Kenya Insights

Category: Politics

  • Gen Z Poised to Shatter Kenya’s Tribal Voting Patterns in 2027

    Gen Z Poised to Shatter Kenya’s Tribal Voting Patterns in 2027

    Young Kenyans emerge as game-changers in electoral politics, threatening decades-old ethnic coalition strategies

    Kenya’s political landscape stands on the brink of a seismic shift as Generation Z prepares to fundamentally disrupt the ethnic voting bloc system that has dominated presidential elections for decades.

    With over 14 million Gen Z Kenyans eligible to vote in 2027, their emergence as a “leaderless, partyless and tribeless” force threatens to render obsolete the traditional “tyranny of numbers” strategy that has decided Kenya’s last three presidential contests.

    For generations, Kenya’s presidential elections have followed a predictable formula.

    The Mt. Kenya and Rift Valley regions, working in concert, delivered successive victories to President William Ruto in 2022 and his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013 and 2017.

    This alliance, once dubbed the “tyranny of numbers” by political analyst Mutahi Ngunyi, represented the essence of Kenya’s ethnic-based political arithmetic.

    The numbers tell the story starkly.

    In 2022, the ten Mt. Kenya counties and seven North Rift counties handed Ruto 4.5 million votes—63% of his total 7.2 million votes. Mt. Kenya alone contributed 2.9 million votes, while Rift Valley added 1.6 million.

    Similar patterns emerged in Kenyatta’s victories, where voter turnout exceeded 90% in these ethnic strongholds.

    But this well-oiled machine of ethnic mobilization now faces its greatest challenge yet.

    The youth awakening

    Born between 1996 and 2012, Kenya’s Gen Z cohort has emerged not merely as voters but as a political movement.

    Their defining moment came during the anti-government protests that erupted in June 2024, largely mobilized through social media and characterized by their deliberate rejection of traditional political leadership.

    “Four in five of the Gen Zs, or more than 14 million, will be eligible for voting” in 2027, according to analysis of Kenya National Bureau of Statistics data.

    Combined with other young Kenyans aged 18-35, this demographic will total 17.8 million voters—a formidable force capable of deciding electoral outcomes single-handedly.

    To put this in perspective, Ruto won the 2022 presidency by just 233,211 votes out of 14.3 million cast.

    The youth demographic’s potential influence dwarfs such margins.

    What makes Gen Z particularly threatening to the established order is their conscious rejection of ethnic political mobilization.

    Unlike previous generations who “fell into line to vote along regional and ethnic lines,” this cohort has styled itself as explicitly tribeless.

    University lecturer Prof. Macharia Munene captures the magnitude of this shift: “Gen Zs are likely to erode the influence of the so-called regional kingpins. They will no longer enjoy the influence that they have wielded in the past elections. They don’t recognise those people.”

    This rejection of ethnic kingpins represents a fundamental break from Kenya’s post-independence political culture, where regional leaders have traditionally delivered their communities’ votes in exchange for political appointments and resource allocation.

    The numbers game disrupted

    The traditional ethnic coalition model relied on predictable voting patterns across Kenya’s regions. In 2022, Raila Odinga’s strongholds in Nyanza, Western, Coast, and Ukambani delivered consistently high numbers—769,424 votes from Ukambani’s three counties, 843,893 from Western’s four counties, and overwhelming support from Nyanza’s six counties.

    However, Gen Z’s emergence threatens to scramble these calculations.

    Their focus on “kitchen table issues that transcend ethnic identity”—economy, governance, justice, and transparency—cuts across traditional regional boundaries.

    Political analyst Javas Bigambo emphasizes the historical significance: “Gen Zs will have historical influence in the 2027 elections and subsequent ones. The potency of their power and influence can no longer be ignored.”

    The challenge of leaderless politics

    While Gen Z’s rejection of ethnic politics represents a democratic evolution, it also presents unique challenges.

    Their self-described “leaderless” nature, while advantageous for maintaining independence from traditional political manipulation, could prove problematic when it comes to coalescing around specific candidates.

    Bigambo notes this double-edged nature: “Now they should master the art of political power control and access, but most importantly, to coalesce around ideals, not sheer anger and amorphousness.”

    The risk is that without clear leadership or organizational structure, Gen Z’s voting power could fragment across multiple candidates, potentially diminishing their collective impact.

    Recognizing the threat and opportunity, established politicians are desperately seeking to win over this “hard-to-impress group.”

    However, their traditional tools—ethnic appeals, personality cults, and patronage networks—hold little sway with a generation that has explicitly rejected such approaches.

    US-based political analyst Prof. David Monda offers a nuanced view: “The difference is it will not be the sole and preponderant determinant of voter choice. While politicians will be working on their tyranny of numbers statistics to win office, they also have to address issues key to the Gen Z’s like the economy, good governance, justice for extrajudicial killings and transparency.”

    The 2027 reckoning

    As the 2027 elections approach, the question isn’t whether Gen Z will influence the outcome—the demographic mathematics make their impact inevitable.

    The question is how effectively they can translate their numbers into political change.

    Kitui Senator Enoch Wambua describes their potential: “This is a community of interest bound together by the hardships they have endured at the hands of irresponsible and unreasonable leaders. Thanks to this awakening, the use of the tribe as the most important tool for political mobilisation has suffered a major blow.”

    The implications extend beyond a single election cycle. If Gen Z successfully disrupts ethnic voting patterns in 2027, it could fundamentally reshape Kenya’s political landscape for generations to come.

    A new political order

    The emergence of Gen Z as a political force represents more than generational change—it signals a potential transformation of Kenya’s democratic culture.

    Their emphasis on issues over ethnicity, accountability over patronage, and ideals over personalities could herald a new era of Kenyan politics.

    However, the transition won’t be seamless. Prof. Monda warns that “ethnic mobilisation is still a factor in Kenyan politics,” suggesting that 2027 may witness a hybrid system where traditional ethnic politics coexists uneasily with issue-based youth mobilization.

    The stakes couldn’t be higher.

    For Kenya’s political establishment, adapting to this new reality isn’t just about winning elections—it’s about survival in a rapidly evolving democratic landscape where the old rules no longer apply.

    As one Gen Z activist put it during the 2024 protests: “We are not asking for representation—we are demanding transformation.”

    In 2027, they’ll have the numbers to demand it at the ballot box.

  • MP Atandi Sees Bright Future for Morara in Kenyan Politics, Advises Him to Meet Raila

    MP Atandi Sees Bright Future for Morara in Kenyan Politics, Advises Him to Meet Raila

    Political activist and INJECT Party leader Morara Kebaso has received an unexpected endorsement from Ugenya MP Samuel Atandi, who believes the young leader has significant potential in Kenya’s political arena.

    In a statement released Monday, Atandi praised Morara as “a realistic and honest young man” whose character traits position him well for success in the country’s complex political landscape. The MP’s endorsement comes amid ongoing debates about the role of youth in Kenya’s political transformation.

    Atandi found common ground with Morara’s recent assertions about the nature of Kenyan politics, particularly his view that the political system remains fundamentally ethnic-based. The MP also agreed with Morara’s controversial stance that the much-discussed “Gen Z revolution” is largely non-existent.

    “Mr Morara Kebaso is a realistic and honest young man who has a future in Kenya’s politics,” Atandi stated on social media platform X. “Your views on the ‘ethnic’ Kenya are factual, and the so-called Gen Z revolution does not exist.”

    However, Atandi identified what he sees as a crucial gap in Morara’s political development: the need for seasoned mentorship. The MP specifically recommended that Morara seek guidance from former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, suggesting this relationship could accelerate his political growth.

    “I would like to have him quickly visit Baba, Raila Odinga, for some tutorial/mentorship program,” Atandi advised.

    Morara’s political journey has been marked by bold statements and strategic pivots. After founding his INJECT Party, he initially collaborated with opposition parties but later distanced himself, accusing them of prioritizing personal interests over national welfare. His criticism has been particularly sharp regarding what he perceives as the opposition’s singular focus on removing President William Ruto from office without articulating a comprehensive vision for Kenya’s future.

    The young politician has consistently urged Kenyan youth to reject what he terms “tribal alliances” and instead focus on substantive issues affecting the country. His message emphasizes the need for concrete solutions to corruption, unemployment, and justice system failures.

    “We must think beyond removing the President. What is our vision? What is our stand on corruption? How will we turn around our economy and give jobs and opportunities to young people?” Morara challenged during a recent public address.

    This endorsement from Atandi represents a significant moment for Morara, who has experienced the volatility of political life, at one point hinting at leaving politics entirely before recommitting to what he describes as an unavoidable duty.

    As Kenya’s political landscape continues to evolve, the relationship between established politicians like Atandi and emerging leaders like Morara may prove crucial in shaping the country’s democratic future. Whether Morara will heed the advice to seek Raila’s mentorship remains to be seen, but the conversation highlights the ongoing tension between generational change and political continuity in Kenya.

    The endorsement also underscores the complex dynamics within Kenya’s political opposition, where unity efforts continue to grapple with questions of leadership, vision, and strategy in the face of mounting national challenges.

  • MUNDIA KAMAU: William Ruto Is Not The Only Unpopular President That Kenya Has Had

    MUNDIA KAMAU: William Ruto Is Not The Only Unpopular President That Kenya Has Had

    Kenya’s first President, Jomo Kenyatta, was also not particularly popular.

    When Jomo Kenyatta passed away on August 22, 1978, there were people who rejoiced in silence.

