Former Deputy President Links Economic Downturn to Political Hostility Against Central Kenya Community
Boston, USA – July 20, 2025
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua delivered a scathing critique of President William Ruto’s administration during a diaspora engagement in Boston on Sunday, directly linking Kenya’s deteriorating economic conditions to what he described as a deliberate political war against the Mount Kenya region.
Speaking passionately to members of the Kikuyu diaspora community, Gachagua painted a stark picture of economic decline that he attributes to the systematic targeting of Kenya’s most entrepreneurial region.
The former Deputy President’s remarks underscore growing tensions between the current administration and the Central Kenya community that has historically been considered the backbone of the country’s economic engine.
“When you destroy this community, you destroy Kenya,” Gachagua declared with characteristic directness.
“We are the drivers of the Kenyan economy. Since William Ruto declared war on the mountain, the economy is almost collapsing because people have stopped paying taxes and investing as they wait for a new government.”
The former Deputy President’s analysis reveals a concerning trend of economic resistance, where Mount Kenya entrepreneurs and business leaders have allegedly adopted a wait-and-see approach, deliberately withholding their financial contributions to the national economy.
This strategic withdrawal of economic participation, according to Gachagua, mirrors the behavior of diaspora Kenyans who are cautiously managing their resources during uncertain times.
Gachagua’s observations highlight the intricate relationship between political stability and economic performance in Kenya.
He suggested that the Mount Kenya community’s response to perceived political hostility has created a ripple effect throughout the national economy, with businesses scaling back operations and investors postponing major financial commitments.
“The way you are hoarding your money here, even in Kenya, that is what people are doing,” he explained to the Boston audience. “We do small businesses and are holding on to the rest, waiting for the economy to change.”
The former Deputy President took pride in celebrating the entrepreneurial spirit that defines the Mount Kenya community, describing them as naturally aggressive and resilient business leaders whose influence extends far beyond their regional boundaries.
His characterization of the community as inherently entrepreneurial serves to emphasize the significant economic impact of their reduced participation in national economic activities.
“This is the community that is responsible for the growth of the Kenyan economy,” Gachagua emphasized, noting the ubiquitous presence of Mount Kenya entrepreneurs across the country.
“We are very aggressive people, very entrepreneurial and outgoing, and that is why we are in every town in Kenya. That is why you are here.”
The Boston engagement, where Gachagua was accompanied by his spouse Pastor Dorcas, represented part of his ongoing tour of the United States, during which he has been briefing diaspora communities on Kenya’s current state and future prospects.
The former Deputy President praised the diaspora as a powerful force capable of driving Kenya’s economic transformation, suggesting that their potential remains largely untapped due to current political uncertainties.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has made explosive allegations against his successor, claiming Deputy President Kithure Kindiki received Sh60 million from President William Ruto to orchestrate violence during last month’s anti-government protests.
Speaking from Boston during his ongoing United States tour, Gachagua accused the government of paying goons to cause mayhem and frame him and his Mount Kenya allies for the chaos that resulted in at least 38 deaths and over 130 injuries during the Saba Saba protests.
“They paid goons to cause mayhem and frame us for it so that the public would turn against us. But Kenyans are not blind; they can see through the deception,” Gachagua declared during his Boston address.
Massive surveillance operation
Perhaps more concerning are Gachagua’s claims about state surveillance directed against him.
The Democracy for Citizens Party leader revealed that over 40 National Intelligence Service agents had been deployed to monitor his US tour activities.
“During my current tour of America, over 40 agents were deployed by the NIS to trail us, with intentions that could have endangered not only our safety but also triggered serious unrest back home,” he stated during his Saturday interview.
Gachagua also accused Kindiki, whom he mockingly referred to as “Soprano,” of misappropriating state resources under the guise of empowerment programs while actually conducting premature 2027 election campaigns.
He argued that funds meant for hospitals and schools were being diverted for political activities.
“The money he’s flying around with in helicopters could fix hospitals and schools. Instead, it’s being thrown around in the name of empowerment. But young people are paying attention,” he said.
The former DP outlined his vision for the first 100 days in office should he be elected president, promising to end extrajudicial killings, restore institutional independence, and revamp essential public services.
He also criticized National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetangula for abandoning parliamentary neutrality and openly supporting the executive.
Gachagua’s tour of the United States began on July 9, 2025, despite what he described as threats from individuals close to President Ruto attempting to prevent his departure.
The tour includes stops in Dallas, California, Seattle, Boston, and Baltimore, where he has been conducting town hall meetings with diaspora communities.
The political feud between former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and former Presidential economic adviser Moses Kuria has escalated into a bitter public exchange, with explosive allegations linking both leaders to one of Kenya’s most controversial political incidents – the infamous raid on former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Northlands farm.
The dramatic confrontation centers around the March 27, 2023 invasion of the Kenyatta family’s 11,000-acre Northlands property in Ruiru by hundreds of unknown goons who broke through the fence, stole over 1,500 Dorper sheep, and destroyed trees on the vast estate.
The brazen daylight raid, which was captured on video and broadcast across national television, sent shockwaves through Kenya’s political establishment and raised serious questions about political intimidation and the rule of law.
Speaking from Boston during his ongoing United States tour, Gachagua had initially cautioned Mount Kenya residents against trusting Kuria’s political messaging, alleging that the former adviser’s public positions were merely extensions of President William Ruto’s political agenda.
Ex DP Rigathi Gachagua during interview in Boston
“When you see a party or an individual like Moses Kuria praising certain ideas or directions, understand that it is aligned with what the President wants,”Gachagua had stated, suggesting there was a calculated strategy to divide Mount Kenya votes.
However, Kuria’s response has turned the political discourse on its head with stunning criminal allegations that directly implicate his former ally in the Northlands incident.
In a social media post that has since gone viral, Kuria admitted to accusations of supporting controversial figure Maina Njenga but turned the tables with a devastating counter-claim.
“Rigathi Gachagua has accused me during his tour of the US of funding and supporting Maina Njenga. I am guilty as charged. I learnt from the best. I was in the room when Rigathi paid the same people money to steal Uhuru Kenyatta’s goats from Northlands,” Kuria wrote, providing what he claims is first-hand testimony of criminal conspiracy at the highest levels of government.
The Northlands raid remains one of the most controversial episodes in Kenya’s recent political history.
The invasion involved armed goons wielding machetes and axes who not only stole over 1,500 valuable Dorper sheep but also went on a destruction spree, felling trees and setting parts of the property ablaze.
The scale and coordination of the attack suggested significant planning and resources, leading to widespread speculation about political involvement.
Former President Uhuru Kenyatta, who had remained silent for months after the incident, eventually broke his silence in May 2023, describing the invasion as “an intimidation ploy to keep him off politics”.
His statement confirmed what many political observers suspected – that the raid was not random criminal activity but a calculated political attack designed to send a message.
The timing of the Northlands invasion was particularly significant, occurring during a period of heightened political tensions between the Kenya Kwanza government and the opposition Azimio coalition, of which Uhuru was a key supporter.
Immediately after the raid, Moses Kuria, who was then serving as Trade and Investment Cabinet Secretary, was reported to have celebrated the invasion, raising questions about government involvement or approval of the incident.
Opposition leader Martha Karua had previously alleged that both Gachagua and Kuria hired goons for various political activities, claiming the duo had meetings with these groups and instructed them to cause chaos.
These earlier allegations now take on new significance in light of Kuria’s specific claims about the Northlands incident.
The aftermath of the raid revealed the extent of the criminal enterprise involved.
Weeks after the initial theft, sheep began mysteriously reappearing near the farm, with people believed to be aides of Nairobi politicians dropping off animals along the Eastern Bypass.
By May 2023, at least 50 of the nearly 1,500 stolen sheep had been returned, with those returning them telling farm staff they “did not want to be cursed”.
Kuria’s current allegations provide a potential missing link in understanding how such a massive, coordinated operation could have been funded and executed.
His claim of being present when payments were allegedly made by Gachagua suggests intimate knowledge of the criminal conspiracy, if true.
The political implications of these mutual accusations extend far beyond personal animosity between two former allies.
Both Gachagua and Kuria were instrumental in President Ruto’s rise to power and were considered key figures in securing Mount Kenya’s support for the Kenya Kwanza coalition.
Their current public warfare exposes deep fractures within the region’s political establishment and raises questions about the methods used to consolidate power.
The Northlands incident had been previously linked to Kenya Kwanza politicians, with reports suggesting some leaders in the coalition were blamed for hiring the goons.
Kuria’s specific allegations now provide what he presents as insider testimony about the funding mechanisms behind the operation.
The deteriorating relationship between these two political figures reflects broader tensions that have characterized their post-election period.
Kuria’s recent resignation from his position as senior economic adviser, which he announced came after a personal meeting with President Ruto, adds another layer to the complex political dynamics at play.
