Nairobi — The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) is gearing up for a high-stakes National Delegates Convention (NDC) in October, a gathering that could not only shape the party’s political trajectory ahead of the 2027 General Election but also determine the fate of its outspoken Secretary-General, Edwin Sifuna.
The party says the NDC will review policy positions, receive reports from party organs, and elect new national officials. But insiders admit the meeting is also expected to address growing rifts triggered by Sifuna’s defiance over ODM’s budding political cooperation with President William Ruto.
Tensions have flared in recent months as ODM leader Raila Odinga and President Ruto move to cement a post-handshake alliance; complete with a victims’ compensation framework, a joint MoU, and the fast-tracking of the NADCO report — steps that have been praised as a political masterstroke by some, but condemned as a betrayal by others.
Sifuna, a vocal critic of the pact, has openly declared he would quit as SG if ODM endorses Ruto’s re-election bid, calling the agreement “dead” after the June 8 death of blogger Albert Ojwang in police custody. His stance has endeared him to a section of the grassroots but angered party loyalists, some of whom have publicly called for his removal.
Homa Bay Town MP Peter Kaluma has accused Sifuna of “fuelling confusion” and demanded his resignation, while Alego Usonga MP Sam Atandi suggested the party has “many options” for a spokesperson, even name-dropping Nyando MP Jared Okello as a potential replacement.
ODM’s Central Committee, in its July 15 resolution, formally set the October NDC date, intensifying speculation that the meeting could be used to censure Sifuna, clip his influence, or even begin the process of replacing him.
For now, Sifuna remains unbowed but with Raila and Ruto hinting at a coalition in 2027, the October convention could mark a decisive turning point for both the party’s unity and its combative Secretary-General’s political career.
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has called on Kenyans living in the United States to lobby US lawmakers in support of a bill that could strip Kenya of its coveted Major Non-NATO Ally designation, accusing President William Ruto of authoritarianism and gross human rights abuses.
Speaking at a diaspora town hall on Sunday, August 10, Gachagua endorsed legislation sponsored by US Senator James Risch that seeks a formal review of Kenya’s security partnership with Washington over alleged ties to non-state armed groups and foreign terrorist organisations.
“The president we elected — and most of you voted for him — has turned against the people of Kenya and become a dictator who cannot be told by anybody,” Gachagua told the gathering. “Give US legislators the facts on what is happening back at home.”
Backing, but No Claim of Influence
The former deputy president stressed that he had no role in initiating the US Senate measure but said its contents align with long-standing concerns he has raised locally — including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and alleged dealings with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces militia and Somalia’s Al-Shabaab.
“The impunity in Kenya by William Ruto and his mafia has reached Washington,” Gachagua declared. “I did not bring the matter, but I support it because the issues raised are the same I raise every day.”
Crisis in Governance
Gachagua painted a bleak picture of the state of governance in Nairobi, accusing Ruto of dismantling institutional checks and presiding over a climate of fear. He said the US bill was a sign that Kenya’s governance crisis had become a matter of international concern.
He also praised Kenya’s youth — particularly the Gen Z movement — for stepping into the political vacuum left by weakened opposition parties. “Since nature abhors a vacuum, our young children, Gen Zs, have filled the space and become the opposition in Kenya,” he said, lauding their resilience despite reports of abductions, intimidation, and deadly crackdowns.
Security Ties at Risk
Kenya was designated a Major Non-NATO Ally by the US in 2022, a status that deepens military cooperation and facilitates access to advanced defence equipment. Gachagua warned that continued governance failures under Ruto could jeopardise these strategic ties.
“Mr William Ruto must answer to the people of Kenya and take full responsibility for shaming our beloved country,” he concluded.
The US Senate bill, if passed, could trigger a State Department review that may alter the course of US-Kenya security relations — a move that would carry significant geopolitical and economic repercussions for Nairobi.
Strategic Alliance Takes Shape as Opposition Leader Commits Support Until Next Polls
Kenya’s political landscape is witnessing a seismic shift as President William Ruto and opposition stalwart Raila Odinga inch closer to formalizing what could be the most consequential political alliance in the country’s recent history.
Behind closed doors, the two leaders are crafting a roadmap that may reshape the 2027 electoral dynamics entirely.
At the heart of this emerging partnership lies a pragmatic 10-point agenda that has become the cornerstone of negotiations between Ruto’s UDA party and Odinga’s ODM. The agreement, signed amid considerable skepticism from both camps’ rank and file, now serves as the litmus test for a potential pre-election coalition.
The establishment of a five-member technical team, chaired by former ODM Senator Agnes Zani, signals the seriousness with which both leaders view this collaboration. This committee, tasked with overseeing implementation of both the 10-point agenda and the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO) recommendations, represents more than administrative machinery—it’s the vehicle through which trust will be built or broken.
ODM’s Calculated Gambit
For Odinga, this alliance represents a dramatic departure from decades of opposition politics. His recent declaration that ODM will remain in the broad-based government “until 2027” has sent shockwaves through Kenya’s political establishment. The veteran politician, who has contested and lost five presidential elections, appears to be playing a longer game.
“Beyond 2027 are issues that we will discuss at the appropriate time, and the decision will be made by party members, not Raila Odinga alone,” he stated, leaving room for maneuvering while committing to the current arrangement.
The ODM leader’s strategy seems anchored on extracting maximum concessions from the Ruto administration while his party enjoys significant leverage. With ODM’s strongholds in Nyanza, Western, and Coast regions representing crucial swing territories, Odinga holds cards that could prove decisive in 2027.
However, this alliance comes with strings attached. ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna has been vocal about his party’s conditions, threatening a walkout if the 10-point agenda remains unimplemented. The demands are substantial: compensation for protest victims, increased resource allocation to counties, an end to police killings and abductions, and genuine implementation of NADCO recommendations.
President Ruto appears keenly aware of these expectations. His administration’s recent moves suggest a concerted effort to address ODM’s grievances. The promise of quarterly joint parliamentary group meetings between Kenya Kwanza and ODM parliamentarians indicates a level of institutional cooperation unprecedented in Kenya’s multi-party era.
Regional Dynamics at Play
The implications extend beyond national politics. ODM lawmakers like Sam Atandi have begun floating the idea of a “President Ruto-Tosha movement,” echoing the historic 2002 endorsement that catapulted Mwai Kibaki to power. Atandi’s assertion that “we owe President Ruto a token of appreciation” references Ruto’s support for Odinga in 2007, suggesting a narrative of political reciprocity.
This regional calculus is crucial. Odinga’s ability to deliver his traditional strongholds could prove the difference between Ruto facing a fragmented opposition or a united front in 2027. For a president whose approval ratings have fluctuated amid economic challenges, securing ODM’s backing represents a significant strategic advantage.
The emerging Ruto-Odinga axis has profound implications for Kenya’s opposition landscape. Traditional opposition figures find themselves grappling with a scenario where their most prominent leader has effectively crossed the aisle. This has already sparked discussions about alternative power-sharing arrangements and coalition possibilities among remaining opposition parties.
The timing is particularly significant. With ODM’s National Delegates Convention scheduled for October, the party will have an opportunity to formally ratify or reject this strategic direction. The convention could either cement the Ruto-Odinga partnership or expose the deep fissures within ODM’s ranks.
Challenges Ahead
Despite the apparent momentum, significant hurdles remain. Implementation of the 10-point agenda has been slow, with most NADCO recommendations still unfulfilled except for IEBC restructuring. The proposed Office of the Leader of Official Opposition and Office of the Prime Minister remain paper commitments, raising questions about the government’s genuine commitment to reform.
Moreover, Ruto faces his own internal challenges. UDA stalwarts who view ODM as a traditional enemy may resist closer cooperation, particularly if it comes at the expense of their own political ambitions. The president must balance appeasing Odinga while maintaining his party’s unity.
The 2027 Equation
As the March 7, 2026 deadline for the final implementation report approaches, both leaders face a moment of truth. For Odinga, supporting Ruto’s re-election bid would represent a remarkable transformation from perennial opposition figure to kingmaker. For Ruto, securing ODM’s backing could provide the foundation for a decisive electoral victory.
The quarterly progress reports and joint parliamentary sessions will serve as critical markers of this partnership’s viability. Success in implementing the agreed agenda could pave the way for a formal pre-election coalition. Failure could see the relationship collapse, potentially leaving both leaders politically diminished.
The Ruto-Odinga rapprochement represents more than political convenience—it’s a recognition of Kenya’s evolving democratic landscape. In a country where ethnic coalitions have historically determined electoral outcomes, this alliance transcends traditional boundaries and could establish new paradigms for political cooperation.
Whether this partnership survives the scrutiny of implementation and the pressures of partisan politics remains an open question. What’s certain is that the 2027 elections are already being shaped by decisions made in boardrooms and private meetings between Kenya’s most influential political figures.
The road to 2027 promises to be unlike any Kenya has witnessed, with yesterday’s adversaries potentially becoming tomorrow’s allies in the complex chess game of Kenyan politics.
ODM Secretary-General risks party position as he spearheads new youth movement challenging Kenya Kwanza administration
Edwin Sifuna has thrown down the gauntlet to his own Orange Democratic Movement party, declaring he would rather lose his position as Secretary-General than support President William Ruto’s re-election bid in 2027.
Speaking at a women’s empowerment event in Saboti, Trans Nzoia County on Sunday, the defiant ODM official made it clear that his opposition to the Kenya Kwanza administration transcends party loyalty—a stance that puts him on a collision course with any potential ODM-UDA rapprochement.
“I will not support ODM’s resolution to endorse William Ruto in 2027,” Sifuna declared, addressing speculation about his party’s future political direction.
“I am ready to be replaced in ODM, as I have heard someone is being groomed for my position.”
The remarks signal a deepening rift within ODM as the party grapples with its positioning ahead of the 2027 general election.
While party leader Raila Odinga has recently shown signs of warming up to the Ruto administration, Sifuna’s public rebellion suggests not all party officials are willing to follow that path.
Youth movement emerges
Sifuna’s defiance coincides with the launch of “Kenya Moja,” a new political formation he’s spearheading alongside several opposition MPs.
The movement positions itself as a youth-led alternative to what its founders describe as failed leadership under the current administration.
“Kenya needs a new political force to champion the rights of citizens suffering under poor leadership,” Sifuna emphasized, framing his opposition as a matter of principle rather than personal ambition.