    A small clique of wealthy and powerful individuals in President Jomo Kenyatta’s inner circle were calling the shots during the final years of his presidency, and they were not making beneficial decisions.

    Similarly, when the presidency of Kenya’s second President, Daniel T. arap Moi, came to an end on December 30, 2002, after 24 years, many Kenyans rejoiced.

    Kenyans who remember the transition from Daniel T. arap Moi to Kenya’s third President, Mwai Kibaki, will recall how the words of a Kiswahili gospel song were altered from “Yote yawezekana kwa imani” (All is possible with faith) to “Yote yawezekana bila Moi” (All is possible without Moi).

    I’m also not convinced about the popularity of Kenya’s third President, Mwai Kibaki.

    Many Kenyans regard Mwai Kibaki as Kenya’s best president so far, though it was under his leadership that Kenya almost descended into civil war after the bitterly disputed Kenyan elections of December 27, 2007.

    Two years earlier, on November 21, 2005, Mwai Kibaki lost a referendum on a new Kenyan constitution, raising questions about how unifying and popular a figure he truly was.

    Consider Ronald Reagan, who served as President of the USA from 1981 to 1989.

    Reagan won two consecutive US presidential elections by landslides, in 1980 and 1984. Reagan’s 1984 landslide was particularly spectacular—he won 49 out of 50 US states.

    His rival, Walter Mondale, won only one state (his home state of Minnesota), and even there by a narrow margin.

    If Mwai Kibaki was as popular as many Kenyans assert, he would have won the 2002 and 2007 Kenyan presidential elections with massive landslides similar to Reagan’s 1984 victory, and he would have won the 2005 and 2010 referendums by similar margins.

    Mwai Kibaki was overrated and was not a popular Kenyan president.

    Kenya’s fourth President, Uhuru Kenyatta, cannot be described as having been popular either.

    Uhuru Kenyatta won two Kenyan presidential elections, in 2013 and 2017, both of which were disputed and both of which had to be decided by the Supreme Court of Kenya.

    In fact, four consecutive Kenyan presidential elections have been disputed—those of 2007, 2013, 2017, and 2022—and three consecutive Kenyan elections have had to be decided by the Supreme Court of Kenya (2013, 2017, and 2022).

    This pattern indicates that there is no unifying or broadly popular leader in Kenya and suggests that Kenya is heavily divided, fragmented, disillusioned, polarized, and distrustful of its leaders and leadership.

    William Ruto is not a popular president, though exactly the same applies to Kenya’s first four presidents: Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel T. arap Moi, Mwai Kibaki, and Uhuru Kenyatta.

    As a matter of fact, if you speak to Black Kenyan men and women aged about 80 years and above today in 2025—people who have experienced life in Kenya under British colonial rule and under the Kenyan presidencies of Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel T. arap Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta, and William Ruto—a good number will tell you that life was better in Colonial Kenya than it has been since independence in 1963.

    A good number will tell you that things worked better in Kenya under British colonial rule than they have since independence in 1963, and that they long for the “good old days.”

    NB: Opinions are writer’s own.

  • Gachagua Opens DCP Party Office in Seattle, USA

    Gachagua Opens DCP Party Office in Seattle, USA

    Former Deputy President establishes first satellite office in North America during US tour

    Seattle, Washington — Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has officially launched the first satellite office of his Democracy for Citizens Party (DCP) in Seattle, Washington, marking a significant milestone in his political party’s expansion into the diaspora.

    The office, designated as the North Pacific Chapter Satellite Office, was inaugurated on Monday, July 14, 2025, during Gachagua’s ongoing two-month tour of the United States.

    The launch comes just a week after the DCP leader officially launched his party in Kenya on July 7, 2025.

    “DCP Party is now expanding its presence with our very first satellite office in Seattle. DCP Party Leader Rigathi Gachagua officially inaugurated the North Pacific Chapter Satellite Office, marking a new milestone in our journey to connect and serve Kenyans across the region,” Gachagua announced in a statement.

    The Seattle office will serve as a hub for Kenyans living in the greater Northwest Pacific region of North America, reflecting the party’s commitment to engaging with the diaspora community.

    This strategic move positions the DCP as one of the few Kenyan political parties to establish a formal presence in the United States.

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua launching the North Pacific Chapter Satellite Office in the US at Seattle, Washington on July 14, 2025/ RIGATHI GACHAGUA/X
    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua launching the North Pacific Chapter Satellite Office in the US at Seattle, Washington on July 14, 2025/ RIGATHI GACHAGUA/X

    “This new office will strengthen our efforts, foster greater engagement, and bring our initiatives closer to the people of Seattle and the surrounding areas. Together, we are building a stronger, more inclusive future,” Gachagua stated during the launch.

    The former Deputy President’s presence in Seattle has been marked by extensive engagement with the Kenyan diaspora community.

    He arrived in the city on Thursday, July 10, 2025, at approximately 3:40 PM local time, receiving a warm welcome at SeaTac International Airport from members of the Kenyan community.

    The office launch occurs against the backdrop of ongoing political tensions in Kenya and Gachagua’s efforts to position himself as a viable opposition leader ahead of the 2027 elections.

    During his Seattle engagements, Gachagua has been vocal about his criticism of President William Ruto’s administration, particularly regarding what he terms “state-backed violence.”

    In a significant development, Gachagua revealed that the United Opposition is compiling evidence of alleged state-backed violence to present to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    Speaking during an engagement session with Kenyans in Seattle on Friday, July 11, 2025, he indicated that this evidence would enable opposition leaders to take the current regime to the international court.

    “We are collecting evidence to be able to take these people to the International Criminal Court (ICC). We are documenting everything and will present it to the ICC,” Gachagua disclosed to the Seattle audience.

    The former Deputy President’s visit has included significant cultural elements, including participating in the first edition of Ngemi Cia Ruraya on July 12, 2025.

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua makes his speech at a Kenyan music festival in Seattle, US/RIGATHI GACHAGUA/X
    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua makes his speech at a Kenyan music festival in Seattle, US/RIGATHI GACHAGUA/X

    The event, held at Saghalie Middle School, brought together hundreds of Kenyans for what organizers described as “a vibrant night of culture, unity, and civic reflection.”

    The gathering featured performances by celebrated mugithi star Samidoh and attracted members of the Kikuyu diaspora from across the United States. Gachagua was accompanied by his wife, Pastor Dorcas Rigathi, and People’s Liberation Party leader Martha Karua, demonstrating the collaborative nature of his opposition efforts.

    The establishment of the Seattle office represents both an opportunity and a challenge for Gachagua’s political ambitions.

    While it provides a platform for engaging with the influential Kenyan diaspora, it also comes at a time when his party faces significant challenges in Kenya.

    The DCP’s official launch in Kenya faced several obstacles, including the cancellation of the initially planned venue at Kasarani Indoor Arena.

    This led Gachagua to relocate the party launch to the Maasai region, where he successfully held the event on July 7, 2025.

    The Seattle office launch is expected to be the first of several satellite offices that the DCP plans to establish across the United States during Gachagua’s two-month tour.

    This expansion strategy aligns with the party’s broader goal of mobilizing support among Kenyans living abroad, who represent a significant voting bloc and source of remittances to Kenya.

    The former Deputy President’s tour is scheduled to include visits to various states across the United States, where he will address Kenyan communities about the state of the nation and his political vision for Kenya’s future.

    As Gachagua continues his American tour, the success of the Seattle office will likely serve as a template for future diaspora engagement efforts and could influence how other Kenyan political parties approach international expansion in the lead-up to the 2027 elections.

  • The Broken Covenant: How Ruto’s Youth Promises Became His Political Nightmare

    The Broken Covenant: How Ruto’s Youth Promises Became His Political Nightmare

    President William Ruto’s sweeping campaign pledges to Kenya’s youth have transformed from electoral gold into political quicksand, fueling the very protests that now threaten his administration’s stability.

    The irony is striking.

    The man who rode to power on the shoulders of young Kenyans with promises of economic transformation and inclusive governance now faces their wrath in the streets.

    What began as a political romance between Ruto and the youth has soured into a bitter divorce, with consequences that reverberate through every corner of his presidency.

    When Ruto took the campaign trail in 2021 and 2022, he spoke the language of hope to a generation suffocating under unemployment and economic despair.

    His pledges were ambitious, specific, and seemingly tailored to address every youth concern.

    The centerpiece was his October 2021 promise to inject Sh100 billion into the economy, creating four million jobs for young people.

    It was a number that captured imaginations and votes. He promised to waive Kenya Revenue Authority tax penalties for youth-owned businesses and prioritize payment of their pending bills.

    In June 2022, he formalized these commitments through a Youth Charter targeting ten key intervention areas: business development, health, creative and digital economies, agriculture, education, sports, leadership and governance, security, and the blue economy.

    The charter promised easier access to government credit, startup incubation centers, and comprehensive legal and tax reforms affecting youth businesses.

    Perhaps most memorably, Ruto pledged the Financial Inclusion Fund—the “Hustler Fund”—designed to offer affordable, instant loans to young entrepreneurs.

    It was positioned as the great equalizer, the vehicle that would transform Kenya’s economic landscape by empowering the ordinary citizen.

    The transition from campaign rhetoric to policy implementation has been brutal.

    The Hustler Fund, launched with great fanfare and a Sh50 billion budget, quickly became a cautionary tale about the gap between political promises and practical governance.

    The fund’s fundamental flaw was apparent from the start: an average disbursement of Sh500 was woefully inadequate for any meaningful business venture.

