing” Mr. Odinga’s person, career, standing, and legacy by The Standard Newspapers.

    The statement particularly referenced The Standard’s lead story published on Monday, May 5, 2025, which ODM described as “misleading” and “packed with lies, malice, mischief, and a clear vendetta against the Odinga family.”

    “We appeal to our supporters to refuse to be blackmailed, arm twisted and intimidated by a company that is pursuing a disguised political and profit motive,” read part of the statement dated May 6, 2025.

    According to ODM, The Standard’s coverage is motivated by both political and profit interests, with the newspaper allegedly attempting to “blackmail and arm twist Mr. Odinga and ODM into supporting the political position of the owners and management of the Standard Group.”

    The opposition party claimed that the newspaper’s Monday coverage falsely suggested that family members of the former Prime Minister who currently hold elective and appointive positions owe their positions to a political agreement between the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) and ODM.

    “The unmistakable insinuation in The Standard’s narrative is that anyone bearing the Odinga name has no place in Kenya’s public life — whether in elective, appointive, or even voluntary service,” the statement continued.

    The party acknowledged that The Standard correctly reported that Raila Odinga currently holds no government office, his brother Oburu Odinga is an elected Senator, and his sister Winnie Odinga is a duly elected Member of the East African Legislative Assembly.

    However, ODM took issue with the newspaper’s attribution of these positions to what it called a “handshake” agreement, claiming this undermines “the credibility of legitimate electoral and parliamentary processes.”

    The statement also referenced Dr. Wenwa Akinyi Oranga, reportedly a daughter of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, who allegedly was dismissed from her position as Chief Chemist at the Pyrethrum Board of Kenya upon discovery of her family connection.

    ODM accused The Standard of serving “the political interests of a well-known family whose own members have simultaneously held multiple elective offices,” alleging double standards in the newspaper’s reporting.

    The party emphasized its support for “every Kenyan holding an appointive or elective position regardless of family or region of origin, the Odingas included,” and reminded The Standard that “Kenya is a constitutional democracy founded on equality, fairness, and merit – not inherited exclusion.”

    The Standard newspaper had not responded to ODM’s allegations by press time.

  • Government To Slash Uhuru’s Retirement Perks By 94M

    Government To Slash Uhuru’s Retirement Perks By 94M

    The Treasury has proposed significant cuts to former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s retirement benefits, reducing his allocation by Sh94.6 million in the upcoming fiscal year starting July.

    The move comes amid escalating political tensions between the former head of state and the current administration.

    According to budget documents tabled in Parliament, Kenyatta’s retirement perks will decrease from Sh371.46 million to Sh276.85 million, representing a 25.5 percent reduction.

    The cuts target several areas including foreign travel, which will be slashed by Sh46.5 million, insurance costs by Sh23 million, and domestic travel by Sh11 million.

    The proposed reductions also affect other former high-ranking officials.

    Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga will see his office allocation reduced from Sh87.2 million to Sh63.27 million, while former Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka’s perks will be cut from Sh81.36 million to Sh52.9 million.

    Moody Awori, who served as Vice President between 2003 and 2007, will experience a Sh20.28 million reduction, bringing his allocation to Sh53.9 million.

    These cuts, totaling Sh167.2 million across all four offices, disproportionately affect Kenyatta, whose reductions account for 56.6 percent of the total amount.

    The timing of these proposed cuts is significant, occurring as President William Ruto’s allies have intensified criticism of the former president, accusing him of political interference.

    Kenyatta has recently criticized the government’s economic policies and encouraged youth to voice their grievances, statements that have drawn sharp rebuke from the current administration.

    Meanwhile, Odinga, traditionally an opposition figure, has formed closer ties with President Ruto since last year, resulting in appointments of several of his party members to Cabinet and Principal Secretary positions.

    It’s important to note that these office allocations are separate from the monthly pensions these leaders receive, which are pegged at 80 percent of their former salaries.

    Kenyatta will continue to receive a pension of Sh16,776,150 in the new fiscal year.

    The benefits package for retired presidents includes staff allowances for personal assistants, secretaries, messengers, drivers, and bodyguards. They are also entitled to four cars including two limousines (replaced every four years), full medical coverage, and fully furnished offices.

    This is not the first time that retirement benefits for former presidents have faced scrutiny.

    In 2015, the High Court halted certain allowances worth millions to former Presidents Daniel Moi and Mwai Kibaki, describing them as an “unnecessary burden” on taxpayers.