The timing of this political realignment is significant. With three years until the next election, opposition figures are already positioning themselves for what promises to be a highly contested race.
Sifuna’s willingness to potentially sacrifice his party position suggests he’s betting on anti-establishment sentiment carrying more weight than traditional party structures.
Coalition of the willing
The Saboti event revealed the breadth of discontent within opposition ranks. MPs Caleb Amisi (Saboti), Majimbo Kalasinga (Kabuchai), Jack Wamboka (Bumula), and Gathoni Wamuchomba (Githunguri) all voiced sharp criticism of the Kenya Kwanza administration.
Kalasinga’s focus on human rights violations—specifically extrajudicial killings—adds a grave dimension to their opposition. “The human rights space has shrunk under this government. If President Ruto gets a second term, it will only get worse,” he warned.
Wamuchomba’s critique was equally scathing, targeting the government’s performance in healthcare and education.
Her direct appeal to the President—“Stop lying, Mr President”—reflects the confrontational tone this emerging opposition faction is adopting.
The Raila factor
Perhaps most intriguingly, Sifuna hinted at working with Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya, suggesting he’s already building alternative political networks.
This tactical positioning indicates he’s prepared for potential expulsion from ODM rather than merely hoping to influence party direction from within.
The Secretary-General’s rebellion places Raila Odinga in a delicate position.
As ODM leader, he must decide whether to discipline Sifuna or accommodate the growing dissent within party ranks.
Amisi’s claims of receiving death threats and being trailed by unknown vehicles which he interpreted as assassination attempts add a serious security dimension to this political drama.
Whether these concerns are legitimate or political theater, they reflect the high stakes involved in opposition politics.
The emergence of Kenya Moja also represents something broader: a generational challenge to established political leadership.
By positioning themselves as young, visionary leaders offering “economic transformation,” these politicians are tapping into widespread frustration with traditional politics.
Sifuna’s gamble could reshape Kenya’s opposition landscape.
If successful, his rebellion might inspire other party officials to break ranks, potentially fracturing ODM and creating space for new political formations. If it fails, he risks political isolation.
The Secretary-General’s willingness to sacrifice his position for principle—assuming that’s what this represents rather than calculated opportunism—will be tested in coming months.
Can Kenya Moja build sufficient momentum to challenge both the ruling party and established opposition? That remains the million-shilling question.
What’s certain is that Sifuna has chosen confrontation over accommodation, setting up what promises to be a fascinating power struggle within Kenya’s opposition ranks as the 2027 election cycle heats up.
The author is a political correspondent covering Kenya’s evolving political landscape
Tiaty MP William Kamket has ignited fresh concerns about electoral integrity after making controversial statements about President William Ruto’s 2027 re-election bid during a traditional ceremony on Saturday.
Speaking at a dowry ceremony for the children of Immigration Principal Secretary Belio Kipsang and businessman David Langat, Kamket declared his unwavering commitment to securing Ruto’s victory alongside Kapsaret MP Oscar Sudi.
“Oscar and I say harsh things. He says if the ballot box does not fill up, we will add. I say it in another way, but we say the same thing. If the votes are not enough, we will ensure that they are enough, whatever comes may,” Kamket stated boldly.
The remarks drew immediate attention when Sudi took the microphone to clarify their position, emphasizing their goal was to fill ballot boxes “with votes, nothing else.”
However, the damage to public perception appeared already done, with the statements echoing similar controversial comments made recently by other Kenya Kwanza allies.
Kamket’s declaration comes just days after Wajir Woman Representative Fatuma Jehow sparked outrage by claiming they would “steal votes” in 2027 to guarantee Ruto’s second term.
Her statement prompted swift condemnation from the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, which termed such remarks “reckless and unacceptable.”
The IEBC reassured Kenyans of its commitment to conducting transparent elections, stating that “statements suggesting election malpractice undermine the credibility of our democratic institutions.”
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi also warned political leaders against making careless statements that could erode public trust in electoral processes.
These incidents have reignited debates about the integrity of Kenya’s democratic institutions ahead of the 2027 general election, with critics questioning whether such statements represent genuine intentions or mere political rhetoric designed to energize supporters.
The controversial remarks underscore growing tensions surrounding the upcoming polls and highlight the delicate balance between political campaigning and maintaining public confidence in the electoral system.
Symbolic Meeting Reignites Political Calculations as Kenya Eyes Next Presidential Race
President William Ruto’s meeting with his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta at State House on August 1, 2025, has sent ripples through Kenya’s political landscape, with observers reading deeper meanings into what officials describe as a routine diplomatic engagement.
The encounter, which saw the two former allies share hearty handshakes, booming laughter, and even playful nudges during a tour of the renovated State House, has reignited speculation about shifting alliances ahead of the 2027 General Election.
A tale of two narratives
Officially, Kenyatta’s visit was linked to his attendance at a joint East African Community and Southern African Development Community meeting on the Democratic Republic of Congo crisis.
However, the symbolism of the former president touring his old residence—complete with viral social media posts showing their renewed camaraderie, has not escaped political watchers.
President Ruto and Uhuru having a booming laughter during a tour to show the former president of the new look State House.
“The presence of Uhuru at State House with President Ruto has made most tribalists and bigots mad because they don’t want an inclusive, united and cohesive Kenya,” declared Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei, interpreting the meeting as validation of Ruto’s growing national acceptance.
The reunion marks a dramatic shift from the frosty relationship that characterized the final years of Kenyatta’s presidency, when he backed Raila Odinga against his then-deputy Ruto in the 2022 elections.
Complex political calculations
Behind the public display of unity lie complex political calculations.
Sources suggest Kenyatta, despite his public retreat from frontline politics, remains influential—particularly in the Mount Kenya region and may be positioning himself for a role in shaping the 2027 succession.
“Since he is the one who requested a tour around State House to acclimatise with the new changes, we believe he was putting his best foot forward to the international community to see that he has no hard feelings against his successor,” revealed a State House official speaking on condition of anonymity.
The meeting comes amid reports that Kenyatta is quietly supporting former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i as a potential challenger to Ruto in 2027, while also navigating the complex dynamics in Mount Kenya, where former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua seeks to consolidate regional influence.
ODM’s measured response
The reunion has particularly unsettled some within the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which entered into a broad-based government arrangement with Ruto following post-election violence and protests.
President Ruto in. Meeting with ODM leader Raila Odinga and Musalia Mudavadi in a meeting at State House.
Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi, the former ODM chairman, delivered a scathing assessment of Kenyatta’s renewed visibility.
“The former president should know his time is over. Neither President Ruto nor Raila Odinga should be listening to him,” Mbadi declared, accusing Kenyatta of misleading the opposition during the 2022 contest.
However, other ODM leaders maintain a more cautious stance. Suba North MP Millie Odhiambo noted that while her party supports the current administration for national stability, this doesn’t guarantee automatic support in 2027.
“It is a matter of negotiation,” she stated, even floating the possibility of ODM asking Ruto to support Odinga in the next election.
The Ruto-Kenyatta relationship has been marked by dramatic shifts—from close allies during their first Jubilee term (2013-2017) to bitter rivals by 2022.
Political analyst Prof Gitile Naituli suggests the current rapprochement might not be surprising: “They’ve been together all along. We are just seeing Jubilee Phase Two.”
Meanwhile, Gachagua’s Democracy for the Citizens Party dismissed the meeting as “mere optics,” with Deputy Party leader Cleophas Malala maintaining that “that meeting cannot salvage Ruto from serving only one term.”
The 2027 landscape
As Kenya approaches the 2027 elections, the State House reunion represents just one piece of a complex political puzzle.
With Odinga having warmed to Ruto through bipartisan dialogue, Kenyatta potentially repositioning himself, and new political formations emerging, the traditional alliance patterns appear increasingly fluid.
The viral images of the two leaders—Ruto in his signature blue suit, Kenyatta in a patterned dark shirt, sharing moments of levity on the State House lawn—may prove to be more than mere nostalgia.
In Kenya’s intricate political theater, such displays often signal deeper strategic realignments that could reshape the country’s electoral landscape.
Whether this reunion represents genuine reconciliation, tactical positioning, or simply diplomatic courtesy remains to be seen.
What’s certain is that in the world of Kenyan politics, even the most casual encounters are scrutinized for their potential impact on the nation’s democratic future.
The next two years will reveal whether the laughter and handshakes at State House translate into substantive political cooperation or remain merely a brief interlude in Kenya’s ever-evolving political drama.
Former presidential aspirant cries foul over timing of tax assessment, alleging political intimidation
Deputy Party Leader of the Justice and Freedom Party (JFP) Reuben Kigame has found himself at the center of a brewing controversy after receiving a tax demand from the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) worth Sh20 million—just one day after filing a petition to prosecute top security officials over alleged human rights violations.
The blind musician and political activist took to social media on Saturday to express his dismay over what he perceives as suspicious timing, questioning whether the tax assessment is genuine or a form of retaliation for his legal action against government officials.
“Yesterday I received an email from a KRA official alleging I owe the government taxes worth Sh20 million. I make less than 200K in a good month,” Kigame stated, highlighting the stark disparity between his declared income and the alleged tax liability.
Kigame’s concerns about the timing appear well-founded.
The KRA email arrived just 24 hours after he filed a petition at the High Court seeking permission to initiate private prosecution of Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen and Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja for their alleged roles in extrajudicial killings during anti-government protests.
“Coincidence or fighting back my petition? I will not be intimidated,” the former presidential candidate declared, suggesting the tax demand may be part of a broader pattern of state harassment against government critics.
Adding another layer to the controversy, Kigame pointed out that as a registered person with disability (PWD), he is legally entitled to tax exemptions under Kenyan law. Despite this entitlement, he says he has voluntarily been paying taxes as a self-employed citizen.
“Note that as a PWD, I am entitled to a tax exemption, but I voluntarily pay my taxes. I am a self-employed citizen owed millions from music royalties by this same government,” he stated, turning the tables on the authorities by highlighting unpaid dues owed to him.
The tax controversy comes as Kigame pursues what he describes as a mission for justice on behalf of protest victims. His petition seeks to hold security chiefs accountable for what he terms “crimes against humanity” that resulted in over 100 deaths during the 2024 and 2025 anti-government demonstrations.
