Kenya Insights

Category: Africa

  • Burkina Faso Military Rulers Scrap Electoral Commission, Taking Control Of Future Polls

    Burkina Faso Military Rulers Scrap Electoral Commission, Taking Control Of Future Polls

    Burkina Faso’s military rulers have disbanded the country’s electoral commission calling it a waste of money.

    The interior ministry will handle elections in the future, state-run RTB TV reported.

    Since seizing power in September 2022, the coup leaders have initiated sweeping reforms, including the postponement of elections which would lead to a return to civilian rule.

    A nationwide vote was due last year, but the junta extended the period of transition to democracy until July 2029, allowing leader Capt Ibrahim Traoré to remain in power and free to contest the next presidential election.

    The AFP news agency quotes Territorial Administration Minister Emile Zerbo as saying that the electoral commission was “subsidised” with around $870,000 (£650,000) a year.

    Abolishing the commission would “reinforce our sovereign control on the electoral process and at the same time limit foreign influences”, he added.

    After coming to power three years ago amid criticism that the civilian authorities were failing to deal with a growing Islamist insurgency, the military leaders have rejected the assistance of former colonial power France in favour of Russia.

    Rights groups have since accused the army of targeting civilians in its attempt to quash the militants, as well as suppressing political activity and the freedom of expression.

    There are also question marks over the effectiveness of the military operation. In the first half of 2025, jihadist group JNIM said it had carried out over 280 attacks in Burkina Faso – double the number for the same period in 2024, according to data verified by the BBC.

    (BBC)

  • How Former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari Was Laid to Rest in Daura

    How Former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari Was Laid to Rest in Daura

    DAURA, Katsina State – Former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari was buried Tuesday in his northern hometown as thousands of people lined the streets to say goodbye.

    The 82-year-old former military ruler and two-time democratic president was laid to rest with full military honours in the courtyard of his private residence in Daura, following Islamic funeral rites.

    The solemn ceremony marked the end of an era for Nigeria’s most populous nation, as the country bid farewell to a leader who had governed the country twice – first as a military head of state from 1983 to 1985, and later as a democratically elected president from 2015 to 2023.

    The burial ceremony drew an impressive gathering of dignitaries, family members, traditional rulers, and political leaders from across Nigeria and beyond.

    His remains were buried at his home in Daura, Katsina State in accordance with Islamic principles.

    He was given a televised state funeral and state burial that was also attended by incumbent and former heads of state and government from Guinea-Bissau and Niger.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has arrived in Kastina for the burial ceremony of late Nigerian President, Muhammadu Buhari.

    The current president was accompanied by Vice President Kashim Shettima and other top government officials who received Buhari’s remains at the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua International Airport before the body was transported to Daura under tight security.

    The burial ceremony was marked by the pomp and circumstance befitting a former head of state.

    Buhari’s body, draped in the green-white-green colours of the Nigerian flag, was wheeled to the graveside on a gurney by military pallbearers.

    Soldiers stood at attention and rendered a final salute, while a military band solemnly played their trumpets, which was followed by gun salutes in tribute.

    The graveside service included a colorful military honor and the presentation of the national flag to his family, accompanied by a 21-gun salute, a customary military honor for heads of state.

    The ceremony took place shortly after Janazah (funeral) prayers were held at a nearby makeshift ground.

    Emotional scenes unfolded as supporters gathered to bid farewell to the man they affectionately called “Baba.”

    Nigeria’s former President Muhammadu Buhari was buried in the backyard of his home in Daura, a town in the northern Katsina state, as supporters climbed trees and shouted “Sai Baba” to bid farewell to the leader who had been particularly popular among the Talakawa – a Hausa term for the northern poor.

    Buhari’s body had been repatriated from London, where he died on Sunday following a prolonged illness.

    The former president had been receiving medical treatment in the UK capital, continuing a pattern of frequent medical trips abroad that had characterized the latter part of his presidency.