For the people of Mount Kenya, whom Gachagua was ostensibly trying to protect with his original warnings about political manipulation, these revelations present a troubling picture of leaders willing to engage in criminal activity and then publicly expose each other when their alliances sour.
The criminal nature of Kuria’s allegations, particularly his claim of witnessing payment for theft, raises serious questions about whether these matters should be pursued through legal channels rather than remaining part of political theater.
The specific details he provides suggest a level of knowledge that could be legally significant if investigated by appropriate authorities.
As this explosive political feud continues to unfold, the broader implications for Kenya’s political landscape remain unclear.
What is certain is that the public washing of dirty linen by these former allies has provided unprecedented insight into the allegedly criminal methods some politicians may employ in their pursuit and maintenance of power.
The Northlands raid, once seen as an isolated incident of political intimidation, now appears to be part of a broader pattern of alleged criminal activity that may have reached the highest levels of government, according to Kuria’s explosive claims.
Former Chief Justice David Maraga’s ambitious entry into the 2027 presidential race has been met with skepticism and outright dismissal from political quarters, barely 24 hours after launching his campaign fundraising website on Friday.
The retired Chief Justice, who officially declared his presidential bid last month, unveiled an online platform inviting Kenyans both at home and in the diaspora to contribute as little as Ksh100 towards what he terms a “people-driven movement to Reset, Restore, and Rebuild Kenya.”
International supporters can donate from as low as five dollars, with contributions capped at Ksh50,000 locally and 25 dollars for diaspora Kenyans.
However, the fundraising approach has drawn sharp criticism from Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei, a close ally of President William Ruto, who questioned the viability of public fundraising in financing a serious presidential campaign.
Writing on his X platform on Saturday, Cherargei dismissed Maraga’s strategy as fundamentally flawed, arguing that “in Kenya, a fundraiser can never fund campaigns even of a Member of the County Assembly.”
The Senator referenced his earlier advice to Busia counterpart Okiya Omtatah, another presidential hopeful, emphasizing that “to run an effective Presidential campaign, you need at least seven billion shillings.”
Cherargei’s skepticism extended beyond mere numbers, questioning Maraga’s true intentions by drawing parallels with activist Morara Kebaso’s failed fundraising attempt for vehicle fuel.
“If Morara Kebaso was fundraising for fuel only, yet he could not manage, is Maraga looking for votes or money? Which is which?” he quipped.
Maraga’s modest financial contribution to his own campaign has become a point of contention.
During a recent Citizen TV interview, the former Chief Justice candidly admitted his limited resources, stating he would contribute “very little money, around Sh1 million or Sh2 million” because he doesn’t “have much money.”
This admission, while praised by some as refreshing honesty, has raised questions about his preparedness for the financial demands of a national campaign.
The digital platform, headquartered in Westlands, Nairobi, allows contributors to enter personal details and donation amounts while leaving optional messages of support.
Maraga has promised complete transparency in fund utilization, with contributions earmarked for grassroots mobilization, campaign events, digital outreach, and building a national volunteer network.
Any excess funds, he pledges, will be redirected to public causes.
Despite the cold reception from political circles, Maraga remains optimistic about ordinary Kenyans’ willingness to support his candidacy.
He has positioned his campaign as a grassroots movement driven by integrity, competence, and justice, targeting the youth and underrepresented communities who have borne the brunt of Kenya’s economic challenges.
The former Chief Justice’s political platform centers on fighting corruption and police brutality, issues that resonated strongly during his tenure at the helm of Kenya’s judiciary.
His decision to rely heavily on public funding represents a departure from traditional Kenyan politics, where well-funded candidates typically dominate the electoral landscape.
As the 2027 election cycle gradually takes shape, Maraga’s unconventional fundraising approach will serve as a litmus test for whether Kenyan voters are ready to financially back candidates who lack traditional political war chests.
The success or failure of his crowdfunded campaign could potentially reshape how future presidential aspirants approach campaign financing in Kenya’s evolving political landscape.
Whether Maraga’s faith in ordinary Kenyans’ generosity will translate into the billions required for a competitive presidential campaign remains to be seen, but his early critics suggest the path ahead will be significantly more challenging than the former Chief Justice anticipates.
Senior Counsel offers mixed scorecard for President’s performance, praising economic and development achievements while highlighting governance concerns
Prominent lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi has delivered a comprehensive assessment of President William Ruto’s administration after two years and eight months in office, painting a picture of significant achievements alongside concerning shortcomings in key governance areas.
The Senior Counsel, known for his candid political commentary, took to social media on Saturday to offer his evaluation of the President’s performance across various sectors.
His assessment reveals a tale of two presidencies – one excelling in economic management and development initiatives, and another struggling with fundamental governance principles.
According to Ahmednasir’s scorecard, President Ruto has demonstrated exceptional leadership in most policy areas, earning grades between B+ and A+.
The lawyer’s praise encompasses the administration’s handling of economic recovery, infrastructure development, and various other governmental functions that have marked the President’s tenure since taking office in September 2022.
However, the assessment takes a sharp turn when examining what Ahmednasir considers the administration’s most challenging areas.
The lawyer awarded significantly lower grades, ranging from D- to C-, for the government’s performance in governance structures, rule of law implementation, relationships with judicial institutions, and anti-corruption efforts.
The critique becomes particularly pointed when addressing the administration’s approach to judicial independence, specifically mentioning concerns about the treatment of what he refers to as “JurisPESA judges.”
This reference appears to relate to ongoing tensions between the executive and certain judicial officers, reflecting broader concerns about the separation of powers under the current administration.
Despite these harsh grades in specific areas, Ahmednasir acknowledged the President’s commitment to improvement, noting that Ruto is “working very hard on these low grades, day and night.”
The lawyer went further, revealing his personal involvement in supporting the President’s efforts to address these deficiencies, particularly in matters relating to judicial reforms.
This mixed evaluation comes at a critical juncture for the Ruto administration as it approaches the halfway mark of its first term.
The President has outlined ambitious economic plans for 2025, with expectations of increased investment and manufacturing sector expansion that could validate some of the positive grades in Ahmednasir’s assessment.
Recent economic indicators suggest a complex picture that aligns with the lawyer’s nuanced evaluation.
Growth projections for 2025 stand at 5-5.5%, while consumer spending power has reportedly increased by 24% compared to pre-pandemic levels.
These figures may explain the high marks Ahmednasir awarded for economic performance, even as governance concerns persist.
The assessment carries particular weight given Ahmednasir’s prominence in Kenya’s legal and political circles.
The Senior Counsel has maintained a complex relationship with various administrations, often serving as both supporter and critic depending on government actions.
His willingness to praise achievements while sharply criticizing failures reflects the kind of independent analysis that political observers value.
The timing of this evaluation is also significant as political commentators and the public begin looking ahead to the 2027 elections.
Performance assessments like Ahmednasir’s often serve as early indicators of how key influencers view an administration’s trajectory and electoral prospects.
The areas identified for improvement in Ahmednasir’s scorecard – governance, rule of law, judicial independence, and anti-corruption efforts – represent some of the most fundamental aspects of democratic governance.
These concerns echo broader public discourse about the administration’s approach to institutional independence and accountability mechanisms.
As the Ruto administration continues into its third year, the challenge will be addressing these governance concerns while maintaining the momentum in areas where it has performed well.
The lawyer’s assessment suggests that while the government has succeeded in many policy areas, its legacy may ultimately be determined by how it handles the fundamental questions of democratic governance and institutional respect.
National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula has issued a stern call for immediate legislative reforms to address what he describes as the gross abuse of constitutional rights to demonstrate, which has repeatedly resulted in violence, destruction of property, and loss of life across the country.
Speaking during a Women’s Economic Empowerment Programme in Kabuchoi on Saturday, Wetang’ula expressed deep concern over the recent wave of violent protests that have rocked the nation, describing them as a dangerous distortion of the constitutional freedoms enshrined in Kenya’s 2010 Constitution. The Speaker emphasized that while the Constitution guarantees citizens the right to assemble and protest peacefully, it does not provide license for criminal activities that have increasingly characterized public demonstrations.
“Let’s be clear. The Constitution guarantees the right to assemble and protest, but it does not give anyone the license to riot, loot, burn property, rape, maim or kill. That is lawlessness, and no society should tolerate it,” Wetang’ula declared to the gathering, which included several prominent Kenya Kwanza leaders.
The Speaker proposed adopting a legal framework similar to that used in the United Kingdom, where protest organizers can be held personally accountable for violence and property damage that occurs during demonstrations they organize. This model, he argued, would create necessary accountability while preserving legitimate constitutional rights to peaceful assembly.
Wetang’ula specifically criticized political leaders who incite violence while ensuring their own families remain safe abroad, calling for such leaders to face personal responsibility for the consequences of their actions. He tasked Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah and other Members of Parliament to spearhead the legislative reforms needed to close existing legal loopholes that have allowed violence to flourish under the guise of peaceful protest.