The activist has vowed to escalate the matter to the International Criminal Court (ICC) if the Kenyan judiciary fails to deliver justice, demonstrating his commitment to seeing the case through despite potential personal consequences.
This case presents a critical test of Kenya’s institutional independence. If the timing of the KRA assessment is indeed coincidental, it highlights concerning coordination issues within government agencies. If deliberate, it represents a troubling weaponization of tax administration against political dissent.
As Kigame faces this dual battle—defending himself against tax allegations while pursuing justice for protest victims, the eyes of civil society and international observers will be watching closely.
The outcome may well determine whether Kenya’s institutions can operate independently of political interference, or whether critics of the government can expect to face administrative harassment as the price of speaking truth to power.
The KRA and relevant government officials have yet to respond to Kigame’s allegations of political intimidation, leaving questions about the timing and legitimacy of the tax assessment unanswered.
The Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K) finds itself teetering on the precipice of institutional collapse as an increasingly vicious leadership battle between party leader Eugene Wamalwa and Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya threatens to tear apart what was once considered Western Kenya’s most promising political vehicle for 2027.
What began as ideological differences in June 2025 has morphed into a full-blown existential crisis that exposes fundamental weaknesses in DAP-K’s organizational structure and threatens to render the party irrelevant in Kenya’s evolving political landscape.
The current crisis reached fever pitch when Natembeya and his allies formally petitioned the DAP-K leadership to convene both a Special National Executive Council (SNEC) and National Governing Council (NGC) meeting to deliberate on Wamalwa’s leadership style and overall direction of the party.
This unprecedented move signals a complete breakdown of internal party cohesion and democratic processes.
The Strategic Stakes: More Than Just Party Politics
The battle for DAP-K’s soul represents far more than personal ambitions—it embodies the larger struggle for political supremacy in Western Kenya, a region that has historically been crucial in determining Kenya’s presidential outcomes.
The party’s potential collapse would create a dangerous political vacuum at a critical juncture when the region needs unified leadership ahead of the 2027 elections.
Wamalwa has served as DAP-K’s political figurehead since the 2022 General Election, positioning himself as the de facto Western Kenya kingpin after Mudavadi disbanded ANC and joined President Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).
His removal would effectively hand Western Kenya’s political initiative to pro-government forces, fundamentally altering the region’s opposition credentials.
The crisis has exposed critical flaws in DAP-K’s institutional framework. DAP-K Secretary General Dr Eseli Simiyu has confirmed receipt of the petition, noting that he is in the process of calling a meeting of the party’s National Management Committee (NMC) to address the issues raised.
However, the fact that party officials who have unlimited access to him have opted to engage a lawyer to communicate with him and even offered to sponsor party organ meetings demonstrates a complete breakdown of internal communication channels.
The Democratic Action Party (DAP-K) has resolved to refer all disputes to its Internal Disputes Resolution Committee, following reports of growing divisions that have resulted in the emergence of two rival factions within the party.
This referral to dispute resolution mechanisms suggests the party acknowledges its inability to resolve the crisis through normal democratic processes.
The Natembeya Factor: Ambition Meets Political Reality
Governor George Natembeya at a past political rally.
Governor Natembeya’s rise within DAP-K represents a classic case of political miscalculation that threatens to destroy the very platform he seeks to control.
According to party insiders, Natembeya’s support base within the party includes chairman David Muchele and assistant secretary David Masanja, but this limited support base contrasts sharply with his outsized ambitions.
Despite being the third deputy party leader, Natembeya is neither a member of the NEC nor the NMC, highlighting the structural impossibility of his power grab.
His exclusion from key decision-making bodies makes any legitimate path to party leadership extremely difficult, forcing him into increasingly desperate and potentially destructive tactics.
Trans Nzoia County Assembly members, elected on the DAP-K ticket, called for Wamalwa to relinquish his leadership role in favour of Natembeya, led by Hospital Ward MCA Erick Mwangale Wafula.
However, this local support base appears insufficient to challenge Wamalwa’s broader institutional backing.
The Loyalty Test: MPs and Leaders Choose Sides
The crisis has forced DAP-K’s elected officials to declare their allegiances, creating irreparable divisions.
Mumias East MP Peter Salasya has hinted at quitting the DAP Kenya party after party leader Eugene Wamalwa accused him of plotting a coup in the political outfit. Salasya’s potential departure would represent a significant blow to the party’s parliamentary representation and signal broader institutional instability.
Paul Ajiba, maintained that despite Natembeya’s alleged plotting, Wamalwa enjoys stronger support within the party’s hierarchy.
He cited the support of Secretary General Eseli Simiyu, first and second deputy party leaders Athanus Wafula Wamunyinyi and Ayub Savula, as well as several MPs, MCAs, and county chairpersons. This institutional support gives Wamalwa a significant advantage, but the public nature of the dispute has damaged the party’s credibility regardless of the outcome.
External Manipulation: The State Factor
Perhaps most damaging to DAP-K’s long-term prospects are allegations of state interference in the leadership crisis.
Wamalwa’s allies have escalated the matter, directly accusing President William Ruto of allegedly backing Natembeya in an orchestrated effort to destabilise DAP-K — a party they insist has emerged as a formidable political force in Western Kenya.
President William Ruto.
Mumias East MP Peter Salasya declared on his Instagram page that he would use all means at his disposal to prevent Natembeya from being used by the State to seize control of DAP-K.
“The State has assured Natembeya that it would help him stage a coup in DAP-K and then hand the party over to the government,” Salasya claimed.
These allegations, whether true or false, have introduced an element of external manipulation that fundamentally undermines the party’s autonomy and democratic processes.
The perception that Natembeya might be a state project has poisoned internal party dynamics and made reconciliation increasingly difficult.
The Failed Alternative: Lessons from CODK
Natembeya’s desperation becomes clearer when viewed against his previous political failures.
Ajiba further claimed that Natembeya’s ambition to take over the DAP-K leadership stems from the failure of his previous attempt to launch a party — Conservation of Democracy in Kenya (CODK) which flopped due to its lack of traction in the region.
This background reveals Natembeya as a leader without a natural political base, making his hostile takeover attempt a last-ditch effort to secure political relevance ahead of 2027.
His failure to build CODK from the ground up demonstrates questionable political judgment that bodes ill for any future leadership role.
The Electoral Mathematics: 2027 Implications
The timing of this crisis couldn’t be worse for Western Kenya’s political interests.
With former Prime Minister Raila Odinga who previously commanded strong support in the region now part of Ruto’s broad-based government, and some of his allies shifting allegiance to back the president’s 2027 re-election bid, Wamalwa’s DAP-K has been working to occupy the vacuum left in the region’s political leadership.
A collapsed or severely weakened DAP-K would leave Western Kenya without a credible opposition vehicle, potentially handing the region’s electoral influence to the ruling party by default.
This represents a strategic disaster for opposition politics and Western Kenya’s bargaining power in national politics.
Institutional Remedies: The Path Not Taken
The crisis exposes DAP-K’s failure to develop robust conflict resolution mechanisms. According to Weswa, any decision to replace the party leader must be made by the National Executive Council (NEC), yet the party seems unable to convene credible democratic processes to address the dispute.
The party’s constitution appears inadequate to handle succession disputes, particularly when they involve external manipulation and allegations of state interference. This institutional weakness makes DAP-K vulnerable to future crises even if the current dispute is resolved.
The Propaganda War: Truth as Casualty
Trans Nzoia Governor and Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K) deputy party leader George Natembeya has denied attempting to forcefully wrestle the leadership of the party from party leader Eugene Wamalwa, terming reports as unfounded.
However, his denials ring hollow against the mounting evidence of coordinated efforts to undermine Wamalwa’s leadership.
In a fiery press statement released on X by the faction’s leader, Eugene Wamalwa, on Friday, August 1, 2025, the DAP-K faction said that Natembeya, once seen as a key pillar in the party, has now turned rogue, plotting an unconstitutional takeover to unseat Wamalwa.
This public exchange of accusations has transformed internal party disputes into a media spectacle, further damaging the party’s credibility and making reconciliation more difficult.
The leadership crisis has practical implications for party operations and resource mobilization.
Internal disputes typically drain financial resources, reduce donor confidence, and limit the party’s ability to prepare for elections.
The uncertainty surrounding leadership makes long-term planning impossible and reduces the party’s attractiveness to potential defectors from other parties.
Conclusion: A Party at the Crossroads
DAP-K’s current crisis represents more than a leadership dispute—it embodies a fundamental test of institutional resilience and democratic governance within Kenya’s political parties.
The party’s inability to resolve this conflict through established democratic processes exposes broader weaknesses in Kenya’s political party system.
The stakes extend far beyond personal ambitions. DAP-K’s collapse would create a political vacuum in Western Kenya at a critical juncture, potentially handing electoral advantage to the ruling party and undermining opposition politics in one of Kenya’s most electorally significant regions.
For Natembeya, the crisis represents a high-stakes gamble that could either catapult him to regional leadership or permanently damage his political career.
For Wamalwa, it’s a test of his ability to maintain institutional control against internal rebellion and external manipulation.
The resolution of this crisis will likely determine not only DAP-K’s survival but also the broader configuration of opposition politics in Western Kenya ahead of the 2027 elections.
Without immediate intervention and genuine commitment to democratic processes by all parties, DAP-K risks joining the long list of Kenyan political parties that promised much but delivered little due to internal contradictions and leadership failures.
The party stands at a crossroads: embrace democratic resolution and institutional strengthening, or continue down the path of destruction that threatens to render it politically irrelevant when Western Kenya needs strong opposition leadership most.
In a symbolic display of statesmanship and reconciliation, President William Ruto on Friday hosted his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta for a personal tour of the renovated State House, Nairobi, following the conclusion of a landmark joint EAC-SADC summit on peace and stability in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The gesture, which Ruto described as showing his “good old friend” around, marked Kenyatta’s first return to the house on the hill since handing over power on September 13, 2022.
“I had the pleasure of conducting my old good friend, Retired President Uhuru Kenyatta, on a tour around State House after the joint EAC-SADC meeting on the restoration of peace and stability in the DRC,” President Ruto shared on his X platform, highlighting both the personal and diplomatic significance of the moment.
The images released from the tour showed the two leaders sharing warm embraces and walking side-by-side through the corridors of power in what appeared to be a genuine moment of reconciliation.