    President Tinubu received Buhari’s body, accompanied by service chiefs and other top politicians.

    A brief ceremony was conducted at the airport by the Nigerian military.

    Hundreds of Nigerians had gathered since dawn to pay their last respects to the former president of Nigeria.

    Buhari’s death and burial ceremony highlighted the complex legacy of a leader who had governed Nigeria during two distinct periods of its history.

    Born in 1942, he first seized power in a military coup in 1983, establishing a regime known for its anti-corruption efforts and enforcement of public discipline, though it also drew criticism for press restrictions and the imprisonment of journalists.

    After being overthrown in 1985 and briefly imprisoned, Buhari later re-entered politics, embracing democratic governance.

    He made history in 2015 by becoming the first opposition candidate to defeat a sitting president in Nigeria’s democratic era, after three unsuccessful attempts.

    This victory was widely seen as a major milestone in Nigeria’s democratic journey.

    During his democratic tenure from 2015 to 2023, Buhari was re-elected in 2019 and earned a reputation as a cautious leader – earning the nickname “Baba Go Slow” for his deliberate approach to governance, including taking six months to appoint his first cabinet.

    He was given a state burial in his home town of Daura in Katsina State on the 15th of July 2025.

    The interment, which took place at approximately 5:50 PM local time, was conducted in accordance with Islamic tradition and honored Buhari’s personal wish to be buried at home rather than in a state cemetery.

    The former president is survived by ten children from his two marriages, leaving behind a legacy that will continue to be debated and analyzed for years to come.

    The ceremony concluded with military honors, prayers, and the quiet dignity that characterized much of Buhari’s public life, as Nigeria bid farewell to one of its most consequential leaders in the democratic era.

  • Ramaphosa Struggles to Mend Fences With Trump

    Ramaphosa Struggles to Mend Fences With Trump

    The Trump administration is treating South Africa almost like a pariah, blacklisting its envoys, refusing to send top-level officials to meetings it hosts, and threatening to hit the nation with such high tariffs that its economic crisis is likely to deepen.

    The latest sign of this came with the revelation by the second-biggest party in South Africa’s coalition government, the Democratic Alliance (DA), that the US government had rejected President Cyril Ramaphosa’s special envoy, denying him a diplomatic visa in May and refusing to recognise him as an “official interlocutor”.

    Ramaphosa had created the post for Mcebisi Jonas, the non-executive chairman of mobile phone giant MTN and a respected former deputy finance minister, to improve South Africa’s rock-bottom relationship with the US.

    Ramaphosa’s spokesman accused the DA of “disinformation”, but did not explicitly deny the party’s claim. The US State Department declined to comment when contacted by the BBC, citing “visa record confidentiality”.

    Jonas’s appointment came after President Donald Trump had cut off aid to South Africa, accused Ramaphosa’s government of persecuting white people, condemned it for binging a genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and for “reinvigorating” relations with Iran – an implacable foe of the US.

    Priyal Singh, a South Africa foreign policy expert at the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies think-tank, told the BBC that if the DA’s claims about Jonas were true, it would be in line with the Trump administration’s strategy to give South Africa the “cold shoulder, and cut off channels of communication that it so desperately needs”.

    The US has not only cut back bilateral relations with South Africa, but also boycotted it in global bodies like the G20 – which Ramaphosa currently chairs, hoping to advance the interests of developing nations in talks with the world’s richest states.

    The latest sign of this was US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent’s decision to skip Thursday’s meeting of G20 finance ministers in South Africa, preferring to send a lower-ranking official instead.

    Bessent skipped a similar meeting in February, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio stayed away from a meeting of G20 foreign ministers, saying Ramaphosa’s government was doing “very bad things” and he could not “coddle anti-Americanism”.

    Ramaphosa had hoped to get relations with the US back on an even keel after Trump invited him to the Oval Office in May – only for the US president to ambush him by showing footage and brandishing a sheaf of spurious reports to advance his widely discredited claim that a genocide was taking place against white people in South Africa.