    The proposed cuts come at a time when the government has repeatedly emphasized the need for austerity measures to manage the country’s growing public sector wage bill.

    A two-year standoff over Kenyatta’s office location was reportedly resolved earlier this year, with President Ruto allowing the former president an office adjacent to State House.

    However, recent developments suggest the reconciliation was short-lived, with what political analysts describe as a “collapsed ceasefire” between the two leaders.

    The Treasury’s proposals will need parliamentary approval before taking effect in the new fiscal year.

  • President Ruto Receives IEBC Nominees

    President Ruto Receives IEBC Nominees

    President William Ruto has received the report on the recruitment of nominees for the positions of Chairperson and Members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) from the IEBC Selection Panel at State House, Nairobi.

    The panel chaired by Nelson Makanda, concluded its month-long interviews on April 25 after interviewing  candidates for both the chairperson and commissioner positions.

    By law, the selection panel is required to submit the names of two top candidates for the chairperson position to the President, who is expected to nominate one for parliamentary vetting and approval.

    In addition, the panel has proposes nine names for the commissioner positions, from which the President is to nominate six individuals for parliamentary approval.

    The President commended the panel for their commendable work.

    He affirmed that he will undertake his constitutional responsibilities by nominating the selected candidates and forwarding their names to the National Assembly for consideration.

    Ruto emphasised the importance of restoring the full functionality of the IEBC without delay, noting that a credible and operational electoral commission is essential in strengthening democracy, upholding the rule of law, and preparing for future electoral processes in a timely and transparent manner.

    A total of 11 candidates were interviewed for the position of chairperson, among them former Judiciary Chief Registrar Anne Amadi and ex-Commission for the Implementation of the Constitution Chairperson Charles Nyachae.

    Other contenders included legal and governance experts such as Joy Mdivo, Jacob Ngwele Muvengei, Erastus Edung Ethekon, Francis Kakai Kissinger, Lilian Wanjiku Manegene, and Saul Simiyu Wasilwa.

    The presentation of the report now paves the way for the reconstitution of the IEBC, whose absence has stalled several key electoral processes, including by-elections in various constituencies and wards, as well as preparations for the 2027 General Election.

    The IEBC has been without a fully constituted leadership since early 2023, following the expiration of the term of its previous chair, Wafula Chebukati, on January 17, 2023.

    Chebukati’s tenure, which began in 2017 under President Uhuru Kenyatta, was marked by significant controversy, particularly during the 2017 and 2022 general elections.

    The 2017 election saw the Supreme Court annul the presidential results due to irregularities, a historic first in Africa, leading to a rerun that opposition leader Raila Odinga boycotted.

    The 2022 election, which brought Ruto to power, was equally contentious. Odinga, who lost to Ruto by a narrow margin, alleged electoral fraud, a claim that gained traction when four of the seven IEBC commissioners disowned the final results, citing a lack of transparency in the tallying process.

    Chebukati, however, stood by the results, which were upheld by the Supreme Court, though the episode deepened public distrust in the electoral body.

    The internal strife within the IEBC during Chebukati’s tenure further destabilized the commission.

    In 2018, Vice Chair Connie Nkatha Maina and commissioners Margaret Mwachanya and Paul Kurgat resigned, citing Chebukati’s ineffective leadership.

    By the time Chebukati’s term ended in 2023, the IEBC was already grappling with a leadership vacuum, exacerbated by the resignations and the contentious 2022 election fallout.

    Chebukati himself passed away in February 2025 at the age of 63, after a critical illness, leaving behind a polarizing legacy that underscored the urgent need for reform in Kenya’s electoral system.

    The vacancies in the IEBC were further compounded by broader political unrest in 2023.

    Violent protests erupted early that year, driven by opposition complaints over electoral malpractices, the high cost of living, and rising taxes under Ruto’s administration.

    In response, a parliamentary committee was formed in August 2023 to address these grievances.

    The committee’s report, released in November 2023, recommended a “restructuring and reconstitution” of the IEBC, including the appointment of a panel of experts to evaluate the 2022 electoral process and establish mechanisms for future elections.

    This report set the stage for the formation of the IEBC Selection Panel, which has now completed its recruitment process, culminating in the report handed to Ruto on May 6, 2025.

    President Ruto’s receipt of the IEBC recruitment report marks a critical step toward reconstituting the electoral body, which is essential for conducting by-elections and preparing for the 2027 general election.

    The reconstitution of the IEBC is a litmus test for Ruto’s commitment to electoral integrity, especially as he faces a likely challenge from opposition figures.