The tour offered Kenyatta a glimpse of the extensive renovations currently transforming the iconic residence.
From interior modifications to the dramatic facade changes featuring a new flat roof design, the revamped State House showcases significant infrastructural upgrades. Photos from the visit revealed that some areas remain under active construction, with loose cabro blocks and scaffolding still supporting ongoing work by contractors.
The timing of this personal gesture was particularly poignant, coming immediately after both leaders had participated in a high-stakes diplomatic summit addressing one of Africa’s most pressing security challenges.
The joint EAC-SADC meeting, co-chaired by President Ruto in his capacity as current EAC chairman and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa as SADC Chairperson, brought together distinguished African leaders to forge a unified approach to the protracted conflict in eastern DRC.
The summit featured an impressive panel of African statespeople, including Kenyatta himself, Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo, Ethiopia’s Sahle-Work Zewde, Botswana’s Mokgweetsi Masisi, and former Central African Republic President Catherine Samba-Panza. This distinguished group has been tasked with leading a consolidated mediation process that merges the EAC’s Nairobi Process with the SADC-backed Luanda Process into a single African-led peace initiative.
The relationship between Ruto and Kenyatta has been one of Kenya’s most compelling political narratives over the past decade.
Once dubbed “UhuRuto” for their seemingly unbreakable alliance, the pair rose to power together in 2013 under the Jubilee Coalition, with Kenyatta as president and Ruto as his deputy.
Their partnership secured electoral victories in both 2013 and 2017, but cracks began to show during Kenyatta’s second term.
The turning point came in 2018 with Kenyatta’s famous “Handshake” reconciliation with opposition leader Raila Odinga, a move that effectively sidelined Ruto and altered the political landscape.
The relationship deteriorated further when Kenyatta endorsed Odinga over his own deputy in the 2022 presidential election, leading to public disagreements and accusations of betrayal that dominated the campaign period.
Since assuming the presidency in September 2022, Ruto has faced significant governance challenges, including widespread public protests over tax policies and the controversial impeachment of his deputy, Rigathi Gachagua, in October 2024.
The latter move particularly alienated sections of the Mt Kenya region, Kenyatta’s political stronghold and a crucial voting bloc for any successful presidential campaign.
Recent months have seen deliberate efforts at reconciliation between the former allies.
In December 2024, Ruto made a surprise visit to Kenyatta’s Ichaweri home, marking their first significant private engagement since the bitter 2022 election campaign.
This was followed by Ruto’s strategic appointment of several Kenyatta allies to key cabinet positions, moves widely interpreted as attempts to rebuild bridges with the Mt Kenya region.
“This meeting demonstrates remarkable political maturity from both leaders,” observed political analyst Herman Manyora. “While they’re addressing serious regional security concerns, the personal reconciliation sends a powerful message about putting national and continental interests above individual political differences.”
The diplomatic context of their reunion adds another layer of significance.
Kenyatta emphasized during the summit that the new unified approach to DRC peace processes represents strengthening rather than replacement of existing efforts.
“This is not about replacing one process with another, but fusing our efforts to make them stronger,” he stated, reflecting a philosophy that could equally apply to their personal relationship.
The joint communique from the summit outlined ambitious resolutions including the formation of a Joint Secretariat under the African Union Commission in Addis Ababa, unified terms of reference for all facilitators, and a comprehensive Resource Mobilisation Framework to support peacebuilding and humanitarian assistance in the DRC.
“This is about charting an African path to peace. We must harmonise our strengths and speak with one voice,” the communique declared.
For Ruto’s administration, the collaboration with his predecessor serves multiple strategic purposes.
It projects an image of inclusivity and national unity at a time when his government faces domestic political pressures.
The gesture also potentially helps rehabilitate his standing in Central Kenya, where Gachagua’s impeachment created significant political fallout.
Public reaction to the State House tour was notably positive, with many Kenyans expressing satisfaction at seeing their current and former presidents working together.
Social media responses praised both leaders for demonstrating that political differences need not permanently damage personal relationships or derail important national and continental responsibilities.
The summit’s timing also addresses growing tensions within the East African Community, where disputes between member states have threatened regional unity.
Kenya’s role as host, combined with the visible cooperation between Ruto and Kenyatta, demonstrated the country’s continued commitment to regional leadership and dialogue.
As the two leaders concluded their tour of the renovated State House, their rare public reunion offered more than just diplomatic symbolism. Walking together through the same corridors where their partnership once flourished and later fractured, they embodied the possibility of reconciliation and renewed cooperation in service of broader goals.
The State House tour stands as a testament to the evolution of Kenya’s political landscape, where former adversaries can find common ground in shared responsibilities.
As both leaders continue to shape Kenya’s domestic and international trajectory, their renewed collaboration suggests that personal reconciliation and professional cooperation need not be mutually exclusive.
The success of their joint efforts in regional peace processes, combined with the symbolism of their State House reunion, offers hope for both Kenya’s political stability and Africa’s capacity to deliver homegrown solutions to continental challenges.
In a continent often marked by political divisions and personal animosities, the Ruto-Kenyatta reconciliation provides a model for how leaders can transcend past differences in service of greater national and regional interests.
Kenya is on the edge of another high-stakes presidential showdown, and political experts are already sounding the alarm. A 2027 election re-run now looks almost inevitable.
The looming contest is shaping up to be a fragmented, chaotic race with no clear frontrunner. President William Ruto and longtime opposition leader Raila Odinga appear destined to face off again.
Still, this time, they are both bleeding support and could be overtaken by emerging forces like Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Fred Matiang’i, and David Maraga. The math no longer adds up for a first-round win.
All scenarios point to a re-run. The fragmented field, lack of clear majority support, and growing voter frustration make a one-round win nearly impossible. [Photo: Courtesy]
Why a 2027 Election Re-run Is Likely
Poll analysts point to one critical constitutional requirement: to win in the first round, a candidate must secure 50 percent plus one of the votes and at least 25 percent in 24 of the 47 counties.
This was barely achieved in 2022 when Ruto narrowly beat Raila. But in 2027, the stakes have changed. Ruto has lost the Mt Kenya voting bloc, which gave him nearly half of his total vote count. Meanwhile, Raila’s traditional support bases in Eastern, Western, Coast, and Kisii have crumbled.
What’s left is a fractured race featuring several presidential hopefuls — Ruto, Raila, Gachagua, Kalonzo, Karua, Matiang’i, and others. With each commanding just a fraction of the national vote, no single candidate stands a realistic chance of clearing the 50pc-plus-one hurdle in the first round.
ODM’s rebranding and Raila’s expected candidacy announcement in October have heightened tensions. And Raila’s refusal to reprimand Sifuna after declaring the ODM-UDA union dead has sealed the divorce with Ruto. Experts say both men will likely go it alone in 2027, then try to negotiate a post-election coalition in a re-run.
Ruto’s Diminishing Support Base
President Ruto is in trouble. His former strongholds have turned hostile. The economic strain caused by new taxes, civil unrest, broken promises, and violent crackdowns on Gen Z protesters have eroded his support.
In 2022, Ruto won just over 7 million votes—scraping 50.49 percent—largely thanks to Mt. Kenya. Today, that region has shifted to Rigathi Gachagua’s corner.
The president is left relying on Kalenjin votes (about 1.7 million), coastal and pastoralist regions (about 1 million), and the incumbency advantage (perhaps 1 million more). That totals about 4 million—only 20 percent of the projected 20 million votes in 2027.
He might not even hit the 25 percent threshold in the required number of counties. The counties likely to support him are mostly Kalenjin and pastoralist regions—Uasin Gishu, Nandi, Bomet, West Pokot, Elgeyo Marakwet, Samburu, Turkana, and maybe a few more.
His dismissive tone towards Gen Zs, branding them as “indisciplined children,” has also cost him millions of first-time voters. And his fallout with regional kingpins like Gachagua, Justin Muturi, and Cleopas Malala has left him politically isolated.
Worse, Ruto has waged war against the judiciary, ignored court orders, and appointed politically aligned IEBC commissioners—moves seen by many as rigging the ground for 2027. Should he be declared the winner, legal challenges are expected, potentially triggering a court-ordered re-run.
The Opposition Is Divided and Complicated
On the other side, Raila Odinga is no longer the powerhouse he once was. While he retains Luo Nyanza and parts of Nairobi and Busia, he has lost key support zones—Coast, Kisii, Eastern, and parts of Western Kenya.
He’s projected to bag just 4 million votes—roughly 20 percent—and will struggle to reach the 25 percent threshold in more than 10 counties. Even with ODM’s 20-year celebrations and a likely presidential bid, Raila is limping into 2027.
The “United Opposition” front—led by Kalonzo, Gachagua, Matiang’i, Wamalwa, and Karua — has promise but lacks cohesion. Though a single candidate would give them an edge, internal rivalries and ambition are tearing them apart. Talks are ongoing, and recent photos of Gachagua, Karua, and Matiang’i in the US together hint at efforts to revive a unified front.
Gachagua commands 6 million Mt. Kenya votes, but impeachment threats hang over his head. Kalonzo holds about 2 million Kamba votes, and Matiang’i has the Kisii region. Combined, the trio can net 12 million votes—enough to defeat a Ruto-Raila axis if they field one candidate.
But ethnic tensions and legal hurdles may hinder their ambitions. If Gachagua is barred from running, or if Kalonzo and Matiang’i don’t agree on who should lead, they risk splitting the opposition vote and forcing a re-run.
What a 2027 Re-run Will Look Like
All scenarios point to a re-run. The fragmented field, lack of clear majority support, and growing voter frustration make a one-round win nearly impossible.
In the re-run, only the top two candidates will face off. Ruto and Raila may go head-to-head again—but this time, it’s possible they’ll be outpaced by a surprise duo like Gachagua-Kalonzo or Matiang’i-Karua. Whoever makes it to the second round will need cross-regional support and the ability to strike coalitions quickly.
Kalonzo or Matiang’i against Ruto in a run-off could be dangerous for the incumbent. Both have national appeal, and the protest movement could easily tilt in their favor. Voter anger, particularly among the youth, is real. If harnessed, it could lead to an unexpected political revolution.
What remains clear is this—no one is cruising to victory in 2027. The numbers don’t lie. If the opposition gets its act together, avoids ego wars, and mobilizes disillusioned voters, it can unseat Ruto. But that depends on unity, smart strategy, and a powerful ground game.