    Jonas was strikingly absent from Ramaphosa’s high-powered delegation, giving credence to the DA’s claim that he was unwelcome in Washington.

    This put South Africa back to square one as the US had expelled its ambassador to Washington, Ebrahim Rasool, after he accused Trump, in a leaked speech given at a meeting of a think-tank, of “mobilising a supremacism” and trying to “project white victimhood as a dog whistle” as the white population faced becoming a minority in the US.

    In a politically odd decision, Ramaphosa left the post vacant, despite its significance, suggesting that his government had a dearth of well qualified career diplomats who could rebuild relations with South Africa’s second-biggest trading partner.

    Instead, Ramaphosa pinned his hopes on a special envoy who, he said at the time of Jonas’s appointment, would “lead negotiations, foster strategic partnerships and engage with US government officials and private-sector leaders to promote our nation’s interests”.

    But it is unclear how Ramaphosa expected Jonas to achieve this given that he, like Rasool, had made controversial remarks about Trump, calling him a “racist” and a “narcissistic right-winger” in a 2020 speech that came back to haunt him after his appointment.

    This was compounded by the fact that MTN had a 49% stake in Iran’s telecom company IranCell, a major concern for the US.

    Compared to its previous stances, South Africa was “more circumspect” – as Mr Singh put it – in its response to US air strikes on Iran in June, merely saying that it viewed the conflict with “great anxiety” and hoped that it could be resolved through dialogue.

    W Gyude Moore, a policy analyst at the US-based Center for Global Development, told the BBC that it was not surprising that South Africa was in Trump’s firing line.

    He pointed out that South Africa championed what Trump’s support-base saw as “woke culture”. For instance, Ramaphosa regarded the G20 as a forum through which to promote international “solidarity, equality and sustainability”, which Rubio had opposed, equating it to “diversity, equity and inclusion”, as well as climate change.

    Mr Moore said this was also borne out in the Trump’s administration’s attitude towards South Africa’s “black empowerment” policy, accusing it of “race-based discrimination” against white people. Ramaphosa’s government sees it as necessary to address the legacy of the racist system of apartheid.

    “I cannot see how the differences can be resolved. South Africa will just have to carry on, and strengthen ties with other countries. It’s not the only one in the crosshairs of the Trump administration,” Mr Moore added.

    But it is a major blow to South Africa, as it had maintained strong trade and aid relations with successive Republican and Democratic administrations despite having sharp differences with them.

    Mr Singh pointed out that South Africa, for example, opposed the Republican George W Bush’s war in Iraq and Afghanistan, but South Africa still benefited from Pepfar, the programme he had established to tackle HIV/Aids, until the Trump administration slashed funding earlier this year.

    “The Trump administration is completely different, and caught everyone off-guard. South Africa will just have to weather out the storm, and try to mitigate the damage,” Mr Singh said.

    But the economic consequences could be devastating – especially if Trump imposes 30% tariffs on South African goods from 1 August, as he has threatened to do.

    South Africa’s central bank chief Lesetja Kganyago said the tariffs could lead to around 100,000 job losses – worrying for a country where the unemployment rate stands at a staggering 32.9%.

    The tariffs would hit South Africa’s agriculture sector hard. This is ironic as Trump has portrayed himself as a champion of the country’s Afrikaner farmers, offering them refugee status in the US.

    It also gives them an opportunity to farm in the US and boost its economy in line with Trump’s “America First” policy.

    (BBC)

  • Africa Opens Its Doors: Countries Where Kenyans Can Travel Visa-Free in 2025

    Africa Opens Its Doors: Countries Where Kenyans Can Travel Visa-Free in 2025

    A reciprocal revolution in African travel as Kenya leads by example

    The winds of change are blowing across Africa, and they’re carrying the promise of borderless travel.

    In a historic move that’s reshaping continental mobility, Kenya has officially eliminated visa requirements for all African and most Caribbean nations, effective July 14, 2025.