    By September 2024, government data revealed that more than half of borrowers had defaulted on loans totaling Sh11 billion.

    The situation became so dire that in May 2025, the government announced plans to write off Sh6 billion in bad loans borrowed by 10 million Kenyans.

    The silence is deafening. Ruto, who once championed the Hustler Fund in every public forum, no longer mentions it in his speeches—a political amnesia that speaks volumes about the program’s failure.

    The promise of four million jobs remains a mirage. The Kenya Country Economic Transformation Outlook 2025 report paints a stark picture: only 20 percent of the one million young people joining the workforce annually secure formal employment.

    The specter of a “lost generation” looms large.

    While Ruto has pointed to the Affordable Housing Programme, digital jobs, and the ‘Kazi Majuu’ labor migration initiative as solutions, the impact remains minimal.

    His Wednesday claim that the housing program has created 320,000 jobs is met with skepticism by analysts and citizens who see little evidence of meaningful change in their daily lives.

    The Federation of Kenya Employers’ data confirms what young Kenyans feel viscerally: youth, who comprise more than 35 percent of the population, face the highest unemployment rates in the country.

    The youth discontent extends far beyond economic grievances.

    The Perceptions on the June 2025 Gen Z Protests report identifies a constellation of issues: abductions, extrajudicial killings, exclusion from decision-making, weak leadership, and erosion of the rule of law.

    This represents a fundamental breach of trust. Ruto had promised to end police brutality, arbitrary arrests, and harassment of young people, vowing speedy prosecution of perpetrators.

    Yet rights groups document that more than 140 people have been killed during demonstrations since 2023, many of them young protesters.

    The promise of inclusive governance—30 percent of appointive positions for youth and county administrators drawn from youth ranks—remains largely unfulfilled.

    Young Kenyans feel not just economically marginalized but politically invisible.

    University funding has emerged as another flashpoint.

    The Youth Charter’s promises to increase Higher Education Loans Board allocations in line with rising living costs, waive penalties and interest on existing student loans, and introduce grace periods for repayment until graduates find jobs have not materialized.

    Students, parents, and university administrators have criticized the new funding model as inadequate, creating additional barriers to higher education access at a time when young people need it most.

    The transition from NHIF to the Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) has sparked public outcry over higher deductions and unclear benefits, contradicting Ruto’s promises of improved healthcare access, availability, and affordability.

    His pledge to revive agro-processing factories as a job-creation strategy has also faltered.

    The Auditor General reports that County Aggregation and Industrial Parks have stalled in at least 13 counties, plagued by funding shortages, unresolved land issues, and procurement irregularities.

    Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s Tuesday acknowledgment that recent youth-led protests had “jolted the government into rethinking its job creation strategies” is perhaps the most honest assessment of the administration’s predicament.

    The very constituency that propelled Ruto to power now poses the greatest threat to his political survival.

    Ruto’s Wednesday defense that the unemployment problem predates his administration rings hollow to young people who voted for change, not explanations.

    They remember his promises, not his predecessors’ failures.

    The transformation of Ruto’s youth promises from political assets to political liabilities represents more than policy failure—it reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of generational expectations in modern Kenya.

    Young Kenyans are digitally connected, globally aware, and increasingly unwilling to accept political rhetoric as a substitute for tangible change.

    The protests that now shake his administration are not just about economic grievances but about accountability, justice, and the very nature of democratic governance.

    They represent a generation’s refusal to be taken for granted.

    For Ruto, the challenge is existential. The youth who once chanted his name in rallies now chant for his accountability in the streets.

    The promises that once elevated him now threaten to bury his presidency. In politics, as in life, the chickens have come home to roost.

    The question is no longer whether Ruto can fulfill his youth promises—it’s whether he can survive their consequences.

    The answer may well determine not just his political future, but the trajectory of Kenyan democracy itself.

  • Ruto Blames Religious and Political Leaders for Kenya’s Divisive Politics

    Ruto Blames Religious and Political Leaders for Kenya’s Divisive Politics

    President calls for unity, warns of stern action against those inciting youth to violence

    KAPTAGAT, Kenya – President William Ruto has placed blame squarely on religious and political leaders for failing to unite Kenyans, saying the country’s current challenges stem from “politics of hatred, tribalism and division.”

    Speaking on Saturday during the Kaptagat Integrated Conservation Programme in Elgeyo-Marakwet County, the President expressed regret that Kenya finds itself in its current state due to divisive leadership.

    “We could not be where we are today if religious and political leaders were committed to the unity of Kenyans,” Ruto declared, calling on leaders to prioritize unity and work together to address national challenges.

    The President issued a stern warning to political leaders he accused of hiding behind young people to cause mayhem and restore their “dwindling political fortunes.”

    “Some leaders are inciting the youth, leading to division, hatred and lawlessness. They do not respect the rule of law and thus the destruction of property,” he said.

    Ruto warned that the government would not hesitate to take action against such leaders, promising to deal with them “in accordance with the rule of law.”

    The President also called on parents to step up their role in shaping their children’s moral compass, suggesting that many have failed or abandoned their parental responsibilities.

    “The problem is that many parents do not tell their children what is wrong and right,” Ruto observed, emphasizing the need for parents to teach moral values and principles that would help shape their children’s future.

    Addressing recent protests that have resulted in destruction of property and attacks on security installations, President Ruto assured Kenyans that the government would protect both public and private property.

    “We have said enough is enough for those who want to burn this country,” he declared, promising stern action against those who attacked police and security installations.

    Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen echoed these sentiments, calling on the Judiciary to deal firmly with perpetrators of recent protests that have led to the burning of police stations, looting of businesses, and destruction of property.

    Despite the security concerns, the President used the occasion to commission the Etio Dam in Kapteren, Keiyo North Constituency, which has a storage capacity of 160 million litres and will benefit over 8,000 households.

    The President also launched construction works on the Tirwane-Tirone Irrigation Development Project, which will put more than 1,000 acres under irrigation and benefit over 25,000 households.

    Looking ahead to future elections, Ruto told his competitors he was “ready and prepared to face them when the time comes,” but emphasized that it was now time to serve the people.

    He characterized his critics as individuals with no agenda for the nation, saying they have only succeeded in inciting young people to cause chaos and profiling Kenyans on ethnic backgrounds.

    The President’s remarks come amid ongoing tensions in the country, with recent protests resulting in casualties and property destruction across various parts of Kenya.

  • Shut Your Mouths or Exit the Govt, MP Zaheer Jhanda Blasts ODM Amid Opposition to Ruto’s Shooting Orders

    Shut Your Mouths or Exit the Govt, MP Zaheer Jhanda Blasts ODM Amid Opposition to Ruto’s Shooting Orders

    Nyaribari Chache MP Zaheer Jhanda has launched a scathing attack on ODM leaders criticizing President William Ruto’s controversial directive to police to shoot protesters in the legs, telling them to either stop their criticism or resign from the broad-based government.

    The UDA lawmaker’s explosive remarks come as the opposition intensifies its condemnation of President Ruto’s recent order directing security agencies to shoot anyone caught destroying or attempting to set fire to police stations in the leg, a directive that has sparked widespread outrage among human rights groups and political leaders.

    Taking to social media platforms, Jhanda questioned the moral authority of ODM leaders to lecture the Kenya Kwanza administration on governance and human rights issues.

    “Those ODM leaders criticising the government should not threaten or lecture us on how to run the government or on human rights. They have never won any elections,” he posted.

    The MP’s confrontational stance highlights the growing tensions within Kenya’s broad-based government, where ODM members occupy key Cabinet positions despite their party’s criticism of the administration’s handling of recent protests and security matters.

    President Ruto’s July 9 directive ordering police to shoot protesters targeting businesses in the legs to incapacitate them without causing fatal injuries has drawn sharp criticism from across the political spectrum.

    ODM leaders have pointed out the fatal risks of such orders, citing the case of Rex Masai, a young protester who died after being shot in the leg during recent demonstrations.

    The directive has sparked outrage among rights groups, with President Ruto publicly directing police officers to shoot individuals caught destroying property in the legs, a statement that comes amid ongoing protests over police brutality and corruption.

    Jhanda’s most pointed challenge came in his dare to ODM critics to clarify their position within the government.

    “If they’re uncomfortable in the broad-based government, then muhame mbio [leave quickly],” he stated, using a Swahili phrase that translates to departing hastily.

    The MP went further, challenging the sincerity of ODM’s criticism by daring party leaders to instruct their Cabinet members to resign.

    “Ask your ministers to resign, and then we shall take you seriously,” he added, effectively calling their bluff on their opposition to the administration’s policies.

    Jhanda’s outburst exposes the fragile nature of Kenya’s broad-based government arrangement, where opposition members serve in Cabinet positions while their party maintains a critical stance toward government policies.

    The MP’s challenge to ODM leaders to either support the government fully or exit entirely reflects the mounting pressure on the hybrid political arrangement.

    The controversy over the shooting orders has already drawn criticism from former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and opposition leader Raila Odinga, with rights groups condemning the directive as potentially deadly.

    Jhanda’s provocative stance represents the hardline position within the ruling coalition, demanding absolute loyalty from all government participants regardless of their party affiliations.

    The MP’s challenge to ODM leaders to “shut their mouths or exit the government” sets the stage for a potential political showdown that could reshape Kenya’s current governmental structure and test the durability of the broad-based administration experiment.