The Political Chess Game That Could Reshape Kenya’s Leadership
In the intricate web of Kenyan politics, few stories capture the imagination quite like the meteoric rise of Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga. As the political machinery for 2027 begins to churn, a compelling narrative is emerging: Could the ODM chairperson be positioning herself or being positioned as President William Ruto’s running mate for his re-election bid?
The question isn’t merely speculative gossip.
It represents a confluence of political pragmatism, gender dynamics, and strategic alliance-building that could fundamentally alter Kenya’s leadership landscape.
The Foundation: From Opposition Stalwart to Unlikely Ally
Wanga’s political journey reads like a masterclass in strategic positioning.
Having served as Homa Bay Woman Representative from 2013 to 2022 before ascending to the governor’s mansion, she has consistently demonstrated both grassroots appeal and administrative competence.
But it’s her recent elevation to ODM national chairperson that has set tongues wagging in political circles.
The timing is hardly coincidental.
Her appointment came as President Ruto was bringing key opposition figures into his broad-based government, a move that has fundamentally redrawn Kenya’s political map.
In a landscape where yesterday’s enemies become today’s allies, Wanga represents something potent: legitimacy within the opposition combined with pragmatic cooperation with the ruling administration.
Wanga has been unequivocal in her support for Ruto’s agenda, stating that ODM fully supports the President’s development initiatives.
This isn’t merely political theater—it’s a strategic recalibration that positions her as a bridge between two historically antagonistic political traditions.
The Broad-Based Government: More Than Political Window Dressing
The March 8 UDA-ODM deal that brought Orange Party figures into Cabinet positions wasn’t just about sharing power, it was about reshaping electoral mathematics for 2027.
For Ruto, the inclusion of ODM heavyweights serves multiple purposes: it neutralizes potential opposition, brings crucial regional representation, and provides options for his running mate selection.
Wanga’s role in this arrangement is particularly intriguing.
Unlike other ODM figures who joined government as Cabinet Secretaries, she has maintained her gubernatorial position while ascending within the party hierarchy.
This dual positioning as both a successful county executive and national party leader, creates a unique political profile that could prove invaluable in a national campaign.
The Gender Factor: Kenya’s Overdue Political Revolution
Gladys Wanga and William Ruto during a function in Homa Bay County.
Perhaps the most compelling argument for Wanga’s deputy presidency candidacy lies in Kenya’s long-overdue reckoning with gender representation.
Despite comprising over 50% of the population, women remain dramatically underrepresented in Kenya’s highest offices.
The country has never had a female president or deputy president, a statistic that becomes more glaring with each electoral cycle.
The demand for female leadership isn’t just coming from women’s rights activists.
Women movements are making a strong case that Kenya is “ripe for a woman Deputy President”, and this sentiment is gaining traction across political divides.
Ruto himself has previously hinted at the possibility of selecting a female running mate, suggesting that the gender factor isn’t just wishful thinking, it’s a serious political consideration.
Caren Oloo of Maendeleo Ya Wanawake captured this sentiment perfectly: “Kenya is ripe to get a woman leader at the top. For too long, we have been underrepresented in positions of power.”
This isn’t just about representation, it’s about recognizing that excluding half the population from top leadership positions is both morally indefensible and politically shortsighted.
The Kindiki Conundrum: Why Change Might Be Inevitable
Current Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s position, while seemingly secure, faces several structural challenges that could make a change inevitable.
Recent analysis suggests it may be impossible for Ruto to retain Kindiki as his running mate in 2027, though the deputy president has been actively campaigning for the ticket through nationwide tours.
The challenge for Kindiki isn’t personal competence—he’s widely regarded as capable and loyal.
Rather, it’s about electoral mathematics and political coalition-building.
As Ruto seeks to broaden his base beyond the Kenya Kwanza coalition, the running mate slot becomes a crucial tool for cementing new alliances and appealing to previously hostile constituencies.
Regional Dynamics: The Luo Factor in National Politics
Wanga’s potential candidacy takes on added significance when viewed through the lens of regional politics.
Should Raila Odinga indeed exit active politics as many expect, the Luo community—Kenya’s third-largest ethnic group—would need new national leadership.
Wanga, with her proven track record and national profile, could emerge as the natural successor to Odinga’s political legacy.
This transition wouldn’t just be symbolic.
The Luo community has historically played a pivotal role in Kenyan politics, and their support could prove decisive in 2027.
By selecting Wanga as his running mate, Ruto would effectively secure not just individual loyalty but potentially an entire regional bloc that has traditionally been in opposition.
The Competition: Waiguru and the UDA Dilemma
Wanga isn’t the only female politician being mentioned for the deputy presidency.
Kirinyaga Governor Anne Waiguru, a UDA stalwart serving her second and final term, remains a strong contender.
The choice between Wanga and Waiguru represents more than just individual preferences, it’s about the kind of coalition Ruto wants to build for 2027.
Waiguru offers continuity and loyalty from within the current ruling coalition.
She’s proven her ability to work within the UDA structure and has maintained strong ties with Central Kenya politics.
However, her selection would represent an inward-looking choice—rewarding existing allies rather than expanding the coalition.
Wanga, conversely, represents bold expansion. Her selection would signal Ruto’s commitment to transcending traditional political boundaries and building a truly national coalition.
It would also fulfill his implicit promise to elevate women to the highest levels of government.
The Raila Factor: Blessing or Burden?
Gladys Wanga and Raila Odinga during a football match in the past.
One of the most intriguing aspects of Wanga’s potential candidacy is her relationship with Raila Odinga.
While his backing has been crucial to her rise within ODM, it could also become a liability if perceived as excessive male influence on her candidacy.
As Caren Oloo warned: “Right now, we know Raila is behind Wanga. Should he walk away from the Broad-Based Government, her dreams could be shattered.”
This observation highlights a crucial tension, while Odinga’s support is valuable, Wanga must establish herself as an independent political force to be truly viable as a national leader.
The key for Wanga will be demonstrating that her political strength derives from her own achievements and appeal, rather than merely from being Odinga’s preferred successor.
Her track record as governor and her grassroots mobilization skills suggest she has the foundation to make this transition successfully.
Electoral Mathematics: Building the Winning Coalition
Politics, ultimately, is about numbers, and the 2027 electoral mathematics are complex.
Ruto’s victory in 2022 was built on a carefully constructed coalition that combined his Rift Valley base with crucial support from Central Kenya and other regions.
For 2027, he needs to maintain this coalition while potentially expanding it to ensure decisive victory.
A Wanga candidacy would bring several electoral advantages.
First, it would likely secure significant support from Nyanza, traditionally an opposition stronghold.
Second, it would appeal to women voters across ethnic lines, a demographic that constitutes over 50% of the electorate. Third, it would position Ruto as a progressive leader willing to break traditional barriers.
However, this strategy isn’t without risks.
Some traditional Ruto supporters might view the selection of an ODM figure as betrayal, potentially depressing turnout in his core constituencies. The challenge will be managing this transition without alienating existing supporters while attracting new ones.
The Opposition Factor: Neutralizing Future Threats
From a strategic perspective, bringing Wanga onto the ticket would serve another crucial purpose: neutralizing potential opposition coalitions.
If she becomes Ruto’s running mate, it would be significantly more difficult for any opposition alliance to present a credible challenge from Nyanza or to build a broad-based anti-Ruto coalition.
This isn’t just about 2027—it’s about fundamentally altering Kenya’s political landscape for years to come.
By absorbing key opposition figures into his coalition, Ruto could create a dominant political formation that mirrors the kind of hegemonic arrangements that characterized earlier periods of Kenyan politics.
Kenya’s GlobalImage
Kenya’s international partners have increasingly emphasized the importance of gender equality and women’s empowerment.
A female deputy president would send a powerful signal about Kenya’s commitment to these values, potentially enhancing the country’s standing in international forums and with development partners.
This consideration shouldn’t be underestimated in an era where Kenya seeks to position itself as a regional leader and global partner.
Having a woman in the second-highest office would represent significant progress and could yield tangible benefits in terms of international relationships and development cooperation.
Challenges and Obstacles
Despite the compelling case for Wanga’s candidacy, several obstacles remain.
First, there’s the question of whether ODM will demand formal pre-election agreements that could complicate the arrangement.
Political marriages of convenience are notoriously fragile, and the terms of any such alliance would need careful negotiation.
Second, there’s the challenge of managing internal UDA dynamics.
Long-time Ruto allies might resist what they perceive as excessive accommodation of former opponents.
The art of political leadership often lies in managing these internal tensions while pursuing broader strategic objectives.
Third, there’s the question of Wanga’s own political calculations.
While the deputy presidency would represent a significant elevation, it would also mean subordinating herself to Ruto’s leadership and agenda.
For a politician who has built her career in opposition, this transition requires careful consideration of long-term implications.
The Verdict: Grooming or Genuine Partnership?
Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga.
So, is Gladys Wanga being “groomed” to be Ruto’s deputy in 2027?
The evidence suggests something more complex than simple grooming—it appears to be a case of mutual political advantage creating conditions for potential partnership.
Wanga brings undeniable assets to any potential ticket: proven leadership ability, gender representation, regional appeal, and the capacity to bridge traditional political divides.
For Ruto, her selection would represent bold coalition-building that could secure his re-election while positioning his administration as progressive and inclusive.
The question isn’t whether she’s qualified—her track record speaks for itself.
Rather, it’s whether the political stars will align to make this partnership beneficial for all parties involved.
In a political environment where today’s allies can become tomorrow’s opponents, such calculations are never simple.
The Making of History
Whether or not Gladys Wanga becomes William Ruto’s running mate in 2027, her emergence as a serious candidate represents something significant in Kenyan politics.
It signals the maturation of women’s political leadership and the gradual breakdown of traditional barriers that have long excluded half the population from the highest offices.
For Kenya, the prospect of its first female deputy president—regardless of who ultimately gets the nod—represents long-overdue progress.
For Wanga personally, it represents the culmination of a political journey that began in the opposition trenches and could end in the corridors of State House.
The 2027 election remains more than two years away, and much can change in that time. Political alliances will shift, new crises will emerge, and electoral dynamics will evolve.
But one thing seems certain: Gladys Wanga has positioned herself as a serious player in Kenya’s political future, and her influence on the country’s trajectory is only beginning to be felt.