    This bold gesture of Pan-African unity is already being reciprocated, opening doors for Kenyan travelers like never before.

    In a bold move to enhance Pan-African unity and economic integration, the Kenyan government recently announced that Kenya is now fully visa-free for all African nationals.

    This progressive step isn’t just about welcoming visitors—it’s about inspiring a continental transformation.

    However, the exemption does not apply to Libya and Somalia due to security considerations.

    The impact has been immediate and far-reaching. As of April 2025, Kenyan citizens had visa-free or visa on arrival access to 69 countries and territories, ranking the Kenyan passport 72nd in terms of travel freedom according to the Henley Passport Index.

    But that number is climbing as more African nations embrace reciprocal visa-free policies.

    East Africa has long been the continent’s pioneer in visa-free travel, and Kenyans continue to benefit from this regional integration.

    Under the East African Community framework, Kenyans enjoy seamless movement to Uganda and Tanzania for up to 90 days without any visa requirements.

    Rwanda has taken this cooperation even further, allowing Kenyan citizens to stay visa-free for an impressive 180 days—a policy so integrated that travelers can enter using just their national ID.

    The regional harmony extends to Burundi and South Sudan, both offering visa-free stays of up to 90 days.

    This East African corridor represents not just convenience, but a model for what continental integration can achieve when nations prioritize unity over bureaucracy.

    Southern Africa has emerged as one of the most welcoming regions for Kenyan travelers.

    South Africa, which previously maintained more restrictive visa requirements, began allowing Kenyans to visit visa-free for up to 90 days starting in 2023—a game-changing policy that has opened up one of the continent’s most popular destinations.

    The visa-free spirit is infectious across the region. Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Mauritius, and Mozambique all offer visa-free entry to Kenyans, typically for 30 to 90 days depending on the country.

    Mozambique, a coastal paradise that’s become increasingly popular with Kenyan tourists, recently updated its entry policy to allow visa-free stays of 30 days.

    Angola joined this welcoming club in October 2023, offering visa-free access to Kenyans for up to 30 days per year.

    Even the small kingdom of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland) has opened its doors to Kenyan citizens for short visa-free stays, completing a nearly comprehensive visa-free map of Southern Africa.

    West Africa’s approach to Kenyan travelers reflects the broader ECOWAS framework of regional cooperation, extended to embrace East African visitors.

    Benin and Gambia stand out as particularly welcoming nations, granting Kenyans visa-free access for up to 90 days.

    Ghana and Togo also allow entry without a visa, typically for 60 to 90 days depending on current bilateral agreements.

    These policies represent more than mere convenience—they’re part of a broader continental vision where geographic distance doesn’t determine diplomatic distance.

    The growing cooperation between East and West African nations signals a maturing understanding of Africa as a single, interconnected destination.

    Ethiopia offers one of the most generous visa-free policies for Kenyans on the continent, allowing stays of up to 12 months without a visa.

    This policy makes Ethiopia not just accessible for tourism, but viable for extended business ventures, education, and cultural exchange.

    In the Horn of Africa, Eritrea, Burundi, and South Sudan also allow Kenyans to enter without a visa, though travelers are advised to check current security conditions before visiting these destinations.

    The region’s complex political landscape means that while doors are legally open, practical considerations around safety and infrastructure should guide travel decisions.

    The transformation hasn’t been without its challenges.

    Due to the ETA decision, Kenya dropped 17 places in openness, ranking 46th out of 54 African countries when it initially introduced the Electronic Travel Authorization system.

    However, the recent policy reversals and the complete elimination of visa requirements for most African nations represent a course correction that prioritizes accessibility over bureaucracy.

    This shift reflects a growing recognition that visa barriers don’t enhance security—they simply limit the economic and cultural benefits of African integration.

    Countries like Rwanda, Benin, Gambia, and Seychelles have already demonstrated that open borders can coexist with effective security measures.

    For Kenyan travelers, 2025 represents a watershed moment.