The Speaker’s remarks come against the backdrop of mounting political tensions following the violent Saba Saba demonstrations that left a trail of destruction across several parts of the country. The Speaker also took aim at former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, whom he accused of exporting Kenya’s political divisions to the diaspora community in the United States.
“He’s instigating chaos at home, then fleeing to the US to divide the diaspora. The people he’s addressing in America were born there; they don’t know Kenyan tribes. He’s exporting Kenya’s political toxicity abroad,” Wetang’ula said, adding that Gachagua no longer represents anyone in Kenya and urging citizens to reject divisive leadership.
Majority Leader Ichung’wah, who was present at the event alongside other Kenya Kwanza officials including Senate Majority Whip Silvanus Osoro and several MPs, echoed Wetang’ula’s sentiments with equally strong language. He warned that all individuals connected to the violent protests would face justice regardless of their political status or position.
“Whether you’re an MP or not, if you planned or sponsored those riots, you will face justice. Even I, as Majority Leader, would not be spared. No one is above the law,” Ichung’wah asserted, in remarks that appeared directed at recently arrested Naivasha MP Jane Kihara, who has been charged in connection with the protests.
Ichung’wah dismissed claims that the charges against political figures are politically motivated, insisting that those who encouraged youth to engage in looting and destruction must bear responsibility for their actions. He urged those facing charges to accept accountability rather than seeking sympathy, stating bluntly that they should “carry your cross” and seek help from their political sponsors.
The Majority Leader also issued a specific warning to Rift Valley residents, urging them to resist any attempts to stir tribal conflict and avoid repeating the tragic mistakes of the 2007/2008 post-election violence that claimed over a thousand lives and displaced hundreds of thousands of Kenyans.
The call for legislative reform comes as the country grapples with finding the right balance between protecting constitutional rights and maintaining public order. The proposed changes would represent the most significant amendment to protest laws since the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution, which expanded democratic freedoms including the right to peaceful assembly and demonstration.
Legal experts and civil society organizations are likely to closely scrutinize any proposed legislation to ensure that legitimate rights to peaceful protest are not undermined in the pursuit of maintaining order. The challenge will be crafting laws that effectively deter violence while preserving the democratic principles that allow citizens to express dissent and hold their government accountable through peaceful means.
The reform initiative reflects growing concern among government leaders about the escalation of protest-related violence and the need for clearer legal mechanisms to address the increasingly complex challenges of managing public demonstrations in a democratic society.
Brazilian police on Friday raided far-right ex-leader Jair Bolsonaro’s home, his son said, after a judge curtailed his freedom while he stands trial on coup charges that have vexed US President Donald Trump.
Son Eduardo Bolsonaro, a congressman who recently moved to the United States to lobby for his father, wrote on X that federal police carried out a “raid on my father’s home this morning.”
And he lashed out at Supreme Court judge Alexandre de Moraes, a Bolsonaro adversary who on Friday ordered the ex-president to wear an electronic ankle bracelet and not leave his home at night.
Moraes, one of the judges in Bolsonaro’s trial for allegedly seeking to nullify leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva 2022 election victory, said the measures were necessary given the accused and his son’s “hostile acts” against Brazil.
This came after Trump announced a 50 percent tariff on the South American powerhouse for what he said was a “witch hunt” against his ally Bolsonaro.
Moraes, said Eduardo Bolsonaro, “has long abandoned any semblance of impartiality and now operates as a political gangster in robes, using the Supreme Court as his personal weapon.”
The judge was “trying to criminalize President Trump and the US government. Powerless against them, he chose to take my father hostage,” he added in a letter he signed as a “Brazilian congressman in exile.”
– ‘Supreme humiliation’ –
Bolsonaro described Morae’s order Friday as a “supreme humiliation.”
It also prohibited him from approaching foreign embassies or leaving his home between 7:00 pm and 6:00 am, on weekends or public holidays.
“I never thought about leaving Brazil, I never thought about going to an embassy, Bolsonaro insisted on emerging from the justice secretariat offices in Brasilia.
The former army captain denies he was involved in an attempt to wrest power back from Lula as part of an alleged coup plot that prosecutors say failed only for a lack of military backing.
After the plot fizzled, rioting supporters known as “Bolsonaristas” raided government buildings in 2023 as they urged the military to oust Lula. Bolsonaro was abroad at the time.
The case against Bolsonaro carries echoes of Trump’s failed prosecution over the January 6, 2021 attacks by his supporters on the US Capitol to try and reverse his election loss.
Both men have claimed to be victims of political persecution, and Trump has stepped in in defense of his ally, to the anger of Lula who has labeled the tariff threat “unacceptable blackmail.”
Washington also announced an investigation into “unfair trading practices” by Brazil, a move that could provide a legal basis for imposing tariffs on South America’s largest economy.
On Tuesday, prosecutors asked the trial judges of the Supreme Court to find Bolsonaro guilty of “armed criminal association” and planning to “violently overthrow the democratic order.”
The defense must still present its closing arguments, after which a five-member panel of judges including Moraes will decide the ex-president’s fate.
Bolsonaro and seven co-accused risk up to 40 years in prison.
He has repeatedly stated his desire to be a candidate in presidential elections next year, but has been ruled ineligible to hold office by a court that found him guilty of spreading misinformation about Brazil’s electoral system.
Moraes has repeatedly clashed with Bolsonaro and other rightwing figures he has accused of spreading fake news.
Last year, Moraes shut tech titan Elon Musk’s X network in Brazil for 40 days for failing to tackle the spread of disinformation shared mainly by Bolsonaro backers.
Prime CS warns against “cheap politics” that damages President Ruto’s reputation ahead of 2027 polls
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi has issued a stern directive to President William Ruto’s personal assistant Farouk Kibet, demanding that any Kenya Kwanza leaders who speak about rigging the 2027 election be immediately removed from public platforms.
Speaking at an economic empowerment function in Shinyalu, Kakamega County on Friday, Mudavadi expressed frustration with coalition members who have suggested the ruling party might need to manipulate votes to secure Ruto’s re-election.
“To Farouk and leaders here, if anyone stands on the platform and brings the narrative that they will steal votes for the president, that person should be deplatformed because he’s giving the president a bad name,” Mudavadi declared.
The Prime CS’s comments come in the wake of controversial remarks by Wajir Woman Representative Fatuma Jehow, who told a public meeting on July 12 that North-Eastern MPs would “steal votes” for Ruto if necessary, stating bluntly that “that’s no secret.”
Mudavadi categorically rejected such rhetoric, insisting that Ruto will win the 2027 election through legitimate democratic processes.
“President William Ruto is going to win the 2027 election, and he will win through the democratic process through the popular vote,” he emphasized.
The directive to Kibet, who wields significant influence in managing access to the president and controlling political messaging within the Kenya Kwanza alliance, signals growing concern within the ruling coalition about damage to Ruto’s credibility.
Mudavadi warned that such statements amount to “cheap politics” that undermines the president’s standing before both local and international media. He called on coalition leaders to instead focus on promoting Ruto’s electoral prospects through policy achievements and grassroots support.
The Prime CS also defended the newly constituted Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), urging politicians to stop casting doubt on the electoral body’s integrity. “IEBC will conduct a free and fair election, and it will not allow stealing,” he stated.
The public rebuke highlights internal tensions within Kenya Kwanza as the 2027 election approaches, with some allies apparently lacking confidence in the president’s ability to secure victory without electoral manipulation. Mudavadi’s intervention appears aimed at restoring discipline within the coalition’s messaging and protecting Ruto’s democratic credentials.
NAIROBI, Kenya Jul 18 – Lang’ata Member of Parliament Phelix Odiwuor, popularly known as Jalang’o, has thrown his weight behind Embakasi East MP Babu Owino’s gubernatorial ambitions, declaring that Owino is poised to become the next Nairobi governor should he bag the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Party ticket.
Speaking during a lacal radio interview, Jalang’o stated with confidence that Owino’s growing popularity and political influence make him a formidable contender in the capital’s 2027 gubernatorial race.
“If Babu Owino is given the ODM ticket today, he will become governor,” Jalang’o affirmed, adding that even without the party’s nod, Owino would still be a force to reckon with.
The MP went further, suggesting that Babu’s political trajectory could stretch beyond the governorship.
“Even if he’s not given the ticket, he’ll still cause waves he could even go higher and contest the presidency in 2032, when the seat becomes open after President Ruto finishes his second term,” he said.
In a bold political forecast, Jalang’o also weighed in on the national political landscape, expressing belief that President William Ruto is likely to secure re-election in 2027.
“It will be hard for anyone to remove Ruto right now. He’s on track to win again because, frankly, I haven’t seen anyone who can unseat him yet. That’s why he speaks with such confidence the political field is still his to control,” he remarked.