    The IEBC’s credibility will be crucial in ensuring a transparent election, particularly given Kenya’s history of electoral disputes.

    Ruto’s administration has also been under pressure to implement broader reforms, as recommended by the 2023 parliamentary committee, including tax policy reviews and the establishment of a prime minister’s office to improve governance.

  • Ruto’s Office Renovation Budget Surges 300% to Sh1.46 Billion

    Ruto’s Office Renovation Budget Surges 300% to Sh1.46 Billion

    Kenyan taxpayers will shoulder a massive increase in spending on President William Ruto’s office renovations as the Treasury allocates Sh2.3 billion for upgrades in the upcoming fiscal year, with the Office of the President’s development budget alone jumping nearly 300 times from previous levels.

    According to expenditure estimates released by the Treasury, the Office of the President’s development budget will skyrocket to Sh1.46 billion from just Sh50 million in the current financial year – a staggering 300% increase that comes amid promises of austerity measures and budget cuts across other government sectors.

    The bulk of this funding will be directed toward rehabilitation and refurbishment works at various presidential facilities, with State House Nairobi and other State lodges receiving Sh894.9 million for renovations.

    These allocations represent one of the few increases in government spending as most departments face budget constraints.

    “The timing of these lavish expenditures raises serious questions about the administration’s commitment to fiscal responsibility,” said economic analyst Daniel Kariuki. “When ordinary Kenyans are being asked to tighten their belts, seeing such dramatic increases in spending on presidential facilities sends the wrong message.”

    The renovations budget appears to contradict the Kenya Kwanza administration’s public commitments to eliminate wasteful and luxurious expenditures during the current financial crunch, which has been exacerbated by underperforming revenues and reduced external funding.

    President Ruto while addressing residents in Migori on his three day tour.
    President Ruto while addressing residents in Migori on his three day tour.

    Just days ago, on May 2, the Cabinet announced that the initial budget estimates of Sh4.3 trillion would undergo “substantial revisions” before presentation to Parliament, citing lower revenue expectations.

    The statement indicated likely deep cuts to meet the goal of reducing the fiscal deficit to 2.7 percent without implementing tax increases.

    Recent History of State House Renovations

    The nearly Sh900 million allocation for State House renovations follows controversial recent makeovers that included converting the iconic colonial-era building to a flat roof structure.

    Earlier expenditure disclosures revealed that funding for previous State House renovations had been taken over by the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and the Ministry of Defense after public criticism.

    In the second 2024/25 supplementary budget, the National Treasury had withdrawn funding for the State House facelift amid backlash against high spending.

    The exchequer had initially set aside Sh1.5 billion for rehabilitation works before pulling the plug.

    Kisumu West MP Rozaah Buyu has been vocal in her criticism: “We are spending too much beautifying the State House. If Kenyans are suffering because of budget cuts, the State House should take the lead in tightening the belt.”

    Breakdown of Renovation Spending

    The allocated Sh894.9 million includes:

    • Sh680.7 million for general maintenance works at State House Nairobi
    • Sh60.1 million for Eldoret State Lodge
    • Sh42.5 million for Mombasa State House
    • Sh25 million each for Nakuru and Kakamega State Lodges
    • Sh24 million for Kisumu State Lodge
    • Sh15 million for State House Sagana
    • Sh12.5 million for Kisii State Lodge
    • Sh10 million for the Mechanical Garage

    While recurrent budgets for both the Office of the President and State House have remained relatively unchanged at Sh4.48 billion and Sh7.96 billion respectively, the massive increase in development funding has drawn scrutiny.

    Government Defense

    The National Treasury has defended the renovations budget as “important in supporting the Presidency.” In their budget statements, the Treasury noted that “In the fiscal year 2025/26 and throughout the medium-term period, the State House will support his excellency in executing the constitutional mandate.”

    State House Comptroller Katoo Ole Metito previously told MPs that the renovations were necessary for facilities that had not been revamped in 117 years.

    “People are seeing the renovations from afar. If you go inside the building, we haven’t lost the historical and architectural designs,” Ole Metito stated in defense of the controversial changes.

    Unlike his predecessors who rarely used State lodges, President Ruto has regularly held meetings in facilities in Eldoret, Sagana, and Kisumu, potentially explaining the widespread allocation of renovation funds across multiple presidential residences.

    As Parliament prepares to debate the budget proposals, it remains to be seen whether these dramatic increases in presidential office renovations will survive the scrutiny of lawmakers and the public in an economic climate that demands fiscal restraint.