  • DCI Summons MP Allied to Gachagua Over Saba Saba Chaos

    DCI Summons MP Allied to Gachagua Over Saba Saba Chaos

    Naivasha Member of Parliament Jayne Kihara has been summoned to appear before Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) detectives on Monday over allegations of inciting public disorder during recent anti-government demonstrations.

    The summons, issued by Deputy Director of the Investigations Bureau George Lenny Kisaka, accuses the legislator of “undermining the authority of a public officer contrary to Section 132 of the Penal Code” through alleged dissemination of inciteful content.

    Speaking to reporters, Kihara attributed the summons to her vocal support for Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, suggesting the investigation is politically motivated.

    “I think it is connected to my speech during the burial of Boniface Kariuki in Murang’a County on Friday,” she said.

    Kariuki, a civilian shot by police during June demonstrations, died after 13 days in intensive care at Kenyatta National Hospital.

    His death became a rallying point for protesters demanding accountability from security forces.

    The MP also believes the summons relate to the July 7 demonstrations that swept across the country, commonly referred to as “Saba Saba” protests.

    However, Kihara denied any involvement in organizing the demonstrations, stating she was in Nairobi rather than her constituency on that day.

    “They think I know something, so they want to question me on the July 7 demonstrations,” she said, while denying any role in sponsoring violence or property destruction that occurred during the protests.

    The summons comes as part of a wider government crackdown on politicians allegedly linked to the recent wave of anti-government demonstrations.

    Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen previously described the June 25 protests as “terrorism disguised as dissent” and directed the DCI to investigate.

    CS Kipchumba Murkomen.

    Several other politicians allied to Deputy President Gachagua have already been arrested and charged, including Manyatta MP Gitonga Mukunji, Democracy for Citizens Party youth leader Wanjiku Thiga, and Kiambu leader Peter Kinyanjui.

    The demonstrations have had significant economic consequences, with traders in Naivasha town reporting losses running into millions following the June 25 protests.

    Kihara’s own office was torched during last year’s Gen Z demonstrations after she voted in favor of the controversial Finance Bill 2024.

    Sources within the DCI have reportedly indicated pressure to link Deputy President Gachagua to the demonstrations, though investigators say no evidence has emerged from interviewed suspects to support such connections.

    The summons represents the latest escalation in tensions between the government and opposition figures, as authorities seek to contain what they describe as orchestrated attempts to destabilize the Kenya Kwanza administration.

    Kihara is expected to appear before DCI detectives on Monday to answer questions about her alleged role in the recent unrest that has gripped parts of the country.

  • Inside Raila’s 1,880 Member Intergenerational Conclave To Begin in August

    Inside Raila’s 1,880 Member Intergenerational Conclave To Begin in August

    Former Prime Minister proposes massive national dialogue forum as Kenya grapples with youth protests and constitutional reform demands

    BOMET – Opposition leader Raila Odinga has unveiled an ambitious plan for a 1,880-member national dialogue forum set to commence in August, positioning it as Kenya’s pathway out of mounting political and social tensions that have gripped the nation in recent weeks.

    Speaking at a funeral service in Kapkimolwo, Bomet East constituency, the ODM party leader outlined his vision for what he termed an “intergenerational conclave” that would bring together voices from across Kenya’s diverse demographic and geographic landscape.

    Under Odinga’s proposal, each of Kenya’s 47 counties would nominate 40 representatives, creating a massive 1,880-member assembly.

    The composition would be deliberately inclusive: 20 young people from each county, with the remaining 20 slots reserved for elders, women, people with disabilities, farmers, business owners, and civil society members.

    “This should not just be intergenerational—it must be representative of Kenya’s full diversity,” Odinga emphasized, building on his earlier announcement during the Saba Saba commemorations.

    The scale of the proposed forum is unprecedented in Kenya’s recent political history, dwarfing previous national dialogue initiatives and reflecting the gravity with which Odinga views the current crisis.

    Central to Odinga’s vision is a comprehensive review of the 2010 Constitution.

    The veteran politician, who has championed constitutional change throughout his career, argues that 15 years of devolution have exposed critical gaps that need addressing.

    “We should review the Constitution and address the gaps that have come to the fore in the era of devolution in the country,” he stated, suggesting that structural changes rather than personnel changes hold the key to Kenya’s challenges.

    The proposed conclave would tackle what Odinga described as “irreducible reforms” covering police brutality, judicial inefficiency, corruption, and youth unemployment—issues that have driven thousands of young Kenyans to the streets in recent protests.

    Odinga’s proposal comes against the backdrop of sustained youth-led demonstrations that have rocked Kenya since late June.

    Unlike many political leaders who have dismissed the protests, Odinga has validated the young people’s concerns.

    “We must listen to these young people. They are not protesting for nothing. These are our children. Their frustrations are legitimate and must not be ignored,” he said, positioning himself as an advocate for youth grievances.

    The decision to reserve 50 percent of the conclave’s slots for young people represents a significant departure from traditional political forums, which typically marginalize youth voices despite their numerical strength in Kenya’s population.

    Beyond ‘Ruto Must Go’

    In a calculated political move, Odinga distanced himself from calls for President William Ruto’s ouster, arguing that the country’s problems run deeper than individual leadership failures.

    “Ruto must go is not a solution. Even if you put Gachagua there, nothing will change unless we address the root causes,” he told mourners, referring to former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.

    This position allows Odinga to present himself as a statesman focused on systemic solutions rather than opportunistic political gain, potentially appealing to Kenyans exhausted by partisan politics.

    The former Prime Minister used the platform to launch a scathing attack on what he termed efforts to entrench tribalism, specifically targeting Gachagua’s recent political messaging.

    “Kenya belongs to all of us, and no community, tribe, or group of people has more right than others to live and work in this country or take charge of leadership,” Odinga declared, reinforcing his pan-Kenyan credentials.

    His statement—“Kenya is for every Kenyan—Luo, Kikuyu, Somali, Kalenjin, Mijikenda, Maasai. No one owns this country”—was clearly designed to counter ethnic mobilization tactics that have characterized recent political discourse.

    Perhaps most significantly, Odinga has proposed that the conclave’s resolutions should be subjected to a public referendum, giving Kenyans the final say on proposed reforms.

    This approach echoes the 2010 constitutional referendum process and could provide legitimacy to any outcomes.

    The referendum route also positions Odinga as a democrat committed to popular participation, contrasting with top-down political processes that have characterized much of Kenya’s recent governance.

    Odinga used the occasion to strongly criticize President Ruto’s shoot-to-kill and shoot-to-immobilize orders against protesters, calling them “illegal and uncalled for.”

    “Police should simply arrest and prosecute those who have taken advantage of the demonstrations to commit criminal activities. Shooting them should not arise,” he stated, positioning himself as a defender of constitutional rights.

    The success of Odinga’s proposed conclave will depend on several factors: buy-in from county governments, participation from diverse groups, and ultimately, government cooperation.

    The August timeline is ambitious, requiring rapid mobilization and organization across all 47 counties.

    The proposal also raises questions about funding, logistics, and the ultimate authority of the conclave’s decisions.

    Without government backing, the forum risks becoming another opposition-led initiative with limited implementation power.

    For Odinga, the conclave represents both opportunity and risk.

    Success could cement his position as a national leader capable of bringing Kenyans together beyond partisan divides.

    Failure, however, could expose the limitations of his influence and the hollowness of dialogue-based solutions.

    The timing is politically astute, coming as youth protests maintain momentum and government responses appear increasingly heavy-handed.

    By offering a structured alternative to street demonstrations, Odinga positions himself as both revolutionary and statesman.

    As Kenya approaches the 2027 elections, the success or failure of this intergenerational conclave could significantly influence the political landscape.

    For now, it represents the opposition’s most concrete proposal for addressing the nation’s deepening crisis through peaceful, inclusive dialogue.

  • ‘Ruto ni Tutams We’ll Rig If We Have To’: Fatuma Jehow’s Shocking Admission Sparks Electoral Integrity Firestorm

    ‘Ruto ni Tutams We’ll Rig If We Have To’: Fatuma Jehow’s Shocking Admission Sparks Electoral Integrity Firestorm

    In an explosive and unapologetic public address that has rocked Kenya’s political and civic landscape, Wajir Woman Representative Fatuma Abdi Jehow openly declared that leaders from the North Eastern region are willing to rig the 2027 general elections in favor of President William Ruto.

    Her remarks have triggered national outrage and reignited fears about the fragility of the country’s electoral democracy.

    “Even if we don’t have the votes, we will steal them for him,” Jehow said in Swahili, during a rally in Wajir on Saturday.

    “Hiyo si siri (That’s no secret).”

    The brazenness of the statement stunned many—especially coming from an elected official sworn to uphold the Constitution.

    Jehow’s comments—delivered without hesitation and met with cheers from a small crowd—reflected more than just blind political loyalty.

    They unmasked a dangerous normalization of electoral fraud in Kenyan politics, particularly within entrenched networks aligned with the ruling coalition.

    The public backlash has been swift. Civil society organizations are demanding immediate investigations by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), while online platforms have been flooded with calls for Jehow’s censure, and even arrest.

    “This is an attack on democracy itself,” tweeted one user. “If no action is taken, it confirms that elections in Kenya are merely rituals.”

    The IEBC has not yet issued an official response.

    Interestingly, just hours before Jehow’s comments surfaced, Deputy President Kithure Kindiki—speaking from Kuria East in Migori—dismissed opposition claims that the Kenya Kwanza government was planning to interfere with the 2027 polls.