If Babu Owino declares his candidacy for the Nairobi gubernatorial race, he is expected to face stiff competition from the incumbent, Governor Johnson Sakaja, who is widely anticipated to defend his seat in 2027.
The Embakasi legislator however is yet to declare his intention to run for Nairobi governor seat and retains flexibility—viewing options in 2027 including president, governor, or re-election as MP.
Babu Owino is currently serving his second consecutive term in the National Assembly. He was first elected in 2017 on an ODM ticket.
In the 2022 general election, he successfully defended his seat, defeating his closest rival, UDA’s Francis Mureithi.
Over the years, Babu has built a reputation as a vocal and controversial figure, consistently ranking among the most visible and active MPs in the country.
MERU COUNTY – A growing tide of discontent has swept through North Imenti constituency as residents launch a formal recall petition against their Member of Parliament, Rahim Dawood, over his controversial votes on the 2024 Finance Bill and Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s impeachment.
The recall initiative, spearheaded by prominent Meru-based lawyer Mugambi Kiogora, has gained momentum amid accusations that the three-term MP betrayed his constituents’ interests by supporting what residents term “punitive and unconstitutional” parliamentary decisions.
The petition centers on two pivotal votes that have sparked outrage among North Imenti residents: Dawood’s support for the controversial Finance Bill 2024, which introduced several tax measures widely opposed by Kenyans, and his vote in favor of impeaching Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.
“The MP has consistently voted against the interests of his constituents,” said Kiogora, who is leading the legal aspects of the recall process.
“As an advocate, I have chosen to assist my fellow constituents by drafting the recall motion and overseeing the collection of signatures for submission to the IEBC for verification.”
The lawyer and his team argue that Dawood’s actions violate the constitutional principle of representative democracy, where MPs are expected to reflect the will of their constituents rather than party or personal interests.
The recall effort has gained support from various quarters within the constituency. Beyond the finance bill controversy, residents have also been mobilized by the Democratic Congress Party (DCP) officials in Imenti North, who have their own grievances against the MP.
DCP leaders, including women leaders led by Lydia Munene, have initiated their own recall process, accusing Dawood of linking them to the violent Saba Saba protests that rocked Meru county.
The MP had claimed that Gachagua’s DCP was responsible for the destruction of properties witnessed during the protests.
“We will mobilize residents to sign a petition to begin the legal process of recalling the MP,” DCP officials declared, adding another layer to the mounting pressure against Dawood.
Under Kenya’s Constitution, constituents have the right to recall their elected representatives through a petition process.
The recall requires signatures from at least 30% of registered voters in the constituency, which must then be verified by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).
If successful, the recall would trigger a by-election, potentially making Dawood the first MP to be recalled in Kenya’s current constitutional dispensation.
Dawood, who has been elected twice as an independent candidate before joining the ruling party, has dismissed the accusations against him.
However, the mounting pressure from multiple groups suggests a broader dissatisfaction with his representation.
The timing of the recall is particularly significant as it comes amid ongoing political tensions in the Mount Kenya region, where Deputy President Gachagua’s impeachment has created divisions among political leaders and their constituents.
The North Imenti recall petition represents a test case for Kenya’s democratic institutions and the power of constituents to hold their representatives accountable.
If successful, it could set a precedent for similar actions across the country, where many MPs have faced criticism for voting against their constituents’ interests.
The initiative also highlights the growing political sophistication of Kenyan voters, who are increasingly willing to use constitutional mechanisms to express their displeasure with their representatives’ performance.
As signature collection continues, the organizers face the challenge of reaching the required threshold of registered voters.
The process requires careful coordination and sustained public support to overcome potential legal and logistical hurdles.
The recall effort has already drawn national attention, with political observers watching closely to see whether it will succeed in removing an MP who has served the constituency for over a decade.
For North Imenti residents, the recall petition represents more than just displeasure with specific votes – it’s a statement about the kind of representation they expect from their elected officials in Kenya’s evolving democracy.
The outcome of this recall effort will likely influence how other constituencies approach accountability for their representatives and could reshape the relationship between MPs and their constituents across the country.
The recall petition is currently in the signature collection phase, with organizers working to meet the constitutional requirements for submission to the IEBC. The process could take several months to complete, depending on the level of public support and any legal challenges that may arise.
High Court forwards case to Chief Justice for three-judge bench assignment
NAIROBI – A constitutional petition seeking the dissolution of Kenya’s Parliament over its failure to implement the mandatory two-thirds gender rule has been forwarded to Chief Justice Martha Koome for assignment to a three-judge bench.
High Court Judge Lawrence Mugambi made the decision Thursday after determining that the petition raises similar constitutional issues to nine other cases filed in 2020 on the same matter.
The petition, filed by activists Margaret Toili, Eddah Marete, and Agnes Ndonji in 2022, targets Kenya’s current 13th bicameral Parliament, arguing that former Chief Justice David Maraga’s 2020 advisory for parliamentary dissolution remains valid beyond the previous legislative term.
“The dominant issue in all these petitions is Parliament’s failure to implement the two-thirds gender rule despite persistent constitutional calls to do so,” Justice Mugambi stated in his ruling.
The case specifically challenges the constitutionality of the current Parliament following the August 2022 general elections, with petitioners arguing that the gender parity requirements outlined in Articles 27(3), 81(b), and 100 of the Constitution remain unmet.
The petitioners initially opposed consolidating their case with the nine earlier petitions, arguing it would cause unnecessary delays in addressing the gender rule implementation.
“Dwelling on past petitions has led to the dragging of the implementation of the two-thirds gender rule, and this must stop,” argued Toili, describing the consolidation as “misguided and legally untenable.”
However, Justice Mugambi ruled that all petitions raise common questions of law stemming from the same constitutional transaction, warranting consolidation.
The judge emphasized that the gender parity issue represents “an enduring legal question” that will continue to recur with each new Parliament unless definitively resolved.
The petition builds on former Chief Justice David Maraga’s September 2020 advisory to then-President Uhuru Kenyatta, recommending parliamentary dissolution due to lawmakers’ failure to enact gender rule legislation.
The activists argue that Maraga’s advisory was not limited to the 12th Parliament and should apply to subsequent legislative bodies that fail to meet constitutional gender requirements.
Beyond parliamentary dissolution, the petitioners are requesting court orders directing the Registrar of Political Parties to ensure all political parties adhere to the two-thirds gender rule when nominating candidates for elective positions.
The case now awaits assignment to a three-judge bench that will handle the consolidated petition alongside the nine previously filed cases.
The constitutional gender rule requires that no more than two-thirds of members in elective or appointive bodies should be of the same gender, a provision that has remained unimplemented since the 2010 Constitution’s adoption.
Lang’ata MP predicts President will secure second term despite mounting political pressure
In a bold political prediction that has stirred debate across Kenya’s political landscape, Lang’ata Member of Parliament Phelix Odiwuor, popularly known as Jalang’o, has declared that President William Ruto is virtually unbeatable in the 2027 presidential election.
Speaking during a candid interview with media personality Alex Mwakideu on Thursday, the outspoken legislator didn’t mince words about Ruto’s electoral prospects. “His return won’t be easy, and so will be defeating him,” Jalang’o stated, painting a picture of a president who has consolidated power despite facing significant challenges.
President Ruto as he engages Baba Dogo residents.
The MP’s confidence stems from what he perceives as the absence of a credible challenger capable of mounting a serious threat to Ruto’s re-election bid. “I haven’t seen anyone who can remove him or even trouble him,” he remarked, suggesting that the opposition lacks the political machinery and popular appeal necessary to unseat the incumbent.
Jalang’o’s assessment comes at a time when President Ruto faces mounting pressure from multiple fronts. The administration, now two and a half years into its tenure, grapples with public dissatisfaction over unfulfilled campaign promises and economic challenges that have sparked widespread protests, particularly among the youth.
However, the Lang’ata MP appears unfazed by these headwinds. He acknowledged the existence of both genuine public pressure and political opposition but maintained that many Kenyans are beginning to appreciate Ruto’s efforts. “There’s real pressure from people who are satisfied with the President’s work, and there’s also political pressure,” he explained.
The timing of Jalang’o’s endorsement is particularly significant given the fractured state of Kenya’s political opposition. Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who has emerged as one of Ruto’s most vocal critics, has been working to unite opposition forces ahead of 2027. However, Jalang’o’s analysis suggests these efforts may prove insufficient.
President Ruto himself has exuded similar confidence, recently declaring in Kisumu that he would defeat the opposition “by a landslide.” His dismissive rhetoric toward critics, whom he accused of having “no vision, no plan, and no agenda,” mirrors Jalang’o’s assessment of the opposition’s weaknesses.
The MP’s prediction also reflects a broader narrative within ruling party circles that many of Ruto’s campaign promises are beginning to materialize. “It’s only a matter of time before citizens appreciate that real work has been carried out,” Jalang’o argued, suggesting that visible development projects and policy implementations will ultimately vindicate the administration.