As Kenya stands at this political crossroads, the question isn’t just about individual ambitions or party calculations—it’s about the kind of leadership the country needs for its next chapter.
In Gladys Wanga, voters may well see not just a potential deputy president, but a symbol of the change they’ve long been promised but rarely delivered.
The game is afoot, the players are positioning themselves, and history waits to be written.
Ahmednasir Abdullahi Argues Public Perception Contradicts Reality on Presidential Corruption Levels
NAIROBI, Kenya – Prominent Kenyan lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi has delivered a scathing analysis that challenges conventional wisdom about corruption under Kenya’s current and former presidents, arguing that President William Ruto’s administration has engaged in significantly less corruption than his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta’s government, despite public perception suggesting otherwise.
In a detailed ten-point analysis that has ignited debate across Kenya’s social media landscape, Abdullahi claims that corruption during Ruto’s first 30 months in office amounts to “roughly 20% of the theft during Uhuru’s tenure,” while acknowledging that public perception paints Ruto’s administration as more corrupt.
The perception vs. reality paradox
The Senior Counsel’s analysis centers on what he describes as a fundamental disconnect between actual corruption levels and public perception.
According to recent reports, President Ruto has acknowledged that “corruption has become a cancer that is eating Kenyan society” during his State of the Nation address, reflecting the administration’s awareness of public sentiment.
Abdullahi attributes this perception gap to what he terms a “complex interplay of politics, ethnicity, history, and sociology,” arguing that Kenyan society applies different standards to corruption based on the ethnic background of those in power.
Ethnic dimensions of corruption perception
The lawyer’s most controversial assertions center on ethnic perceptions of corruption in Kenya.
He argues that corruption by Kalenjin leaders, including Ruto, is viewed as “wanton and malevolent,” while corruption by Kikuyu leaders is seen as “dignified” and the “normal act of smart politicians and businessmen.”
This differential treatment, Abdullahi suggests, stems from several factors including the generational nature of wealth accumulation, the visibility of corrupt proceeds, and social familiarity with those involved in corruption schemes.
Generational wealth and social acceptance
A key element of Abdullahi’s analysis focuses on how different communities handle corrupt wealth.
He argues that Kikuyu corruption benefits from “generational chains” that create “corruption alibis and false heritage of old money,” while Kalenjin corruption is typically “first-generation,” making it more visible and socially unacceptable.
The lawyer contends that this generational difference affects how corrupt proceeds are used and perceived.
While Kalenjin corruption is characterized as “consumption enterprise” that is difficult to hide, Kikuyu corruption serves as “seed capital for business” that can be more easily legitimized through established business networks.
Regulatory approaches to corruption
Abdullahi draws distinctions between how different presidents have managed corruption within their administrations.
He argues that Kikuyu presidents “tightly regulate corruption from a class point of view,” limiting participation to “pre-screened players of second and third generation.”
In contrast, he claims Kalenjin presidents practice “corruption pluralism,” allowing broader participation that creates “a stampede to loot ferociously.”
This difference in approach, the lawyer suggests, affects both the scale of corruption and public perception of its acceptability.
Visibility and social dynamics
The analysis also addresses the visibility of corrupt wealth, arguing that Kalenjin corruption is “on your face” – visible through luxury items, housing changes, and lifestyle upgrades that neighbors can observe.
Kikuyu corruption, by contrast, is described as more discreet, with wealth channeled into rural properties and existing social networks that maintain established appearances.
Controversy
Abdullahi’s analysis comes as the lawyer continues to be a controversial figure in Kenyan legal circles, having been banned from appearing before the Supreme Court in January 2024 for “persistent and baseless attacks” on judicial integrity.
Despite this ban, he remains an influential voice in Kenyan political discourse.
Kenya’s corruption challenges are well-documented, with the country scoring 32 out of 100 on Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 121st among 180 countries.
Recent reports have even included Ruto among world leaders exhibiting “corruption and authoritarian rule” in 2024.
Implications for Kenyan politics
Abdullahi’s analysis raises uncomfortable questions about how ethnicity and social class influence perceptions of corruption in Kenya’s multiethnic society.
His arguments suggest that anti-corruption efforts may be undermined not just by weak institutions, but by deeper social biases that determine which forms of corruption are tolerated and which provoke public outrage.
The lawyer’s claims, while controversial and likely to face significant criticism, highlight the complex intersection of ethnicity, class, and governance in Kenya’s political landscape.
Whether his statistical claims about relative corruption levels can be substantiated remains an open question, but his analysis of public perception dynamics reflects observable patterns in Kenyan political discourse.
As Kenya continues to grapple with corruption challenges across different administrations, Abdullahi’s provocative analysis adds another layer to ongoing debates about accountability, ethnic politics, and the role of public perception in shaping political narratives.
The debate sparked by these assertions is likely to continue as Kenyans assess the performance of their current administration against historical precedents, while considering how ethnic and class dynamics influence their judgments about political leadership and corruption.
Parliament faces mounting pressure to scrap controversial inheritance tax exemptions that have protected the estates of Kenya’s first two presidents for decades
Kenya’s National Assembly is facing renewed calls to abolish a contentious legal provision that shields the estates of former Presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi from inheritance taxes, following a petition that has reignited debate over equality and fair treatment under the law.
The controversy centers on Section 7(3) of the Estate Duty Act, which explicitly exempts the two founding fathers’ estates from inheritance tax obligations that apply to all other Kenyan citizens.
Public interest advocate John Wangai filed the petition challenging this provision, arguing it violates Article 27 of the Constitution, which guarantees equality before the law.
Under Kenya’s estate duty framework, inheritance tax is levied on all property that a deceased person was competent to dispose of at the time of death, including assets held for their use and benefits from life insurance policies.
However, the controversial clause carves out a specific exception stating: “This section shall not apply to His Excellency Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, nor His Excellency Daniel Toroitich arap Moi.”
Wangai contends that maintaining this exemption undermines national values and creates an unjust two-tier system that privileges political elites at the expense of ordinary citizens.
The petition gained additional significance following President William Ruto’s 2023 remarks criticizing tax evasion among certain individuals who use state instruments to protect their wealth.
“This country is not the animal farm where some are more equal than others. We are going to have a society where every citizen carries their fair share of our burden to raise taxes,” President Ruto declared, coincidentally on the same day the petition was submitted to Parliament.
The matter has now reached the National Assembly’s Petitions Committee, where lawmakers have expressed strong support for reviewing the provision to align it with constitutional principles and modern democratic standards.
Committee chair Janet Sitienei, the MP for Turbo, questioned whether the estate duty had been abolished through an Act in 1982, to which Wangai confirmed his awareness of the repeal while maintaining that the current law with its controversial exemption remains operational.
The parliamentary committee has indicated that this provision may be part of a broader collection of outdated laws that continue to benefit privileged individuals, raising questions about whether such exemptions serve any legitimate public interest in contemporary Kenya.
Members have pledged to examine the matter thoroughly and determine if the exemption should be scrapped entirely.
This development comes at a time when Kenya is grappling with revenue challenges and seeking to broaden its tax base.
Inheritance tax, also known as estate duty, is typically justified as a tool for promoting economic equity, unlocking idle assets, and generating public revenue for government operations.
The petition represents a significant test of Kenya’s commitment to constitutional equality and could set a precedent for reviewing other potentially discriminatory legal provisions that favor political elites.
As the committee deliberates, the outcome will likely influence public perception of fairness in Kenya’s tax system and the government’s commitment to treating all citizens equally under the law.
The review process is expected to continue in the coming weeks as MPs weigh the constitutional implications against the historical context that led to the original exemptions being granted to the estates of Kenya’s founding presidents.
A Political Analysis of Kenya’s Evolving Power Dynamics
In the complex chess game of Kenyan politics, few predictions carry as much weight as those from seasoned political analyst Professor Peter Kagwanja.
His latest forecast that President William Ruto and impeached former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua will likely “shake hands” before the 2027 elections has sent ripples through the country’s political landscape.
Speaking to a local television station on July 29, 2025, Kagwanja laid out a compelling case rooted in electoral mathematics rather than emotional reconciliation.
His central thesis is straightforward: President Ruto knows very well that he cannot win without numbers and needs the support of the Mount Kenya region.
This assessment reflects the harsh realities of Kenya’s demographic-driven politics.
Mount Kenya remains a hotly contested region that could determine the outcome of the 2027 elections, with both leaders devising parallel strategies to secure its support.
The region’s voting bloc has historically been decisive in determining presidential outcomes, making any serious contender’s path to State House nearly impossible without its backing.
Gachagua’s rising political stock
Rigathi Gachagua addressing supporters today.
Perhaps most significantly, Kagwanja highlighted how “the anger in Mount Kenya over betrayal is what will shape the 2027 election,” with Gachagua and his allies positioned to “emerge as a major political bloc”. This assessment gains credence when viewed against recent political developments.
The Mount Kenya region, which has traditionally supported Gachagua, has turned against those who voted for his impeachment, creating a political nightmare for Ruto’s allies in the region.
Gachagua had previously given area politicians until December to align with the region’s political sentiments or risk being swept to oblivion in 2027.
Kagwanja’s most intriguing prediction centers on the mechanics of this potential reconciliation.
He suggests that “a coalition between Gachagua and Ruto is possible, even if UDA loses its grip on the region,” potentially featuring “Gachagua, who is not a member of UDA and Ruto, who will have only a small UDA faction remaining in Mount Kenya, where the party has been largely liquidated”.
This scenario reflects the fluid nature of Kenyan political alliances, where ideological differences often take a backseat to pragmatic electoral calculations.
The proposed handshake would be “based on the idea of national equality, not just party loyalty”, suggesting a broader political realignment beyond traditional party structures.
Raila’s potential marginalization
In Kagwanja’s projection, veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga emerges as the potential casualty of this realignment.
The analyst predicted that “in 2027, we are likely to see Gachagua and Ruto come together based on national equality, while Raila will be marginalised”.
This assessment comes against the backdrop of a third force forming away from both Ruto and Gachagua, with youthful elected leaders claiming it’s time to liberate Kenya from ethnic politics.
However, Kagwanja’s analysis suggests that ethnic and regional calculations will continue to dominate Kenya’s political landscape.
The prediction gains context from recent developments in Mount Kenya politics.