    “The IEBC is independent. These are just panic tactics,” Kindiki said. But Jehow’s declaration appeared to undercut that narrative entirely.

    Her remarks could not have come at a worse time. Kenya remains on edge following months of protests, economic strain, and rising youth disillusionment.

    Electoral legitimacy is fast becoming a powder keg issue—especially after the disputed 2022 elections that left many convinced the system is rigged for incumbents.

    Beyond the political theatre, Jehow’s statement raises serious constitutional and legal implications.

    If unchallenged, it may embolden others to view electoral manipulation as a legitimate campaign strategy.

    If prosecuted, it could set a precedent about the weight of political speech in a volatile democracy.

    But the damage may already be done. In the court of public opinion, Jehow’s words have reinforced what many fear but few admit publicly: that Kenya’s electoral system, despite its elaborate legal framework and reforms, remains vulnerable to political capture.

    As 2027 looms closer, this moment may prove a turning point—not just for Ruto’s reelection hopes—but for the soul of Kenya’s democracy.

    The question is no longer whether the threat of rigging exists. It’s how brazenly it can now be declared in the open—and who, if anyone, will stop it.

  • Gachagua Brands Raila ‘Irrelevant’ as Political Tensions Escalate Over National Dialogue

    Gachagua Brands Raila ‘Irrelevant’ as Political Tensions Escalate Over National Dialogue

    Former Deputy President dismisses ODM leader’s conclave proposal during diaspora meeting

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has launched a scathing attack on Orange Democratic Movement leader Raila Odinga, branding him “totally irrelevant” in Kenya’s political discourse and dismissing his recent calls for national dialogue as opportunistic maneuvering.

    Speaking to Kenyans in Seattle, Washington State on July 11, Gachagua accused Odinga of being a political opportunist who seeks to insert himself into every administration through dialogue while avoiding accountability when things go wrong.

    “Raila is totally irrelevant in the political discourse because every election cycle, he loses and finds his way into government,” Gachagua declared.

    “He wants to be in government but doesn’t want responsibility. He is there, but somebody else takes the flak.”

    The remarks come in response to Odinga’s proposal for a “national conclave” to address Kenya’s mounting challenges, including economic hardships and human rights violations.

    The ODM leader had suggested establishing this forum to chart a new path for the country through collective civic engagement and reform.

    However, Gachagua questioned Odinga’s motives, particularly given his current role in President William Ruto’s administration.

    “Right now, he finds things are too hot for Ruto; he tries to distance himself, but if he were a patriotic Kenyan and he meant well for our country, he would disengage from Kasongo, but he’s talking when his mouth is full,” the former DP stated.

    The criticism reflects deepening political fractures as Kenya grapples with rising public discontent over economic hardships and government crackdowns on critics and protesters.

    The recent Saba Saba protests, marking the 35th anniversary of the historic demonstrations, saw renewed clashes between protesters and police, highlighting the growing tensions.

    Gachagua, who was impeached as Deputy President, rejected dialogue as a solution, instead advocating for electoral change in 2027.

    “The dialogue we need is in the ballot box in 2027. Raila has been in every dialogue, but the problems of Kenya don’t end. What we need is transformative leadership,” he argued.

    The former DP’s comments underscore the complex political dynamics at play, with Odinga currently serving in Ruto’s government despite being a longtime opposition figure.

    Gachagua’s criticism appears aimed at both leaders, suggesting that meaningful dialogue with the current administration would be futile.

    “I don’t think the Kenyan problem is talking to William Ruto. Even what you will agree will be a lie, so there’s nothing we can discuss with him because it cannot work,” Gachagua concluded.

  • Raila Defends Gen Z Protesters: “They Are Not Crazy, They Are Our Children”

    Raila Defends Gen Z Protesters: “They Are Not Crazy, They Are Our Children”

    BOMET, Kenya – Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader Raila Odinga delivered a passionate defense of Generation Z protesters on Saturday, condemning government officials who have dismissed young demonstrators as irrational while calling for immediate national dialogue to address their grievances.

    Speaking at a public forum in Bomet County, the veteran politician directly challenged the narrative that has painted youth protesters as disruptive forces, instead framing them as concerned citizens with legitimate complaints about governance failures.

    “Na vijana wale wanaandamana, wale wanaitwa Gen Z, sio wendawazimu. Ni watoto wetu,” Odinga declared in Kiswahili, emphasizing that the young protesters “are not crazy” but “are our children.”

    The remarks come as Kenya grapples with sustained youth-led demonstrations that have rocked the country in recent weeks.

    The protests have been marked by tragic casualties, with the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights confirming that 38 people died and at least 130 were injured during the July 7 Saba Saba demonstrations alone.

    Rather than dismissing the protests, Odinga proposed a comprehensive approach to address youth concerns through structured national dialogue.

    His proposal centers on creating an inclusive national convention that would bring together diverse voices from across Kenya’s 47 counties.

    “Tuzungumze na wao kwa sababu mimi nimependekeza… kila kaunti ilete vijana ishirini,” he said, suggesting that each county should contribute 20 youth representatives to the dialogue process.

    The ODM leader’s vision extends beyond youth participation alone.

    He outlined a balanced representation model where 50 percent of delegates would be young people, while the remaining half would include elders, people living with disabilities, civil society organizations, women’s groups, and religious leaders.

    “Let this be 50 per cent youth and 50 per cent other citizens, elders, people living with disabilities, civil society, women so that we can have a full national conversation,” Odinga explained.

    The youth-led demonstrations have evolved from specific incidents to broader expressions of frustration with governance issues, inequality, and police brutality.

    Key protest events include the June 17 demonstration following the killing of Albert Ojwang in Homa Bay, the June 25 march honoring protesters who died, and the recent Saba Saba protests on July 7.

    These demonstrations have highlighted deep-seated grievances among Kenya’s youth, who comprise a significant portion of the population but often feel marginalized from political and economic opportunities.

    Odinga’s intervention carries particular weight given his role as a key opposition figure and his influence in Kenyan politics.

    He warned that ignoring youth frustrations could have serious implications for the country’s political stability ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    “Tusiende uchaguzi wa 2027 na hasira mingi,” he cautioned, urging leaders not to let anger fester until the next electoral cycle.

    This warning reflects broader concerns about how unresolved grievances could manifest in future political contests, potentially destabilizing Kenya’s democratic processes.

    Odinga’s stance positions him as a voice of reason in a charged political environment, potentially strengthening his influence among younger voters who have felt disconnected from traditional political leadership.

    His call for inclusive dialogue also challenges the current government’s approach to handling dissent.

    The ODM leader’s proposal for a national convention represents a significant political gambit that could either provide a pathway for addressing youth concerns or become another point of political contention if not implemented effectively.

    As Kenya continues to grapple with these protests and their aftermath, Odinga’s intervention adds a new dimension to the national conversation about youth participation in governance and the need for responsive political leadership.

    Standing Against “Shoot to Kill” Orders

    In a separate address at a burial function in Bomet County the same day, Odinga took a firm stance against recent government directives that appear to endorse the shooting of protesters.

    His comments directly challenged orders issued by President William Ruto and Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen.

    “Right now, there is darkness in Kenya because we are angry. There is also a lot of hatred in our nation. People are fighting and getting killed. When you see someone say shoot but don’t kill, it’s because of anger, but anger always leads to loss,” Odinga stated, advocating for arrests and court proceedings instead of violence.

    The ODM leader’s position has found support from other political figures, including Kakamega Senator Boni Khalwale, who on Friday urged the government to rescind directives that threaten the lives of Kenya’s youth.

    Kakamega Senator Boni Khalwale.
    Kakamega Senator Boni Khalwale.

    “We don’t kill people. That is why I would like to respectfully disagree with CS Murkomen. I also disagree with the President. These children — if a child has eaten to satisfaction, they cannot go stealing from your home. The government must listen to our youth,” Khalwale said during a public event in Butere constituency.

    Khalwale raised practical concerns about the shoot-to-kill orders, questioning scenarios where young people might legitimately approach police stations to report crimes or seek opportunities during recruitment drives.

    “What if a young person goes to the police station to file a report that their motorbike has been stolen — and then you say shoot to kill? Where will they take that report?” he posed.

    While defending protesters’ rights, Odinga also challenged demonstrators to ensure their actions serve specific purposes.

    Drawing from his experience in the 1990 pro-multiparty demonstrations, he emphasized that protests should be strategic rather than perpetual.

    “But we said everything has its time and season. So we had a time when people came out to go to the streets for protests. But these demonstrations are not an end to themselves and should not be undertaken every day. They should be a means to an end and must have what it aims to achieve,” he explained.

    This nuanced position reflects Odinga’s attempt to balance support for youth grievances with calls for strategic political action, potentially positioning himself as a bridge between frustrated young protesters and established political institutions.

    The contrasting approaches to handling protests have created a clear political divide, with government officials taking increasingly hardline positions while opposition figures advocate for dialogue and restraint.

    This division adds another layer of complexity to Kenya’s already charged political environment.

    The coming weeks will test whether Odinga’s calls for dialogue and restraint gain traction or whether the cycle of protests and increasingly aggressive government responses continues unchanged.

  • Ruto: Politicians With Dwindling Political Careers Have Hijacked Gen-Z Movement

    Ruto: Politicians With Dwindling Political Careers Have Hijacked Gen-Z Movement

    NAIROBI, Kenya, July 12 – President William Ruto has accused opposition politicians of hijacking the Gen Z-led protest movement to revive their dwindling political careers, warning that such actions have undermined legitimate youth concerns and fueled chaos across the country.