Yet this optimistic outlook faces significant challenges. The 2024 Gen Z-led protests demonstrated the power of youth mobilization against government policies, while economic hardships continue to affect ordinary Kenyans. The question remains whether Ruto’s administration can translate policy initiatives into tangible improvements in citizens’ lives before the 2027 electoral cycle intensifies.
Jalang’o’s endorsement also highlights the complex dynamics within Kenya’s political elite, where loyalty and strategic positioning often determine electoral outcomes. As a former media personality turned politician, his voice carries weight among urban voters who will be crucial in determining the election’s outcome.
The 2027 presidential race is shaping up to be a test of incumbency advantage versus popular discontent. While Jalang’o’s prediction may reflect the confidence of those within government circles, Kenya’s electoral history shows that political fortunes can shift rapidly, particularly when economic conditions deteriorate or opposition forces successfully mobilize around compelling alternatives.
As the political temperature rises and various factions position themselves for the upcoming contest, Jalang’o’s bold prediction serves as both a statement of confidence in Ruto’s leadership and a challenge to opposition forces to present a more compelling alternative to Kenyan voters.
In an interesting development in the country’s political landscape, the People’s Forum for Rebuilding Democracy (PFRD), a political party formed by professionals and Generation Z members, is set to launch in the coming days.
The party, which boasts affiliations with FORD People party ideology and grassroots connections, has embraced innovation, inclusivity, and strategic organization.
According to party details obtained, the organization is symbolized by a ballpoint pen and has been positioned to give other political parties significant competition as elections approach, thanks to its direct connections with both Generation Z and other professionals.
Unlike other political parties that have been quickly registered and launched, PFRD has been under the registration process for the past three years.
“The registration process has been long but deliberate. This journey has positioned us among the select few political parties earmarked by the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) to pilot integration into the Integrated Political Parties Management Information System (IPPMIS),” said a party official.
A letter from the Registrar of Political Parties confirms that the party is now fully registered.
Political experts believe this move will streamline membership registration, enhance transparency, and modernize party operations, potentially making it one of the most trusted parties in the country.
According to Sam Ogendo, the party’s Lead Advisor, PFRD was the first party to incorporate artificial intelligence and technology into its operations.
Ogendo added that by using technology, the party will easily manage its operations across the country and urged Generation Z and all Kenyans to join once the registration process launches.
He noted that PFRD is currently the only party with such technological capabilities.
“PFRD is not only a political party but a movement of young, brilliant minds from all corners of the republic who are tired of recycled politics. We are introducing a new culture where politics is organized, efficient, and future-focused,” he said.
Sources within the party indicate that it has operational offices in over 26 counties with structured leadership in targeted regions, and its local leadership is intact and collaborating well with national leadership.
According to reliable sources, the party will participate in upcoming by-elections in the coming months and has already begun operations for the 2027 polls.
Sources further reveal that the party will use its digital capabilities to streamline the registration process.
Siaya County plunged into uncertainty as Governor’s prolonged absence fuels leadership vacuum and internal power struggles
SIAYA COUNTY – A deepening governance crisis has engulfed Siaya County as Governor James Orengo’s unexplained absence from office stretches beyond three weeks, sparking widespread concerns about leadership vacuum and administrative paralysis.
The county’s top official has been conspicuously absent from public duties since June 23, when he last appeared before the Senate’s Public Accounts Committee to address audit queries.
Sources within the county administration confirm that Orengo is currently out of the country on what has been described as a “private trip,” though no official communication has been issued regarding the duration or nature of his travels.
The governor’s absence has created an unprecedented situation where County Assembly Speaker George Okode has assumed ceremonial duties typically reserved for the county’s chief executive.
This unusual arrangement has raised constitutional questions about the proper delegation of executive powers during a governor’s absence.
“Siaya today is on autopilot. The governor is away and has not handed over to his deputy to act in his absence, so no one knows what is going on in Siaya,” Deputy Governor William Oduol told reporters, painting a picture of administrative dysfunction.
The situation has become more complex due to the ongoing fallout between Orengo and his deputy.
Despite surviving a turbulent impeachment attempt and being cleared by the Senate, Oduol claims he has been systematically sidelined from county operations.
Oduol’s revelations expose the depth of the internal crisis.
He alleges that his office has been “completely disabled,” with staff instructed not to communicate with him or accept his directives.
The deputy governor claims he has been excluded from cabinet meetings, had his benefits and allowances withdrawn, and even resorts to fueling the official county vehicle from his personal funds.
“Any effort to perform my official duties is futile, as the governor has issued firm instructions that no one should deal with me,” Oduol stated, suggesting a complete breakdown in the county’s executive structure.
The governance crisis has cascaded through various levels of county administration.
Both the County Executive Committee Member for Finance and the Chief Officer for Finance are currently serving in acting capacities without clear supervision from either the governor or his deputy.
This administrative limbo has raised concerns about the county’s ability to make crucial financial decisions and implement development projects.
The situation becomes more troubling considering that Siaya County handles millions of shillings in public resources and oversees critical services for its residents.
Orengo is seen with Ruto at State House, Nairobi when he led a delegation of Siaya leadership meet the president for development discussions on June 5.
Speaker George Okode has attempted to downplay the crisis, confirming that while the governor is physically out of the country, he remains “not out of duty.” Okode dismissed concerns about service delivery disruption, terming the issues as “politically instigated.”
“No law has been breached and there is no cause for alarm over the governor’s short physical absence,” Okode assured, though he acknowledged that it would constitute a legal breach if he, as speaker, were to chair a cabinet meeting.
The speaker explained that Orengo has been nominating different individuals, including MCAs and executive members, to represent him at various functions.
However, this ad hoc arrangement has raised questions about continuity and accountability in county governance.
The governor’s absence has been particularly noticeable during significant county events.
He missed the ceremony for the translation of Canon Ida Odinga at St Peter’s ACK Church, Nyamira, and was represented at a nuclear power stakeholders’ engagement at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology in Bondo.
His last public appearance was on June 5, when he led a delegation of Siaya leaders to State House to discuss development projects.
The contrast between his active engagement then and current absence has fueled speculation about underlying issues.
The crisis has broader political implications, particularly given Orengo’s stature as a veteran politician and former senator.
The situation has vindicated some of Deputy Governor Oduol’s earlier warnings about governance challenges in the county.
“All the MPs are now raising the same issues I raised in 2022. I have been vindicated,” Oduol stated, suggesting that the current crisis was foreseeable.
Legal experts are beginning to question whether the current arrangement complies with constitutional requirements for county governance.
The prolonged absence of a governor without formal handover to the deputy raises questions about the continuity of executive authority and accountability to the electorate.
The Kenyan government is under fire for allegedly misusing terrorism charges to silence and punish Gen Z protesters.
Former Chief Justice David Maraga has claimed that President William Ruto is now using the same tactics former President Uhuru Kenyatta used against political enemies.
Maraga says the goal is not justice but control. He warned that the use of such serious charges against young demonstrators is meant to traumatize and keep them behind bars without trial for years.
His warning comes amid growing public anger over state brutality and court delays.
Maraga’s claims should not be taken lightly. As a former head of the judiciary, his words carry weight. If the government is indeed abusing anti-terror laws to intimidate young protesters, then Kenya risks sliding back into a police state. [Photo: Courtesy]
Terror Charges Are Ruto’s Tool to Terrorise Gen Z—Maraga Speaks Out
Maraga made the damning claims on Wednesday, July 16, during a public statement addressing the recent wave of arrests targeting young protesters. According to the former Chief Justice, charging demonstrators with terrorism is a calculated move to ensure they remain in jail without bail. He argued that the courts often deny bond for terrorism cases, meaning suspects can stay in custody for years before a verdict is reached.
“By the time these cases are concluded, there will be no proof of terrorism,” Maraga said. “But the damage will have been done. They will have suffered in custody for nothing more than exercising their rights.”
He described the move as a desperate attempt by the Ruto administration to suppress dissent and strike fear into the hearts of Kenya’s youth. Most of those arrested, Maraga pointed out, are under the age of 25. He specifically mentioned cases involving 18-year-olds being treated as terrorists simply for joining protests.
“There is no terrorist act here,” he insisted. “This is intimidation. It’s designed to traumatize young people, their families, and society at large.”
A Disturbing Pattern Resembling Uhuru’s Tactics
Maraga likened the current government’s strategy to that of former President Uhuru Kenyatta, who frequently used trumped-up charges to weaken political rivals. One such target was former Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko, who was bombarded with court cases and eventually forced out of office. Now, the same script appears to be in use against Gen Z.
This week alone, eight youths were charged with terrorism at Kahawa Law Courts for allegedly torching the Mawego Police Station during protests in Homa Bay. They were first detained by orders from the Oyugis Law Court and later re-arrested and taken to the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit (ATPU) in Nairobi.
Their arrest came after protests broke out over the death of Albert Ojwang, another young man whose death has sparked outrage across the country.