    With over 20 African countries now accessible visa-free, and several more offering convenient e-visa or visa-on-arrival options, the continent has never been more accessible.

    Whether you’re planning a business trip to Ghana, a safari in Botswana, cultural exploration in Ethiopia, or a beach holiday in Mozambique, the bureaucratic barriers that once defined African travel are rapidly disappearing.

    The reciprocal nature of Kenya’s visa-free policy is creating a positive feedback loop. As Kenya demonstrates trust in fellow African nations, those nations are responding with similar openness.

    This isn’t just about tourism, it’s about creating an integrated African economy where people, ideas, and opportunities can flow freely across borders.

    The dream of borderless Africa is becoming reality, one visa-free policy at a time.

    For Kenyan travelers, the message is clear: the continent is open, the welcome mat is out, and the only question left is where to go first.

    As visa policies can change rapidly, travelers are advised to verify current requirements with relevant embassies or consulates before traveling.

  • Former Nigerian Leader Muhammadu Buhari Dies Aged 82

    Former Nigerian Leader Muhammadu Buhari Dies Aged 82

    Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari, who has died age 82 in a London clinic, was a former military ruler and self-styled converted democrat who returned to power through elections but struggled to convince Nigerians he could deliver on the change he promised.

    Never a natural politician, he was seen as aloof and austere. But he retained a reputation for personal honesty – a rare feat for a politician in Nigeria.

    After three failed attempts, Buhari achieved a historic victory in 2015, becoming the country’s first opposition candidate to defeat an incumbent. In 2019, he was re-elected for another four-year term.

    Buhari had always been popular among the poor of the north (known as the “talakawa” in the Hausa language) but for the 2015 campaign, he had the advantage of a united opposition grouping behind him.

    Many of those who supported him thought his military background and disciplinarian credentials were what the country needed to get to grips with the Islamist insurgency in the north. Buhari also promised to tackle corruption and nepotism in government, and create employment opportunities for young Nigerians.

    But his time in office coincided with a slump in global oil prices and the country’s worst economic crisis in decades.

    His administration also came under fire for its handling of insecurity. While campaigning he had promised to defeat the Islamist militant group Boko Haram. But the group remains a threat and one of its factions is now affiliated to the so-called Islamic State group.

    There was also an upsurge in deadly clashes between farmers and ethnic Fulani herders in central Nigeria. Mr Buhari, a Fulani, was accused of not being tough enough on the herders or doing enough to stop the crisis.

    The activities of so-called bandits in the north-western part of the country saw the abduction of hundreds of secondary school students.

    Under his watch armed forces were accused of human rights abuses – like opening fire on anti-police brutality protesters at the Lekki tollgate in Lagos in October 2020.

    Who was Muhammadu Buhari?

    Muhammadu Buhari was born in December 1942 in Daura in Katsina state in the far north of Nigeria, near the border with Niger. At the time, Nigeria was controlled by the British and it would be another 18 years before the country gained independence.

    Buhari’s father, who died when he was four, was Fulani, while his mother, who brought him up, was Kanuri. In a 2012 interview, Buhari spoke of being his father’s 23rd child and his mother’s 13th. He said his only recollection of his father was of the two of them and one of his half-brothers being thrown from the back of a horse.

    After three failed attempts, Buhari won victory at the polls in 2015
    After three failed attempts, Buhari won victory at the polls in 2015

    The young Buhari attended primary school in Daura and then boarding school in the city of Katsina. After leaving school, he was admitted to the Nigerian Military Training College, joining the Nigerian army shortly after independence.

    Buhari undertook officer training in the UK from 1962-1963 and then began his steady climb up the ranks.

    In later years, Buhari attributed his disciplinarian bent to spending his formative years at boarding school, where corporal punishment was the norm, and in the military. He was “lucky” to have experienced such tough environments, which taught him to work hard, he said.

    In 1966, there was a military coup and then counter-coup in Nigeria – a time of upheaval for army officers but Buhari always maintained he was too junior to have played any significant role.