    Speaking during the 9th edition of the annual Kaptagat Integrated Conservation and Livelihood Improvement Program, Ruto claimed the protests, which began as genuine demands for good governance and accountability, had been derailed by political opportunism.

    “What started as a legitimate youth outcry has now been turned into politically charged chaos by leaders seeking relevance,” the President said. “We will not allow anyone to destabilize the country by hiding behind the youth.”

    Ruto also pushed back against claims that recent arrests of protest leaders and politicians amounted to political persecution, insisting that the rule of law must prevail.

    “Don’t tell us it is political persecution; it is what it is,” he said. “Those who break the law must face the consequences.”

    The President further criticized politicians and some religious leaders for what he described as openly encouraging violent demonstrations, saying they must take responsibility for the lives lost and destruction witnessed during the unrest.

    “We will ensure that we protect the property and lives of every citizen. People have worked so hard and taken loans from banks, only for some politicians to incite the youths and pay goons to burn people’s businesses and then blame the government,” Ruto stated.

    His remarks come amid growing pressure on the government over its handling of youth-led demonstrations, with rights groups raising alarms over the use of excessive force and the harassment of protesters and activists.

    According to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR), 38 people have died so far in connection with the recent protests, and scores of others remain hospitalized.

  • The 6 Parliamentary By-Elections That Will Test The Integrity of The New IEBC

    The 6 Parliamentary By-Elections That Will Test The Integrity of The New IEBC

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Jul 12 – The newly constituted Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) is facing its first major test following the its assumption on Friday as six National Assembly seats and one Senate seat remain vacant.

    While the swearing-in of a new Chairperson and six commissioners signaled hope, focus shifts to the Commission as thousands of unrepresented voters await by-elections in their respective constituencies.

    The Commission, chaired by Edung Ethekon, was formally sworn in at the Supreme Court in a ceremony presided over by Chief Justice Martha Koome, marking the end of a prolonged leadership vacuum at the electoral agency.

    The IEBC had operated without a fully constituted Commission since early 2023.

    With the team now in place, attention has turned to the urgent task of organizing by-elections in the six constituencies and one senatorial post that have fallen vacant since 2023.

    Article 101 of the Constitution requires that a by-election be held within ninety days of the official declaration of a vacancy in the National Assembly.

    However, the IEBC’s inability to operate during its leadership hiatus led to prolonged delays.

    With the Commission now fully constituted, preparations for the overdue by-elections are expected to begin.

    In Magarini Constituency, Harrison Kombe’s election as MP in August 2022 was nullified by the High Court due to irregularities.

    The Court of Appeal upheld the ruling on May 31, 2024, officially vacating the seat. Magarini, home to nearly 177,000 residents across eight wards in Kilifi County, has remained without a representative since the court’s ruling.

    Election schedules

    In Banisa Constituency, the seat became vacant in March 2023 following the death of MP Kullow Hassan Aden in a road traffic accident.

    Located in Mandera County, Banisa has remained unrepresented for over two years.

    Ugunja Constituency fell vacant following the resignation of long-serving MP Opiyo Wandayi in July 2024 after his appointment as Cabinet Secretary for Public Service. The seat has remained unfilled since his mid-term departure.

    Malava Constituency became vacant after the death of MP Malulu Injendi in February 2025 after a short illness, prompting the need for a by-election.

    Geoffrey Ruku, now Cabinet Secretary for Public Service, vacated his parliamentary seat in April 2025 following his appointment to the Executive. The seat awaits official gazettement ahead of a by-election.

    In Kasipul Constituency, MP Charles Ong’ondo Were was shot dead on April 30, 2025, while stopped at a traffic light on Ngong Road in Nairobi, leaving the seat vacant.

    A senatorial seat also became vacant in Baringo County following the death of Senator William Kipkorir Cheptumo in February 2025.

    Cheptumo, who had also served as Chairperson of the Senate Justice, Legal Affairs and Human Rights Committee, passed away at the age of 57 after a short illness.

    Political parties are expected to begin preparing for the upcoming contests in the six constituencies and the senatorial seat once the vacancies are officially gazetted and by-election dates scheduled.

    With its leadership crisis now resolved, the IEBC is also expected to resume other critical functions, including continuous voter registration, the constitutionally mandated review of constituency boundaries, and preparations for the highly anticipated 2027 General Election.

  • Gachagua: We’re Documenting Everything, I Am Taking Ruto to ICC Over Abductions and Killings

    Gachagua: We’re Documenting Everything, I Am Taking Ruto to ICC Over Abductions and Killings

    Former Deputy President escalates political feud with President Ruto, threatens international legal action

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has declared war on President William Ruto’s administration, announcing that the United Opposition is systematically documenting evidence of state-sponsored violence to present before the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    Speaking to Kenyans in Seattle on Friday, July 11, 2025, Gachagua revealed that his coalition is building a comprehensive case against Ruto’s government, focusing on what he terms “state-backed violence” including abductions and killings of protesters.

    “We are collecting evidence to be able to take these people to the International Criminal Court. We are documenting everything and will present it to the ICC,” Gachagua stated during the diaspora engagement session.

    The former deputy president’s threat comes in direct response to President Ruto’s directive for him to report perpetrators of violence to Kenyan police—a suggestion Gachagua dismissed as absurd.

    “I heard the president asking me to report those responsible, but how do I report him to the same police when he is the one, and using them to defend those destroying property? That’s why I told him we will report him to the ICC, and that is going on,” Gachagua explained.

    The ICC threat represents a dramatic escalation in the bitter fallout between the two leaders since Gachagua’s impeachment in October 2024.

    What began as political differences has now transformed into potential international legal action.

    Gachagua has been particularly critical of Ruto’s controversial “shoot-to-kill” orders to police during recent protests, describing the president as someone who “lacks feelings and humanity.”

    He specifically condemned Ruto’s directive to security forces to “shoot innocent Kenyans on the legs.”

    “You could not even send condolences to the dead. You lack feelings and humanity. We shall report you NOT to the Kenyan police but the International Criminal Court—an address you are familiar with,” Gachagua stated in an earlier statement on July 9, 2025.

    A Marriage Doomed from the Start

    During the Seattle engagement, Gachagua offered unprecedented insights into his deteriorating relationship with Ruto, describing their political alliance as fundamentally flawed from inception.

    “I knew my marriage with Ruto would not last long, past one year, because we are different. The guy is a pathological liar, and I am a truthful man. The two of us are like oil and water,” Gachagua revealed.

    He accused Ruto of seeking a “submissive deputy” rather than a principled partner, claiming the president wanted “a Mr. Yes Sir, a guy who will say yes sir to everything.”

    According to Gachagua, while Ruto was happy to use his influence in Mt. Kenya to rally votes during the 2022 elections, their irreconcilable differences quickly surfaced once in office.

    “This is a guy who will look at you straight and lie without even blinking. I couldn’t take it because I was not brought up that way,” he added.

    Since his ouster as Kenya’s second Deputy President, Gachagua has been orchestrating a systematic campaign to ensure Ruto’s defeat in the 2027 elections.

    The ICC threat appears to be part of this broader strategy to delegitimize the current administration.

    The former deputy president has also been rallying diaspora support, appealing to Kenyans abroad to contribute to bail funds for arrested Gen Z protesters and positioning himself as a defender of democratic rights.

    Gachagua’s ICC threat represents a high-stakes political gamble that could reshape Kenya’s political landscape.

    While the International Criminal Court previously pursued cases against Kenyan leaders following the 2007-2008 post-election violence, those cases were ultimately dropped.

    The success of Gachagua’s current strategy will depend on the opposition’s ability to compile credible evidence of state-sponsored violence and convince international prosecutors to take action.

    As Kenya grapples with ongoing political tensions and security concerns, the former deputy president’s ICC threat adds a new dimension to the country’s political crisis, potentially internationalizing what has been a domestic dispute.

    The coming months will reveal whether Gachagua’s documentation efforts translate into concrete legal action or remain part of political theater in Kenya’s increasingly polarized political environment.

  • New IEBC Chair Vows Allegiance to Kenyans as Electoral Commission Begins Fresh Chapter

    New IEBC Chair Vows Allegiance to Kenyans as Electoral Commission Begins Fresh Chapter

    Erastus Ethekon emphasizes constitutional mandate and democratic responsibility following swearing-in ceremony

    NAIROBI, Kenya – In a ceremony laden with constitutional significance, newly appointed Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Chairperson Erastus Ethekon declared his unwavering commitment to the Kenyan people, marking what many hope will be a new era of electoral credibility for the nation.

    Speaking at the Supreme Court Buildings on Friday following his oath-taking, Ethekon made a deliberate point of emphasizing where his loyalties lie. “My first and foremost loyalty is to the people of Kenya who hold the sovereign power under Article One of our Constitution,” he stated, immediately setting the tone for his tenure.

    The declaration comes at a critical juncture for Kenya’s electoral system. The IEBC has faced significant challenges in recent years, with public confidence shaken by controversies surrounding past elections. Ethekon’s emphasis on constitutional principles appears designed to rebuild that trust from the ground up.

    Drawing from international civil rights history, the new chairman invoked the words of late American leader John Lewis, who described voting as “precious, almost sacred” and “the most powerful nonviolent tool we have to create a more perfect union.” This reference to global democratic values signals an intention to place Kenya’s electoral processes within broader international standards of democratic governance.