This trend is not new. Just days ago, 37 individuals were charged with terrorism in connection to destruction that took place during demonstrations in Kikuyu. Several government offices were damaged during the unrest, including the Kikuyu Probation Offices, Kikuyu Law Courts, Chief’s Office, and Registrar of Lands Office.
Two well-known allies of Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, Peter Kinyanjui Wanjiru (alias Kawanjiru) and Serah Wanjiku Thiga, were also charged alongside the youth, raising questions about political motives.
Critics Say Government’s Abuse of Terror Charges Is Fueling Public Anger
Maraga’s remarks have reignited national debate about the Ruto government’s handling of protests and opposition. Civil society groups, human rights activists, and opposition leaders have all raised alarms over the excessive use of force, arbitrary arrests, and harsh charges against demonstrators.
The strategy appears to be a deliberate effort to make examples out of arrested youths. By charging them with terrorism, the government paints protesters as national threats, not citizens seeking justice.
The result is a chilling effect. Parents warn their children to stay home. Youth groups are scared to mobilize. And the state maintains control. But this strategy may backfire.
Analysts say suppressing Gen Z through fear may only strengthen their resolve. Already, online movements are growing louder. More young Kenyans are becoming politically aware, digitally connected, and vocal about government failures.
The protests that began in June have since morphed into a generational uprising. At the center are young Kenyans demanding jobs, lower taxes, better leadership, and accountability. Terror charges, according to critics, are a blunt instrument against a group that is driven by hope and the hunger for change.
Former Chief Justice dismisses Raila’s conclave proposal as government-initiated scheme that won’t address root causes
Former Chief Justice David Maraga has drawn a clear line in the sand regarding national dialogue, endorsing grassroots conversations while categorically rejecting Raila Odinga’s proposed Inter-Generational National Conclave as a government ploy that will only create positions for “selfish leaders.”
Speaking on Tuesday, the 2027 presidential aspirant positioned himself as a champion of authentic, people-driven dialogue while dismissing the former Prime Minister’s initiative as fundamentally flawed in its approach and intent.
“If there’s going to be any dialogue, it should be people-driven,” Maraga declared, emphasizing that such conversations must emerge from genuine public demand rather than government orchestration.
“People are expressing concerns and saying we should have dialogue. What can only help is a people-driven dialogue that will involve the youths who have suffered most.”
The former Chief Justice’s remarks represent a significant departure from Raila’s vision of an inclusive national conclave designed to address Gen Z concerns and broader national issues.
While both leaders acknowledge the need for dialogue, their proposed mechanisms couldn’t be more different.
Opposition Leader Raila Odinga.
Maraga’s critique of Raila’s conclave was particularly sharp, describing it as a “government-initiated approach that will not help solve anything.” He argued that such forums historically serve to “get positions for people and will not address the root cause of the problems.”
“So, to say that you are going to discuss the affairs of the youth by the government now setting the agenda, that’s a joke,” Maraga stated, his words carrying the weight of someone who has witnessed previous dialogue initiatives fail to deliver meaningful change.
The former Chief Justice’s skepticism is rooted in historical precedent. He pointed to the Kofi Annan-led mediation of 2008 following post-election violence, noting that despite producing various recommendations, “only very few were complied with.” This historical context informs his belief that top-down dialogue initiatives are inherently limited in their effectiveness.
Instead, Maraga is positioning himself as a facilitator of authentic grassroots dialogue. He revealed that various groups have already approached him about participating in such conversations, and he’s committed to engaging “not as a presidential candidate but as a leader and former Chief Justice.”
“There are groups already thinking about that, I have myself requested and talked to some people we come together and think about what we should do in my capacity as a leader and former Chief Justice,” he explained, framing his involvement as a patriotic duty rather than political positioning.
This strategic positioning comes at a crucial moment in Kenya’s political landscape. The country has been rocked by youth-led protests, and both established and emerging leaders are scrambling to position themselves as authentic voices for change. Maraga’s rejection of Raila’s approach while proposing his own alternative represents a calculated move to differentiate himself from the political establishment.
The former Chief Justice’s emphasis on youth involvement is particularly significant given the generational tensions that have defined recent political discourse. He insisted that any meaningful dialogue “must also involve young people who are the most affected by recent developments in the country.”
Raila’s proposed conclave, announced following the chaos of Saba Saba Day, was designed to be comprehensive, addressing transparency, accountability, corruption, youth unemployment, and police reforms. The former Prime Minister envisioned a forum with “clear terms of reference” populated by “serious and sober minds of the nation,” with outcomes potentially subject to a referendum.
However, Maraga’s criticism suggests that the former Prime Minister’s approach, despite its comprehensive scope, suffers from a fundamental flaw: its association with government machinery. In the current political climate, where trust in institutions is at historic lows, this association may indeed be problematic.
The former Chief Justice described his proposed dialogue as a “stopgap measure,” suggesting a more immediate, responsive approach to addressing national concerns. This framing positions his initiative as more agile and responsive than Raila’s more structured conclave approach.
The tension between these two approaches reflects broader questions about political legitimacy and authentic representation in contemporary Kenya. While Raila’s conclave offers institutional weight and comprehensive scope, Maraga’s people-driven dialogue promises authenticity and grassroots legitimacy.
As Kenya navigates this period of political uncertainty, the competition between different models of national dialogue reveals competing visions for how the country should address its challenges. Maraga’s rejection of Raila’s approach while championing his own alternative suggests that the conversation about Kenya’s future will be as much about process as it is about outcomes.
The former Chief Justice’s positioning also highlights the complex dynamics within Kenya’s political landscape, where traditional alliances are being tested and new forms of political engagement are emerging. His criticism of Raila’s conclave as government-initiated reflects broader skepticism about the efficacy of formal political processes in addressing genuine grievances.
Whether Maraga’s people-driven approach will prove more effective than Raila’s structured conclave remains to be seen. What is clear is that both leaders recognize the urgent need for national dialogue, even as they disagree fundamentally on how such conversations should be structured and who should lead them.
Nairobi, Kenya – July 16, 2025 – Saboti Member of Parliament Caleb Amisi has made explosive claims that Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi is preparing to resign from President William Ruto’s administration.
In a provocative social media post, Amisi alleged that former President Uhuru Kenyatta is pressuring Mudavadi to step down to pursue a presidential bid in 2027, with former Justice Minister Martha Karua as his running mate.
However, Amisi dismissed the purported plan, asserting that Western Kenya is ready for a new generation of leaders and has no appetite for what he described as a “lazy president.”
In his post on X (formerly Twitter) on July 16, 2025, Amisi wrote: “So Uhuru Kenyatta is forcing MM to resign from Ruto government so as to run for president deputised by Martha Karua, this is after realising western is ripe and against Ruto. Well, bad news to him. Western does not want a lazy president for them. The region has now enough sons and daughters capable of revolutionary, transformative leadership. Resign, yes but go mululu direct and start small scale chicken farming.”
Amisi, a vocal critic of the Kenya Kwanza administration and a prominent member of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), has been relentless in his attacks on senior political figures aligned with President Ruto.
His latest remarks come amid growing tensions within Ruto’s broad-based government, formed through a political pact with ODM leader Raila Odinga.
Amisi has repeatedly urged Odinga to withdraw from the alliance, arguing that it has betrayed ODM’s ideals and left grassroots supporters vulnerable.
The Saboti MP’s claim about Mudavadi’s potential resignation aligns with his ongoing push for a generational shift in Western Kenya’s leadership.
Saboti MP Caleb Amisi.
Earlier this month, Amisi, alongside Bumula MP Jack Wamboka, called for Mudavadi and National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula to exit active politics, arguing that their time has passed and younger leaders should take the helm.
“We respect them for their contribution over the years, but the reality is their time is up,” Amisi said on July 6, 2025, during a public address in Bungoma.
Mudavadi, a seasoned politician and key figure in Ruto’s administration, has not publicly responded to Amisi’s allegations.
However, in a recent interview on July 14, 2025, the Prime Cabinet Secretary expressed confidence in Ruto’s leadership, stating that the president’s “bold and vital decisions” would secure his re-election in 2027.
Mudavadi also acknowledged communication shortcomings within the administration, admitting that the government has struggled to convey its achievements to the public amid widespread discontent over economic hardships and protest crackdowns.
The mention of Martha Karua as Mudavadi’s potential running mate adds another layer of intrigue.
Karua, a respected opposition figure and former presidential candidate, has been a vocal critic of Ruto’s administration, recently comparing it unfavorably to the regime of former President Daniel arap Moi.
Whether she would align with Mudavadi, a long-time political rival, remains speculative.
Amisi’s call for Mudavadi to “go Mululu direct and start small scale chicken farming” is a sharp jab, implying that the veteran politician should retire from public life entirely.
The term “Mululu,” a colloquial expression, underscores Amisi’s dismissive tone toward Mudavadi’s ambitions.