Gachagua has positioned himself as the region’s defender, making seven resolutions for Mount Kenya in his showdown with President Ruto and telling the President to “forget Mt Kenya support in 2027”.
However, some Mount Kenya leaders like MP Kiunjuri argue that the region should “cease rebellion without a cause and join hands with President Ruto”, indicating that the region’s political direction remains contested.
Kagwanja’s analysis reflects Kenya’s persistent challenge of balancing ethnic considerations with national unity aspirations.
The politics of betrayal continue to fuel the Ruto-Gachagua feud, with both sides positioning for 2027.
The professor’s prediction essentially argues that political survival will trump personal grievances. In a system where electoral success depends heavily on regional coalitions, the mathematical reality of Mount Kenya’s voting power could force even the most bitter political enemies to find common ground.
Whether Kagwanja’s prediction materializes remains to be seen.
What remains clear is that Kagwanja has urged Kenyans to “watch the evolving political landscape closely, noting that the realignments are far from over”.
If his analysis proves accurate, Kenya could witness one of the most dramatic political reconciliations in its recent history—driven not by forgiveness, but by the unforgiving arithmetic of electoral politics.
The coming months will test whether pragmatism indeed trumps pride in Kenya’s high-stakes political theater, as the country inches closer to what promises to be a highly contested 2027 general election.
The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party’s Central Committee has decisively reaffirmed its unwavering support for the political cooperation agreement between party leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto, signaling an end to internal divisions that have threatened to derail the high-stakes partnership.
In a statement issued following a crucial meeting chaired by Raila Odinga in Nairobi on Tuesday, ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna announced that the party stands firmly behind the decision to work with the Kenya Kwanza administration, marking a dramatic shift from his earlier criticism of the deal.
“The party supports the position of party leader Raila Odinga to work with the Kenya Kwanza administration to stabilise the country and create an enabling environment for Kenyans to address their concerns through democratic and constitutional means,” Sifuna declared, effectively reversing his previous stance that had labeled the UDA-ODM pact as “dead.”
The secretary general’s about-face comes after weeks of mounting pressure from within ODM ranks, with several prominent party members calling for his resignation over statements deemed divisive to party unity. Homa Bay Town MP Peter Kaluma had become the latest to demand Sifuna’s removal, stating emphatically that “he must resign or be thrown out of the ODM party.”
The internal turmoil reached its peak when Sifuna publicly criticized the cooperation deal, citing police brutality and referencing the controversial death of blogger and teacher Albert Ojwang in police custody. His remarks triggered a fierce backlash from party loyalists who viewed his position as undermining Raila’s strategic political calculations.
To fast-track the implementation of their political agreement, the ODM Central Committee announced the formation of a special technical team that will work directly with UDA counterparts to ensure the 10-point Memorandum of Understanding is fully executed. The committee identified the absence of such a technical framework as the critical missing link in implementing the comprehensive agreement.
The landmark deal encompasses key national priorities including the full implementation of the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO) report, protection of youth livelihoods, upholding the right to peaceful assembly and protest, strengthening the rule of law, and addressing corruption and public resource wastage.
In their formal resolutions, the Central Committee also addressed several critical financial and governance issues. The party acknowledged the allocation of Ksh415 billion to counties as an improvement on previous disbursements but maintained pressure for increased funding, continuing to push for the allocation to reach a minimum of Ksh450 billion or more, as previously proposed by Raila Odinga.
The committee further demanded the implementation of unbundling of devolved functions and the requisite constitutionally sanctioned resources to counties, emphasizing the need for proper devolution of power and resources. Additionally, ODM called for an inter-generational national conference to deliberate on issues affecting the nation with particular focus on youth agenda and agreeing on a way forward.
The political partnership between the former fierce rivals has reshaped Kenya’s political landscape, with Raila Odinga recently declaring his firm alignment with President Ruto at least until the 2027 General Election. This commitment has effectively positioned ODM as part of a broad-based government, a move that has drawn both praise and criticism from different political quarters.
However, the cooperation has not been without challenges. The ODM party has acknowledged that the MoU has not been fully implemented despite its aim to address key challenges facing Kenyans, with concerns raised about delays in delivering tangible benefits to the electorate.
The political realignment has significant implications for Kenya’s democratic landscape, as it brings together the leading protagonists in the 2022 General Election with a combined 14.1 million votes, effectively reshaping opposition politics and setting the stage for the 2027 electoral contest.
As ODM moves to present a united front behind the Ruto-Raila partnership, the party also outlined its commitment to internal strengthening through grassroots elections and programs for ODM at 20 celebrations as part of the process of regeneration, reorganization and internal strengthening. The Central Committee emphasized that despite members arriving with different viewpoints on many issues within the party and the country, they brokered an unbreakable unity of purpose, ensuring ODM continues to be a loyal servant of the people and the country while acting in the best interest of its supporters and the nation.
The party faces the delicate task of balancing its traditional opposition role with its new position as a partner in governance, while ensuring that the promised reforms and benefits materialize for ordinary Kenyans who continue to grapple with economic challenges and social issues. The resolutions demonstrate ODM’s commitment to the agenda of national transformation and stability while maintaining its advocacy for devolution and youth empowerment.
The resolution marks a critical juncture in Kenyan politics, demonstrating how strategic political partnerships can override traditional party lines when national interests are at stake, even as questions remain about the long-term sustainability of such arrangements in a vibrant democratic system.
Former Chief Justice David Maraga has formally established a comprehensive communications infrastructure for his 2027 presidential campaign, announcing a seven-member team and new digital platforms to engage with Kenyan voters.
In a statement released on Monday, July 28, 2025, Maraga revealed that his campaign has responded to feedback from Kenyans regarding the need for streamlined communication strategies. The announcement comes as the former judiciary head positions himself as a transformative candidate ahead of the next general election.
The newly appointed communications team comprises Carolyne Kiarie, Gloria Michira, Lewis Ngunyi, Nyamisa Chelagat, Shallet Kutment, Shakira Wafula, and Susan Lumumba. These individuals will be responsible for managing campaign messaging and responding to public feedback through dedicated phone lines.
Maraga’s digital strategy includes the launch of multiple social media platforms specifically branded for his presidential bid. The campaign will operate official accounts on Facebook (@DavidMaraga27), X/Twitter (@DavidMaraga27), Instagram (@dkmaraga_), TikTok (@dkmaraga), and YouTube (@dkmaraga). Additionally, a campaign website, DavidMaraga.com, has been established to serve as a central hub for supporter engagement.
The former Chief Justice emphasized that his existing Twitter handle (@dkmaraga) will continue to serve as his personal communication channel, while the new accounts will focus on campaign operations, grassroots activities, media engagements, and fundraising initiatives.
Operating from headquarters at 82 Westlands Road in Nairobi, Maraga’s campaign has adopted the slogan “Reset, Restore, Rebuild” and promises to build robust systems that will chart a path toward what he terms “the Kenya of our courageous dreams.”
Despite his early campaign preparations, Maraga faces significant challenges in his presidential ambitions. He has yet to align with a political party or coalition, and his candidacy faces competition within his Gusii community from former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i, who has also expressed presidential ambitions.
Maraga’s campaign strategy appears to target younger voters, positioning himself as the preferred candidate for Generation Z. His appeal to this demographic stems partly from his outsider status in electoral politics, with supporters viewing his lack of traditional political experience as an asset in disrupting established political networks.
The former Chief Justice’s entry into presidential politics represents a significant shift from his judicial career, where he served as Kenya’s 15th Chief Justice from 2016 to 2021. His tenure was marked by landmark rulings, including the annulment of the 2017 presidential election, which established his reputation as an independent judicial voice.
As the 2027 election cycle begins to take shape, Maraga’s early organizational efforts signal his serious commitment to challenging established political figures for Kenya’s highest office.
Rigathi Gachagua’s two-month American odyssey tells a story of calculated political arithmetic wrapped in the familiar rhetoric of ethnic solidarity.
The former Deputy President’s strategic targeting of Mt Kenya diasporans across Seattle, Baltimore, Boston, and Washington DC reveals a campaign blueprint built on demographic realities and financial pragmatism rather than mere tribal nostalgia.
The numbers speak volumes. Gachagua’s own assertion that “80 per cent of the diaspora brigade in the United States” originates from Mt Kenya transforms what might appear as ethnic pandering into shrewd electoral mathematics.
This isn’t just about courting familiar faces; it’s about accessing the most substantial voting bloc within America’s Kenyan community, a demographic that could prove decisive in 2027’s presidential arithmetic.
The geographical precision of Gachagua’s tour further underscores this strategic thinking. His concentration on the DMV corridor—DC, Maryland, and Virginia—places him at the epicenter of both Kenyan diaspora concentration and American political influence.
Baltimore and Northern Virginia house thousands of Kenyans working within the corridors of US power, while Washington DC offers proximity to lobbying networks that could amplify his international profile.
This isn’t coincidental; it’s calculated positioning for a politician seeking to rebuild his credentials after last October’s impeachment.
Academic observers recognize this tactical approach.
As Prof David Kimori notes, diasporans “are influential in Kenyan elections and in fundraising for politicians,” making them invaluable assets for any serious presidential contender.
Gachagua understands that diaspora dollars have historically bankrolled major campaigns, and Mt Kenya professionals in America represent some of the most financially capable contributors within Kenya’s overseas community.
However, Gachagua’s messaging reveals the double-edged nature of ethnic-centered campaigning.
His controversial statements at Massachusetts churches about Mt Kenya communities “withholding their investments in Kenya waiting for the end of the Ruto regime” demonstrates both the power and the peril of his approach.
While such rhetoric energizes his core base, it simultaneously reinforces perceptions of him as a regional kingpin rather than a national leader.
This tension became evident when Kenyan Gen Z activists in the US challenged Gachagua to “position yourself as a national leader” and confronted him over what they termed “tribal rhetoric.”
The generational divide within the diaspora suggests that while older Mt Kenya emigrants might respond to traditional ethnic appeals, younger Kenyans seek more inclusive national messaging.
The timing of Gachagua’s tour also carries strategic significance. By establishing diaspora networks early in the electoral cycle, he positions himself ahead of competitors like Fred Matiang’i, who is planning his own August visit to Minneapolis.
This early mover advantage allows Gachagua to establish organizational structures and financial pipelines that could prove crucial as the 2027 campaign intensifies.