    Ethekon’s speech revealed a clear understanding of the weight of his office. “The credibility of our elections depends on our collective commitment to the rule of law, fairness and the principle that every Kenyan matters,” he explained, outlining what appears to be his philosophical approach to electoral management.

    The appointment process itself has been described as rigorous, with Ethekon acknowledging the various institutions involved. His thanks to President William Ruto, Parliament, the Justice and Legal Affairs Committee, and the Judiciary suggest a collaborative approach that could help legitimize the commission’s work across different branches of government.

    Perhaps most significantly, Ethekon’s promise that Kenyan voices “will not only be heard but will also count during the coming elections” directly addresses one of the most sensitive issues in the country’s electoral history – the perception that votes might not be properly counted or that the electoral process might be manipulated.

    The timing of these commitments is crucial. With elections approaching, the IEBC faces the immediate challenge of implementing systems and processes that will deliver on these promises. Ethekon’s invocation of Winston Churchill’s observation that “the price of greatness is responsibility” suggests he understands the magnitude of this challenge.

    Working alongside commissioners Ann Njeri Nderitu, Moses Alutalala Mukhwana, Mary Karen Sorobit, Hassan Noor Hassan, Francis Odhiambo Aduol, and Fahima Araphat Abdallah, Ethekon leads a team that will be closely watched by both Kenyans and the international community.

    The real test of these commitments will come in the practical implementation of electoral processes. Ethekon’s emphasis on urgency suggests awareness that time is of the essence in rebuilding institutional credibility. His call for “absolute commitment” indicates recognition that half-measures will not suffice in restoring public confidence.

    As Kenya prepares for its next electoral cycle, the words spoken at Friday’s ceremony will be measured against the actions taken in the coming months. For a nation where electoral integrity has been a persistent concern, Ethekon’s pledges represent both hope and expectation that the IEBC can fulfill its constitutional mandate of ensuring free, fair, and credible elections.

    The success of this renewed commitment will ultimately be judged not by the eloquence of the promises made, but by the integrity of the electoral processes delivered.

  • Insider Wars: How Choice For Flagbearer Now Threatens to Split Opposition Camp Ahead of 2027

    Insider Wars: How Choice For Flagbearer Now Threatens to Split Opposition Camp Ahead of 2027

    What began as a promising show of unity among Kenya’s opposition forces is now unraveling into a complex web of competing interests and silent power struggles, threatening to derail plans for a unified challenge against President William Ruto in 2027.

    Behind the carefully orchestrated public appearances and joint press conferences, a fierce battle for the opposition’s presidential flagbearer position is tearing at the fabric of the coalition that brings together at least six major political outfits.

    At the center of this brewing storm are two key figures: former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i and Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka.

    The choice between these two seasoned politicians has become the fault line threatening to split the opposition camp.

    The coalition includes former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP), Musyoka’s Wiper, Martha Karua’s People’s Liberation Party, Eugene Wamalwa’s Democratic Action Party (DAP-K), Justin Muturi’s Democratic Party, and former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee party.

    Kenyatta factor

    Sources within the opposition reveal that former President Uhuru Kenyatta is reportedly backing Matiang’i, while Gachagua appears to favor Musyoka.

    This division at the top has cascaded down through the coalition, creating competing camps within what was supposed to be a united front.

    Jubilee Party, through Secretary-General Jeremiah Kioni, has already made its position clear by endorsing Matiang’i, describing him as the “ideal reformist with the experience and personality to lead the nation.”

    The party has announced plans to front Matiang’i as their presidential candidate, a move that has rattled other factions, particularly Gachagua’s DCP.

    Gachagua’s strategic maneuvering

    Despite being impeached as Deputy President last year and facing court challenges that may bar him from running for the presidency, Gachagua has emerged as a key power broker.

    His recent controversial suggestion that Matiang’i should reject Jubilee as his election vehicle and form his own party has been interpreted by analysts as a strategic move to protect his influence in the Mt Kenya region.

    “Mr Gachagua’s recent statement and public salutation in the company of Mr Musyoka – the famous ‘hi cousins’ – summed it all. He gave the clearest sign that Mt Kenya would be more comfortable supporting Mr Musyoka than any other candidate in the opposition,” an opposition insider revealed.

    The former Deputy President has dismissed talk of cracks in the coalition, vowing to ensure President Ruto loses the 2027 vote, even if he has to play the kingmaker role.

    However, his actions suggest a calculated effort to maintain his grip on Mt Kenya politics.

    Mt Kenya dynamics

    The Mt Kenya region has become a crucial battleground within the opposition.

    Last year, in a symbolic gesture, Musyoka’s community was “integrated” into the Gema Cultural Association through elaborate rituals conducted by various councils of elders, positioning him as part of the larger Mt Kenya political framework ahead of 2027.

    This integration ceremony, which took place at All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi, was seen as a strategic move to strengthen Musyoka’s appeal in the region.

    However, if Matiang’i runs on the Jubilee ticket, it could rejuvenate the former ruling party in Mt Kenya and present serious competition for Gachagua’s DCP.

    Western Kenya complications

    The opposition’s challenges extend beyond Mt Kenya.

    In Western Kenya, a parallel power struggle is playing out between Eugene Wamalwa and Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya. Despite being Wamalwa’s protégé and having been elected on a DAP-K ticket, Natembeya has emerged as a formidable force with his “Tawe Movement,” which has drawn massive grassroots support.

    The governor’s growing popularity and criticism of both Kenya Kwanza and some opposition leaders have left Wamalwa politically eclipsed, complicating DAP-K’s position in the coalition talks.

    Exclusion tactics

    The infighting has become more pronounced with recent attempts to exclude certain leaders from coalition negotiations.

    Musyoka’s allies have pushed for the exclusion of Jubilee’s Jeremiah Kioni from coalition talks, accusing him of bias.

    This move has further strained relationships within the coalition.

    President William Ruto.
    President William Ruto.

    President Ruto has not been oblivious to these opposition dynamics.

    This week, he told his opponents to prepare for a tough contest in 2027, criticizing what he termed their attempt to “overthrow me through illegitimate means.”

    “Table your agenda and let us meet in 2027. They say they will no longer wait for 2027.

    That they plan violence and to overthrow the government. Let them dare,” the President declared in Nairobi, seemingly confident about the opposition’s internal divisions.

    Despite the visible tensions, opposition leaders maintain they will remain united.

    Gachagua has urged Kenyans to be patient until the person to face President Ruto and the power-sharing formula are unveiled in December next year.

    “As patriots, we shall do the right thing. We shall put our interests aside for the sake of Kenya,” Gachagua said, though his actions suggest otherwise.

    Political analyst Prof. Macharia Munene notes that there is a general feeling that key political players should have a support base before entering into coalitions.

    He argues that the current dynamics reflect the natural tensions that arise when ambitious politicians attempt to unite for a common cause.

    “If he is accepted by the people, irrespective of the party, he would still be voted. I don’t think Matiang’i could be a threat to Gachagua in Mt Kenya,” Prof. Munene observed, though recent developments suggest the competition may be fiercer than anticipated.

    As the opposition coalition grapples with these internal divisions, the question remains whether they can overcome their differences to present a united front against President Ruto.

    The stakes are high, and the window for resolving these disputes is narrowing as 2027 approaches.

    The next few months will be crucial in determining whether the opposition can maintain its facade of unity or whether the silent wars will explode into open conflict, potentially handing President Ruto an easier path to re-election.

    For now, the opposition leaders continue to present a united front in public while engaging in intense behind-the-scenes negotiations to determine who will carry their flag in what promises to be a defining election for Kenya’s political future.

  • Shoot to Kill: MP Koech Overrides Ruto’s Directive to Shoot Legs of Violent Protesters

    Shoot to Kill: MP Koech Overrides Ruto’s Directive to Shoot Legs of Violent Protesters

    Belgut lawmaker calls for lethal force against protesters targeting government installations, contradicting President’s measured approach

    NAIROBI – Belgut Member of Parliament Nelson Koech has sparked a fresh controversy by calling for police to be given explicit authority to shoot and kill violent protesters, directly contradicting President William Ruto’s Wednesday directive that officers should only shoot protesters in the legs to incapacitate them.

    Speaking at a public event on Thursday, July 10, 2025, Koech escalated the government’s hardline stance against ongoing anti-government demonstrations, arguing that the President’s “shoot-in-the-leg” order does not go far enough to protect state institutions and public safety.

    The Defence Committee chairperson’s call for lethal force represents a significant departure from President Ruto’s measured approach announced just a day earlier.

    While Ruto had instructed police to shoot violent protesters in the legs to incapacitate them before taking them to hospital and subsequently to court, Koech dismissed this as insufficient.

    “You cannot have someone coming after your life, and you do not want to shoot and kill. You cannot have someone who is going to endanger you and your family. And you are telling me you cannot shoot and kill,” Koech declared, defending the use of deadly force against what he termed “criminal elements hiding behind the guise of protest.”

    Koech grounded his position in existing legal frameworks, arguing that both the Constitution and the Police Act already empower law enforcement to use firearms when their lives are threatened.

    He maintained that the current wave of violence demands a firmer response than the President’s directive allows.

    “The police have the power to use their arms when they have evaluated the risk of their lives are in danger,” the MP noted.

    “These people cannot be terrorising others. Anyone who has to go to a protected area like the State House is not an ordinary person. That is a criminal, that is an armed person that must be dealt with using equal force, and the only force that applies to such people is to shoot and kill.”

    Terrorism allegations

    In perhaps his most inflammatory remarks, Koech likened protesters who target government installations to terrorists, suggesting they should face terrorism charges.