As public discontent with Ruto’s administration grows—fueled by high living costs, allegations of corruption, and violent responses to protests—Amisi’s allegations could further destabilize the fragile political alliances holding the government together.
Social media reactions reflect mixed sentiments, with some users echoing Amisi’s call for new leadership, while others question the feasibility of Mudavadi’s resignation or a Uhuru-backed candidacy.
For now, Mudavadi remains a pivotal figure in Ruto’s government, and any move to resign would have significant implications for the Kenya Kwanza coalition. As the 2027 elections loom, Amisi’s bold claims ensure that Western Kenya remains a battleground for competing political visions.
NAIROBI, Kenya — Former Nominated Senator Gloria Orwoba has alleged that Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna’s vocal criticism of President William Ruto’s administration is motivated by disappointment over not being appointed Cabinet Secretary for Interior.
Orwoba made the claims during an appearance on the Iko Nini podcast, suggesting that Sifuna was considered for the key position during negotiations for Kenya’s broad-based government but was ultimately passed over.
“Sifuna is bitter with President Ruto and the broad-based government because he wanted to be a Cabinet Secretary,” Orwoba stated.
Senator Orwoba during her interview hosted by Mwafrika.
She specifically pointed to the Interior CS role as the source of his alleged frustration.
Sifuna, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Secretary-General and a prominent critic of the Kenya Kwanza administration, has previously dismissed speculation about joining Ruto’s government.
In May 2025, he categorically ruled out accepting any cabinet position, stating: “Even at the magnanimity of President William Ruto, I would not accept any office to be part of the current regime.”
Orwoba’s claims have drawn varied responses on social media, with some questioning their validity.
One user directly challenged Sifuna, asking whether the remarks constituted defamation, referencing Orwoba’s recent legal troubles.
The comments come as Orwoba faces her own difficulties.
On July 15, 2025, the Milimani Commercial Court ordered her to pay Ksh 10.5 million in damages to Senate Clerk Jeremiah Nyegenye for defamatory social media posts accusing him of sexual harassment.
The court ruled that her allegations were malicious and lacked evidence. Orwoba has vowed to appeal the judgment.
Additionally, Orwoba was expelled from the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) in May 2025 for alleged disloyalty, including her association with former Interior CS Fred Matiang’i. This led to her Senate seat being declared vacant.
Despite her expulsion, Orwoba remains a polarizing figure known for her advocacy on gender issues and vocal critiques of government policies.
Sifuna has not publicly responded to Orwoba’s claims. Political analysts suggest the allegations could further strain relations between ODM and the Kenya Kwanza government as opposition leaders navigate their roles in the evolving political landscape.
The Interior CS position, critical for national security and coordination, remains a focal point of political intrigue, with Orwoba’s comments adding to ongoing speculation about cabinet appointments and opposition dynamics.
A Political Chess Move That Could Fragment the Opposition and Secure Another Term
NAIROBI, Kenya — When former Chief Justice David Maraga announced his 2027 presidential bid in June, many Kenyans saw it as the entry of a clean, principled leader into the murky waters of politics.
But beneath the surface of this seemingly independent campaign lies a sophisticated political calculation that could inadvertently — or perhaps deliberately — hand President William Ruto another term in office.
The question isn’t whether Maraga can win the presidency.
The question is whether his candidacy serves as the perfect spoiler to fragment opposition votes and neutralize the growing anti-establishment sentiment that threatens Ruto’s re-election prospects.
The perfect spoiler candidate
Maraga declared on June 18, 2024, that he would run for the presidency in 2027, pledging to crowdfund his campaign rather than depend on political financiers or wealthy backers.
This anti-establishment messaging positions him perfectly to attract disaffected voters who might otherwise support opposition candidates.
Political analysts suggest that Maraga’s entry into the race serves multiple strategic purposes for the ruling establishment.
First, it fragments the crucial Kisii voting bloc, which historically has been a stronghold for opposition candidates.
The Kisii and Nyamira counties had 637,010 and 323,283 registered voters respectively in the last election, with these counties largely supporting opposition candidate Raila Odinga.
With former Interior Cabinet Secretary Dr. Fred Matiang’i already signaling his intention to contest the presidency in 2027 with a tour in Kisii and Nyamira counties, Maraga’s candidacy creates a three-way split that could significantly reduce the opposition’s consolidated vote share from this region.
The Gen Z dilemma
Perhaps more strategically important is Maraga’s appeal to the Gen Z demographic — a voting bloc that has emerged as President Ruto’s biggest political threat. Gen Z, who staged historic nationwide protests against the Finance Bill in June last year, have become an attractive voting bloc for politicians seeking the highest office.
Gen Z voters represent 65% of the electorate, providing potential for significant disruption to historic voting patterns and preferences, being very liberal with different appeals to politics and policies.
This demographic’s disillusionment with traditional politics and their demand for accountability makes them natural opponents of any incumbent administration.
By positioning himself as the “Gen Z candidate” who understands their frustrations with police brutality and corruption, Maraga could effectively siphon away young voters who might otherwise unite behind a single opposition candidate.
Maraga is positioning himself as an outsider candidate backed by youth and reformists seeking a clean break from Kenya’s entrenched political elite.
The state project theory
President William Ruto.
The most compelling evidence for Maraga being a strategic asset to Ruto lies in their recent professional relationship.
In December 2022, President Ruto appointed Maraga to chair the Police Reforms Taskforce, a role he held for nearly a year.
While the taskforce was later ruled unconstitutional by the courts, this appointment demonstrates a level of trust and collaboration between the two figures.
There’s growing suspicion in some political quarters that Maraga’s clean image may be conveniently co-opted by power brokers aiming to split critical voting blocs, particularly the Kisii vote and the increasingly influential Gen Z electorate.
A senior political strategist, speaking on condition of anonymity, explained: “In Kenyan politics, no one runs for president without substantial backing. Maraga’s insistence on crowdfunding is either remarkably naive or brilliantly deceptive. If you want to neutralize the opposition without appearing to do so, you back a candidate who embodies their values but can’t realistically win.”
The Mathematics of victory
Kenya’s electoral system requires a candidate to win both the popular vote and meet regional distribution requirements.
For Ruto to win in 2027, he doesn’t necessarily need to increase his vote share — he just needs to ensure the opposition vote is sufficiently fragmented.
With figures like David Maraga, Martha Karua, and Kalonzo Musyoka hinting at their ambitions, the 2027 presidential race is already shaping up to be a fierce battle.
This multi-candidate field benefits the incumbent, as opposition votes get distributed across multiple candidates rather than consolidated behind a single challenger.
For the opposition to win in 2027, they need to be bigger than the sum of their regional components and engineer a wave election.
Maraga’s candidacy makes this coalition-building infinitely more difficult.
The authenticity question
The most troubling aspect of the Maraga candidacy is that it may be entirely genuine.
The former Chief Justice’s moral convictions and desire to serve Kenya are not in question. However, authentic motivations don’t preclude strategic manipulation by savvy political operators.
The 74-year-old retired jurist said his decision came after extensive consultations and deep reflection on the country’s current trajectory, particularly the government’s handling of youth-led protests.
These consultations, while well-intentioned, may have included voices that saw political opportunity in his candidacy.
The historical precedent
Kenya has a history of “project” candidates who emerge at crucial moments to serve specific political interests.
The classic example is the 2002 election when multiple candidates from different regions helped fragment the opposition vote, though in that case, it ultimately backfired on the incumbent KANU party.
Lawyer Miguna Miguna has thrown his weight behind former Chief Justice David Maraga as his preferred presidential candidate, demonstrating that Maraga’s appeal crosses traditional political lines.
This broad-based support, while validating his credentials, also makes him the perfect candidate to attract voters from across the political spectrum.
The unintended consequence
The irony of Maraga’s candidacy is that it could achieve the opposite of what he intends.
By fragmenting opposition votes and neutralizing anti-establishment sentiment, his campaign could enable the continuation of the very system he seeks to reform.
The voter of 2027 will be very progressive and forward-looking besides being sophisticated politically, with years of civic education and political engagement yielding a discernable electorate.
Yet this sophistication may be rendered irrelevant if their votes are split across multiple candidates who share similar reform agendas.
From President Ruto’s perspective, the Maraga candidacy represents a low-risk, high-reward scenario.
If Maraga fails to gain significant traction, no harm is done. If he succeeds in attracting substantial support, he likely draws it from opposition candidates rather than from Ruto’s base.
The beauty of this strategy is its deniability. Ruto can maintain plausible distance from Maraga’s campaign while benefiting from its fragmenting effect on the opposition.
The former Chief Justice’s impeccable reputation provides perfect cover for what may be a sophisticated political operation.
This analysis raises uncomfortable questions about the health of Kenya’s democracy.
While multiple candidates and diverse political choices are hallmarks of democratic societies, the strategic manipulation of electoral mathematics threatens the principle of majority rule.