Yet the tour’s focus on Mt Kenya diasporans exposes both Gachagua’s political strength and his fundamental weakness.
While he commands genuine loyalty within his ethnic base, his narrow targeting suggests recognition that expanding beyond this demographic remains challenging.
His establishment of DCP offices in Washington speaks to long-term organizational ambitions, but the ethnic-centered messaging indicates uncertainty about broader national appeal.
The financial dimension cannot be understated. Diaspora remittances represent billions of dollars annually, and politically motivated contributions from successful professionals could substantially fund campaign operations.
Gachagua’s calculated courtship of this constituency reflects understanding that modern Kenyan politics requires both grassroots enthusiasm and substantial financial resources.
Ultimately, Gachagua’s American tour represents sophisticated ethnic politics masquerading as diaspora engagement.
His targeting of Mt Kenya communities isn’t mere tribal solidarity—it’s electoral mathematics applied to demographic realities.
Whether this approach can evolve into broader national appeal remains the central question facing his 2027 ambitions.
For now, he’s betting that securing his ethnic base first provides the foundation for wider coalition-building later.
The tour’s success will likely be measured not in headlines generated or crowds attracted, but in dollars raised and organizational networks established. In this calculus, Mt Kenya diasporans represent Gachagua’s most reliable constituency—politically sympathetic, financially capable, and geographically concentrated in America’s most influential corridors.
It’s politics as demographic targeting, wrapped in the familiar language of community solidarity.
Former Deputy President faces direct confrontation over divisive rhetoric during American diaspora tour
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s attempt to build international support for his 2027 presidential ambitions hit unexpected turbulence in Baltimore, where young Kenyan-Americans delivered a blunt assessment of his political messaging.
During a town hall meeting that was supposed to showcase diaspora backing, Valentine Wanjiru Githae, representing the youth-led 625 Movement, stood up to deliver what she called “the truth” about Gachagua’s approach to leadership.
The confrontation began with something as simple as language choice.
Gachagua had opened the Baltimore meeting by addressing attendees in Kikuyu—a decision that immediately drew criticism from Wanjiru, who despite being from his own Mathira constituency, saw it as emblematic of a broader problem.
“If we position ourselves as Kikuyu, another tribe will also do that, and before we know it, we are back to the same problem,” she warned, highlighting concerns that Gachagua’s political strategy relies too heavily on ethnic mobilization.
Valentine Wanjiru Githae, a representative of the youth-led 625 Movement/SCREENGRAB
But the critique went deeper than linguistics. Wanjiru specifically challenged remarks Gachagua made during his Boston rally, where he described the Kikuyu as the “drivers of the Kenyan economy” due to their superior work ethic. For the young activist, such statements represent exactly the kind of thinking that has perpetuated Kenya’s political divisions.
“We cannot say that people from other tribes are not hardworking. We have that sense of entitlement as Kikuyus, and it has to stop,” she declared, delivering a message that many politicians prefer not to hear from their own ethnic base.
The exchange reveals the generational and ideological tensions within Kenya’s political landscape. While Gachagua’s US tour—which has included stops in Seattle, Boston, and Baltimore, plus the establishment of Democracy for Citizens Party offices in Washington State and Massachusetts—aims to build momentum for 2027, younger Kenyans appear less willing to accept traditional ethnic-based political calculations.
Gachagua’s response was telling. Rather than engaging with the substance of Wanjiru’s concerns, he dismissed them as falling for a “narrative meant to intimidate the Mt Kenya people,” attributing the tribal framing to the Kenya Kwanza administration. This deflection suggests either an unwillingness or inability to grapple with legitimate questions about his political approach.
The Baltimore confrontation exposes a fundamental challenge facing Gachagua’s presidential ambitions. While he may be successfully organizing diaspora support and establishing party infrastructure abroad, his core political message appears increasingly out of step with younger Kenyans who lived through the transformative Gen Z protests of 2024.
These young voices are demanding something different from their leaders—a politics that transcends ethnic calculations and speaks to shared national aspirations. Whether Gachagua can adapt his messaging to meet this moment, or whether he will continue relying on traditional tribal mobilization tactics, may well determine the viability of his 2027 challenge to President Ruto.
The irony is striking: in seeking international validation for his domestic political project, Gachagua encountered the very critique he might face from progressive voters back home. The question now is whether he will listen to voices like Wanjiru’s, or dismiss them as products of political manipulation.
For Kenya’s political future, the answer matters enormously.
SIGOMERE, SIAYA COUNTY — JULY 26, 2025 — ODM leader Raila Odinga has finally addressed the political tremors shaking the Orange Democratic Movement, making it clear that party Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna’s recent comments on the ODM-UDA pact were personal and not the official party stance.
Speaking in his rural Siaya backyard during a memorial for his late mother, Mama Jane Adongo Wando, Raila clarified that while Sifuna is entitled to his views, any position attributed to ODM must emerge from the party’s formal organs.
“What Sifuna said is based on personal opinion,” Raila told mourners at Bar Athenge village in Sigomere. “ODM’s opinion will come as a result of discussions within the organs of the party. This is what we make public.”
His remarks come in the wake of Sifuna’s fiery TV interview earlier this week, in which the Nairobi Senator declared the ODM-UDA memorandum of understanding “dead,” blaming broken promises by the Kenya Kwanza regime and an uptick in state-linked extrajudicial killings — notably, the mysterious death of blogger and activist Albert Ojwang.
Storm in the Orange party
Sifuna’s statements sent shockwaves through the party ranks, especially among ODM leaders currently serving in President William Ruto’s government. Several loyalists accused him of undermining party unity and demanded his resignation.
However, Raila threw his weight behind his Secretary-General, saying ODM remains a democratic party that allows space for divergent views.
“Everyone is allowed to express themselves,” he said. “But our official position will be decided by the Central Committee or the National Executive Committee after consultation. After that, our spokesperson — Sifuna — will communicate it.”
The party boss used the opportunity to chastise sections of the media for what he termed distortion of facts and deliberate misreporting.
“If you don’t understand what I’m saying, come to me and ask me to elaborate,” Raila said, drawing laughter from the crowd.
A promise of stability
ODM leader Raila Odinga and SG Edwin Sifuna in a past function.
While tensions have been building inside ODM and particularly around the uneasy political marriage with Ruto’s UDA, Raila’s statement sought to reassure supporters that the party remains united and strong.
“We’ll move forward with a clear vision,” he said. “ODM remains strong and stable.”
The dust may not have fully settled, but Raila’s message was loud and calculated; Sifuna may have the mic, but the script will still be written by ODM’s inner circle.
Civic educator and politician Morara Kebaso has initiated a three-day refund process for citizens who contributed to his political activities, citing concerns about being labeled a conman and the psychological toll of public accusations.
In an emotional statement posted on his social media platforms, Kebaso announced that anyone who feels “robbed or conned” by contributing to his civic education efforts can request a full refund by providing their M-Pesa transaction details.
“I have been traumatized everyday to look like a thief. Am not ready to carry that burden into my future,” Kebaso declared, emphasizing that his reputation holds more value than money
The INJECT party leader has given contributors a 72-hour window to submit their M-Pesa reference codes or transaction messages for verification and subsequent refunds.
Kebaso’s rise to political prominence began in 2024 during Kenya’s youth-led protests, where his “Vampire Diaries” exposés of government projects earned him widespread support.
His mobile account, with a limit of KSh 500,000, received endless contributions from Kenyans who believed in his anti-corruption mission.
The overwhelming public support extended beyond monetary donations.
A family friend living abroad donated a luxurious house in Kahawa Sukari, Nairobi County, to serve as his office headquarters and operational base.
The gesture symbolized the faith many Kenyans had placed in his political activism.
However, the fairy tale took a dramatic turn.
During a recent interview on Andrew Kibe’s platform, Morara revealed he had returned the donated mansion after quitting active politics, explaining that it had been gifted by a Kikuyu couple who believed in his political mission.
The decision to offer refunds stems from what Kebaso describes as daily trauma from accusations of financial impropriety.
His statement reveals the psychological burden of public scrutiny, particularly from those who question his handling of donated funds.
“If you need a refund for any contribution you made to me when I was raising funds, kindly reply below with the Mpesa message,” Kebaso wrote, addressing contributors who may have interpreted his efforts as politically motivated rather than civic education.
The refund initiative appears to be both a defensive move and an attempt to clear his name definitively.
“I cannot continue to dirty my reputation and earn the tag of a conman or beggar. It’s not worth it,” he stated, indicating his willingness to sacrifice financial resources to protect his public image.
Already processing returns
Kebaso has already begun processing refunds, with reports showing he has returned money to individual contributors.
Recent evidence shows he returned KSh 500 to a woman who had donated toward his campaign and political work, demonstrating his commitment to the refund promise.
The process involves careful verification of transactions to ensure legitimacy.
Contributors are required to submit either their original M-Pesa messages or reference codes obtained from their mobile money statements.
Kebaso’s team has indicated they will verify each transaction before processing refunds.
This refund initiative comes at a time when Kebaso has stepped back from active politics, having announced his exit from the political arena earlier this year.
The move raises questions about the sustainability of grassroots political movements that rely heavily on public contributions.
The refund is primarily intended for individuals who feel their support was misunderstood as political endorsement, suggesting Kebaso seeks to distinguish between civic education and political campaigning in the public mind.
His decision to prioritize reputation over financial resources reflects the complex relationship between public figures and their supporters in Kenya’s digital age, where social media can quickly transform heroes into villains.
Kebaso’s situation highlights the challenges facing grassroots political movements in Kenya. The ease with which public contributions can be mobilized through mobile money platforms has democratized political fundraising, but it has also created new vulnerabilities for recipients.
The civic educator’s experience demonstrates how quickly public sentiment can shift, particularly when financial transparency becomes a contentious issue. His proactive approach to addressing these concerns through voluntary refunds represents an unusual response in Kenyan politics, where such accountability measures are rarely seen.
As the three-day refund window progresses, Kebaso’s initiative will likely serve as a precedent for how political figures handle public contributions amid controversy.
Whether this move will restore his reputation or mark the end of his political influence remains to be seen.
The story of Morara Kebaso serves as a cautionary tale about the double-edged nature of public support in Kenya’s evolving political landscape, where social media fame and crowdfunded activism can quickly transform from assets into liabilities.