    This represents a significant escalation in the government’s characterization of the demonstrations that have rocked Kenya since June.

    “I can tell you they are terrorists and they are going to be charged as either facilitating terrorism or being terrorists themselves,” Koech stated, dismissing concerns about potential abuse of police powers.

    The MP’s comments come against the backdrop of escalating violence during recent protests.

    On Monday, July 7, 2025, at least 31 people were killed during nationwide anti-government demonstrations marking the 35th anniversary of Kenya’s pro-democracy uprising.

    The protests, which began as calls for economic reforms, have evolved into demands for President Ruto’s resignation.

    The violence has prompted international concern, with the United Nations and various human rights organizations accusing Kenyan police of excessive force.

    This scrutiny appears to have influenced President Ruto’s decision to issue the more measured “shoot-in-the-leg” directive rather than authorizing lethal force.

    Koech’s stance puts him at odds not only with the President but also with growing criticism from other political leaders.

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has already criticized Ruto’s “shoot-in-the-leg” order as lacking “feelings and humanity,” while EALA MP David Ole Sankok has urged the President to reconsider the directive entirely.

    The public response to Ruto’s Wednesday announcement has been largely negative, with Kenyans turning the directive into viral memes featuring images of people on crutches.

    The satirical response highlights the public’s rejection of what many see as disproportionate state violence against protesters.

    Proportionality debate

    The contradiction between Koech’s “shoot-to-kill” advocacy and Ruto’s “shoot-in-the-leg” order raises fundamental questions about the proportionality of force in crowd control.

    While Koech argues that constitutional protections justify lethal force, critics contend that such measures would further inflame public anger and potentially trigger more violence.

    The debate reflects broader tensions within the ruling United Democratic Alliance (UDA) party about how to respond to the sustained protests while maintaining legitimacy and avoiding further casualties.

    Koech’s comments are likely to intensify international pressure on Kenya’s government.

    The MP, who serves as chairperson of the National Assembly’s Committee on Defence, Intelligence and Foreign Relations, has previously rejected external criticism of Kenya’s handling of protests, telling diplomatic missions not to interfere in the country’s internal affairs.

    However, calls for lethal force against protesters may prompt stronger international condemnation and potentially impact Kenya’s relationships with development partners and the international community.

    As Kenya grapples with its worst civil unrest in years, the contradiction between senior government officials on the use of force highlights the lack of a unified strategy for addressing the crisis.

    While President Ruto appears to be seeking a balance between maintaining order and avoiding further casualties, lawmakers like Koech are pushing for more aggressive measures.

    The outcome of this internal debate within the government will likely determine not only the immediate response to ongoing protests but also the long-term trajectory of Kenya’s democracy and respect for human rights.

    The international community, civil society organizations, and ordinary Kenyans will be watching closely to see whether the government chooses the path of de-escalation or further entrenchment in its hardline approach to dissent.

  • Kenyans Turn Ruto’s ‘Shoot-the-legs’ Order Into Digital Defiance

    Kenyans Turn Ruto’s ‘Shoot-the-legs’ Order Into Digital Defiance

    NAIROBI – What began as a presidential order to shoot protesters in the legs has evolved into one of Kenya’s most potent forms of digital resistance, as citizens transform state violence into satirical ammunition against the very leadership that threatened them.

    President William Ruto’s Wednesday directive – “Whoever is found burning and destroying properties should be shot in the leg, taken to hospital and when healed, taken to court” – has backfired spectacularly, spawning a meme revolution that has redefined how Kenyans express political dissent in the digital age.

    Within hours of Ruto’s statement, social media platforms erupted with creative mockery.

    The ruling United Democratic Alliance (UDA) party’s wheelbarrow symbol – once representing progress and development – was reimagined as a wheelchair, a darkly comic commentary on the president’s threat to literally disable his critics.

    TikTok users have produced elaborate skits showing young protesters tying pillows around their legs before heading to demonstrations, while others have created parody advertisements for “Protester Leg Protection Plans” complete with discounted crutches and bullet wound insurance.

    The creativity extends beyond mere mockery.

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua shared an AI-generated image of crowds on crutches, declaring: “This is the war on the people who made him president. Instead of listening to their cries, he wants to cripple them.”

    The phenomenon has created its own lexicon. “Wheelliam Ruto” has become the president’s unofficial nickname, while hashtags like #LegShotPolicy, #WheelchairEconomy, and #RutoTheCrippler have dominated trending topics across platforms.

    Social media user Victor Kiprotich captured the generational shift in political expression: “We soldier on now has a different meaning in Kenya after Wheelliam Ruto’s shoot-the-legs directive. We are not our parents.”

    This isn’t just digital noise – it’s a sophisticated form of political resistance that bypasses traditional media gatekeepers and state censorship.

    The memes serve multiple functions: they ridicule authority, build solidarity among dissidents, and create a shared language of resistance that transcends ethnic and class divisions.

    Youth activist Fred Osoro articulated the gravity beneath the humor: “Ruto has crippled the economy, now he is crippling the youth. His order to shoot protesters in the legs is unacceptable. It risks fatalities, unnecessary injuries and unjust killings. It violates our right to peaceful assembly.”

    Political analyst Wanjiru Gikonyo frames the meme culture as more than entertainment: “This is not just comedy – it’s political resistance. When citizens feel they can’t be heard, they use humour and imagery to fight back.”

    The satirical response represents a generational shift in how Kenyans engage with power. Where previous generations might have relied on traditional forms of protest or remained silent, today’s digital natives are weaponizing humor to expose the absurdity of authoritarian overreach.

    The meme phenomenon reveals something profound about contemporary political discourse: ridicule can be more damaging to authority than direct confrontation.

    By transforming Ruto’s threat into a source of national comedy, Kenyans have effectively neutered its intended intimidation effect.

    The imagery of young voters on crutches heading to the 2027 elections serves as both prophecy and warning – a reminder that political violence often backfires on those who deploy it.

    The memes suggest that rather than silencing dissent, Ruto’s directive has energized a new form of opposition that is harder to suppress and more difficult to ignore.

    This episode demonstrates how digital platforms have democratized political commentary, allowing ordinary citizens to shape national discourse without traditional media intermediaries. The speed and creativity of the response suggest a politically engaged population that refuses to be intimidated by threats of violence.

    The transformation of Ruto’s directive from threat to meme represents more than just internet humor – it’s a masterclass in how digital natives can flip the script on authoritarian rhetoric, turning state violence into a source of state ridicule.

    As Kenya grapples with economic hardship and political tension, the meme movement offers a glimpse into how future political battles might be fought: not just in the streets or at ballot boxes, but in the digital spaces where humor and outrage combine to create new forms of resistance that are as viral as they are vital.

  • Senator Ojienda Backs Ruto’s Controversial “Shoot in the Leg” Order, Claims Directive Targets Criminals Not Peaceful Protesters

    Senator Ojienda Backs Ruto’s Controversial “Shoot in the Leg” Order, Claims Directive Targets Criminals Not Peaceful Protesters

    Kisumu Senator Tom Ojienda has thrown his weight behind President William Ruto’s contentious directive instructing police to shoot protesters “in the leg,” arguing that the head of state was specifically targeting criminals and looters rather than peaceful demonstrators.

    In a television interview on Thursday, the veteran lawyer and politician defended Ruto’s Wednesday remarks, which have sparked widespread condemnation across Kenya’s political spectrum. Ojienda characterized the president’s statement as a necessary response to escalating violence during recent protests.

    “The president has an obligation to call our forces and the public back to order because we need civility,” Ojienda stated during the live broadcast. “Ruto is saying that we must deal with protesters who do not intend to protest but come to destroy property. The president’s message was targeted at looters and goons.”

    The controversy stems from Ruto’s appearance in Kilimani on Wednesday, where he issued stark warnings about the use of force against demonstrators. Speaking to his audience, the president declared that anyone using petrol to burn businesses or property “should be shot in the leg, taken to hospital, and then presented in court.”

    Ruto’s rhetoric escalated further when addressing attacks on law enforcement, stating: “Anyone who attacks a police officer, anyone who invades a police station—that is a declaration of war in the Republic of Kenya. I do not know if we are understanding each other, my friend. Enough is enough. It cannot go on any longer.”

    Senator Ojienda interpreted these remarks as a measured response to criminal elements exploiting legitimate protests. “The president simply said that if you get into a position where you are threatening the lives of those who are supposed to keep law and order, then you will be met with equal force,” he explained.

    The defense comes as Kenya grapples with the aftermath of three waves of protests that have reportedly left over 50 people dead. Critics have accused Ruto of authorizing excessive force against citizens exercising their constitutional right to peaceful assembly.

    However, Ojienda’s support positions him among a minority of political figures willing to publicly back the president’s stance. The senator emphasized that the directive was conditional, targeting only those whose actions threatened police officers’ lives or involved destruction of property.

    The controversy has intensified scrutiny of Ruto’s approach to civil unrest, with opposition politicians and civil society groups expressing alarm at what they perceive as an escalation in state-sanctioned violence. The president, for his part, has framed his position as fulfilling his constitutional duty to protect lives and property.

    As Kenya continues to navigate political tensions, Ojienda’s defense of the president’s position highlights the deep divisions within the country’s political establishment over how to balance maintaining order with respecting citizens’ rights to peaceful protest.

    The debate over appropriate use of force during demonstrations remains a critical issue as the country seeks to address underlying grievances while preventing further violence and casualties.