The challenge for Kenyan voters in 2027 will be distinguishing between genuine political diversity and engineered fragmentation.
Maraga’s candidacy embodies this dilemma — a principled leader whose campaign may serve unprincipled political ends.
David Maraga’s 2027 presidential campaign represents the perfect storm for President Ruto’s re-election strategy.
It appeals to the right demographics, fragments crucial opposition strongholds, and provides moral legitimacy to what may be a calculated political maneuver.
Whether Maraga is a willing participant in this strategy or an unwitting pawn is ultimately irrelevant.
What matters is the effect his candidacy will have on Kenya’s electoral landscape.
In a country where elections are often decided by narrow margins, the entry of a credible candidate who appeals to opposition voters could be the difference between victory and defeat for the incumbent.
The real question facing Kenyan voters is not whether David Maraga is qualified to be president — his credentials are impeccable.
The question is whether his candidacy serves the democratic interests of the Kenyan people or the political interests of those who benefit from a fragmented opposition.
As the 2027 election approaches, this distinction may prove to be the most important factor in determining Kenya’s political future.
The 2027 Bungoma gubernatorial race has taken a dramatic turn that could effectively end Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa’s political aspirations, as Westlands MP Tim Wanyonyi’s entry into the contest has fundamentally altered the political landscape in the vote-rich county.
What began as speculation has now crystallized into a political reality that threatens to isolate Barasa from the very structures he hoped would propel him to the governor’s mansion.
The unanimous endorsement of Wanyonyi by eight out of nine Bungoma MPs represents more than just political preference—it signals a calculated move to consolidate power and effectively freeze out the controversial Kimilili legislator.
Caucus of Bungoma leaders who endorsed Wanyonyi’s bid.
Speaking on July 15, 2025, Wanyonyi revealed the organic nature of his decision, stating: “I received a lot of delegation from Bungoma telling me that they would love me to be the governor of Bungoma. I listened extensively and got to a point and decided I should.”
This grassroots appeal demonstrates the extent to which local political actors have bypassed Barasa in seeking alternative leadership.
Led by Sirisia MP John Waluke, who chairs the Western MPs caucus, the lawmakers have demonstrated rare unity across party lines.
The coalition includes MPs from Ford-K, UDA, DAP-K, and Jubilee parties, all rallying behind Wanyonyi’s candidacy.
This cross-party support is particularly significant given the fractured nature of Western Kenya politics.
The most telling aspect of this development is Barasa’s conspicuous absence from the crucial meeting where MPs declared their support for Wanyonyi.
According to Waluke, Barasa was “intentionally left out due to his own political ambitions for the same gubernatorial seat.”
This deliberate exclusion reveals the depth of political alienation the Kimilili MP faces within his own county’s political establishment.
Wanyonyi’s account of his engagement with county leaders further underscores Barasa’s isolation.
“I went to Bungoma and met with all the MCAs and all the MPs except one, of course, and they all had the same plea,” Wanyonyi stated, with the “except one” clearly referring to Barasa.
This systematic exclusion from crucial political consultations demonstrates how thoroughly Barasa has been marginalized by his own colleagues.
The MPs backing Wanyonyi include heavyweights such as Majimbo Kalasinga (Kabuchai), John Makali (Kanduyi), Jack Wamboka (Bumula), John Chikati (Tongaren), Martin Pepela Wanyonyi (Webuye East), Dan Wanyama (Webuye West), and Fred Kapondi (Mt Elgon). This represents a formidable political machine that would be difficult for any candidate to overcome.
Wanyonyi’s strategic positioning
During his official declaration on July 12, 2025, Wanyonyi demonstrated a deep understanding of Bungoma’s political landscape and economic potential.
“Bungoma is a very strategic county, the third largest in Kenya. The potential in this county is huge, and we need to tap it,” he emphasized, positioning himself as a candidate with both vision and practical understanding of the county’s needs.
His emphasis on inclusive leadership and youth empowerment signals a modern approach to governance that contrasts with the more traditional, confrontational style associated with Barasa.
“All the interests in Bungoma, business groups, religious groups, various communities — I know there are many operating from here. When we enter the ground, we will find people who will support us,” Wanyonyi stated, demonstrating his coalition-building approach.
Wetang’ula factor
National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula’s strategic fingerprints are all over this political maneuvering.
As Ford-K party leader and Wanyonyi’s elder brother, Wetang’ula appears to be orchestrating a grand political realignment designed to consolidate Luhya unity under his leadership while simultaneously countering opposition forces in the region.
Wanyonyi, however, has been careful to dismiss suggestions that his candidacy is engineered by others. “My decision to contest in Bungoma was not engineered by anyone and dismissed claims that he could be someone’s political project,” he emphasized, seeking to establish his political independence while benefiting from family connections.
The timing of this endorsement is particularly strategic, coming at a moment when Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi—once the undisputed kingpin of Western Kenya politics—faces his own political challenges. This creates an opportunity for Wetang’ula to assert his dominance in the region’s political hierarchy.
Wanyonyi has skillfully framed his candidacy within the broader context of democratic rights and constitutional freedoms.
“I am within my democratic right to campaign and vie in Bungoma and anywhere else because it is my right,” he stated, effectively countering any potential criticism about his move from Nairobi politics to Bungoma.
This constitutional argument serves multiple purposes: it legitimizes his candidacy, deflects accusations of political opportunism, and emphasizes his connection to Bungoma as his home county.
The “voice of the people is the voice of God” reference further reinforces his claim to popular legitimacy, something that Barasa appears to lack given his isolation from local political structures.
Barasa’s uphill battle
Didmus Barasa’s political journey has been marked by controversy and confrontation, factors that have likely contributed to his current isolation.
His history includes legal challenges, including being charged with shooting incidents, and a reputation for aggressive political tactics that have alienated potential allies.
The systematic exclusion of Barasa from political consultations reveals how thoroughly he has been marginalized.
While Wanyonyi consulted with “all the MCAs and all the MPs except one,” Barasa found himself on the outside of these crucial conversations.
This isolation extends beyond mere political disagreement to what appears to be a deliberate strategy to deny him the institutional support necessary for a successful gubernatorial campaign.
The characterization of Barasa as a “lone ranger” by his fellow MPs is particularly damaging.
In Kenyan politics, where coalition-building and alliance-formation are crucial for success, being politically isolated is often a death sentence for higher office aspirations.
Reports suggest that Barasa is being positioned as a UDA candidate, potentially with backing from what are described as “Kalenjin magas” (magnates).
However, this external support may prove insufficient against the unified front of local political leadership now aligned behind Wanyonyi.
The reference to Barasa as a “State House project” suggests that his candidacy may have been part of a broader strategy by the ruling party to maintain influence in Bungoma.
However, the reality on the ground appears to have overtaken these initial plans, with local political dynamics proving more decisive than central government preferences.
Electoral mathematics
The electoral arithmetic heavily favors Wanyonyi. With the backing of eight MPs and their political machines, plus the support of elected and nominated MCAs, Wanyonyi enters the race with a significant organizational advantage.
These politicians control substantial grassroots networks, financial resources, and voter mobilization capabilities that would be difficult for Barasa to match.
Moreover, Wanyonyi’s decision to abandon his Nairobi gubernatorial ambitions and focus on Bungoma demonstrates serious commitment to the race, likely reassuring supporters about his dedication to the county’s development.
This development has implications beyond Bungoma.
It represents a significant shift in Western Kenya’s political landscape, potentially consolidating power under the Wetang’ula family’s influence while marginalizing other political actors.
The success of this strategy could provide a template for similar political realignments in other regions.
The isolation of Barasa also sends a message about the consequences of political maverick behavior in Kenya’s coalition-based political system.
Politicians who operate outside established networks and antagonize potential allies may find themselves politically stranded when it matters most.
As Governor Ken Lusaka completes his second and final term, the battle for his succession has effectively been decided before the campaign period officially begins.
Wanyonyi’s entry, backed by overwhelming local political support, appears to have foreclosed Barasa’s path to the governor’s mansion.
For Barasa, the options are limited.
He could attempt to build an insurgent campaign based on grassroots support, but this would require overcoming not just one opponent but an entire political establishment united against him.
Alternatively, he might need to consider whether his political future lies in a different direction entirely.
The endorsement of Tim Wanyonyi by Bungoma’s political establishment represents more than just support for a candidate—it’s a strategic realignment that effectively isolates Didmus Barasa from the political mainstream in his home county.
While Barasa has vowed to contest regardless of opposition, the mathematical and organizational realities suggest that his gubernatorial ambitions may have been effectively ended before they truly began.
The 2027 Bungoma gubernatorial race may still be years away, but the political die appears to have been cast.
Wanyonyi’s entry has fundamentally altered the dynamics, creating a scenario where Barasa’s doom may indeed be sealed by the very political forces he sought to leverage for his own advancement.