    Less than 10 years later, under a military government, Buhari had risen to become military governor of the north-east, an area then comprising six states.

    After less than a year, Buhari, now in his mid-30s, was promoted again, becoming federal commissioner for petroleum and natural resources (in effect oil minister) in 1976 under Olusegun Obasanjo in his first spell as Nigerian head of state.

    Indiscipline and corruption

    By 1978, Buhari, then a colonel, had returned to being a military commander. His tough stance in 1983 – when some Nigerian islands were annexed in Lake Chad by Chadian soldiers – is still remembered in the north-east, after he blockaded the area and drove off the invaders.

    The end of 1983 saw another coup, against elected President Shehu Shagari, and Buhari, now a major-general, became the country’s military ruler. By his own account, he was not one of the plotters but was installed (and subsequently discarded) by those who held the real power and needed a figurehead.

    Other accounts suggest he played a more active role in removing Shagari than he was willing to admit.

    Buhari ruled for 20 months, a period remembered for a campaign against indiscipline and corruption, as well as for human rights abuses.

    About 500 politicians, officials and businessmen were jailed as part of a campaign against waste and corruption.

    Some saw this as the heavy-handed repression of military rule. Others remember it as a praiseworthy attempt to fight the endemic corruption that was holding back Nigeria’s development.

    Buhari retained a rare reputation for honesty among Nigeria’s politicians, both military and civilian, largely because of this campaign.

    As part of his “war against indiscipline”, he ordered Nigerians to form neat queues at bus stops, under the sharp eyes of whip-wielding soldiers. Civil servants who were late for work were publicly humiliated by being forced to do frog jumps.

    Some of his measures might have been seen as merely eccentric. But others were genuinely repressive, such as a decree to restrict press freedom, under which journalists were jailed.

    Buhari’s government also locked up Nigeria’s greatest musical hero, Fela Kuti – a thorn in the side of successive leaders – on trumped-up charges relating to currency exports.

    Buhari’s attempts to re-balance the public finances by curbing imports led to many job losses and the closure of businesses.

    As part of anti-corruption measures, he also ordered that the currency be replaced – the colour of the naira notes was changed – forcing all holders of old notes to exchange them at banks within a limited period.

    Prices rose while living standards fell, and in August 1985 Buhari was ousted and imprisoned for 40 months. Army chief Gen Ibrahim Babangida took over.

    Historic election victory

    After his release and, he said, having seen the consequences of the break-up of the Soviet Union, Buhari decided to enter party politics, now convinced of the virtues of multiparty democracy and free and fair elections.

    Despite this, Buhari always defended the 1983 coup, saying in 2005: “The military came in when it was absolutely necessary and the elected people had failed the country.”

    He also rejected accusations that his measures against journalists and others had gone too far, insisting that he had been merely applying the laws that others had been breaking.

    Buhari's wife, Aisha, joined the criticism of her husband's administration
    Buhari’s wife, Aisha, joined the criticism of her husband’s administration

    He was elected president in 2015, becoming the first opposition candidate to defeat an incumbent since the return of multiparty democracy in 1999.

    As president, Buhari made a virtue of his “incorruptibility”, declaring his relatively modest wealth and saying he had “spurned several past opportunities” to enrich himself.

    He was plain spoken by nature, which sometimes played well for him in the media and sometimes badly.

    Although few doubted his personal commitment to fighting corruption and there were several notable scalps, some questioned whether the structures enabling mismanagement had really been reformed.

    And attempts to improve youth employment prospects were, at best, a work in progress.

    ‘Bag of rice’

    On the day Buhari left office, some Nigerians were asked in a video that was widely shared on social media, what they would remember most about his time in office, and all respondents said the same thing: ‘Bag of rice’.

    The reason was simple – rice is the staple food in the country.

    A standard 50kg (110lb) bag of rice, which could help feed a household of between eight and 10 for about a month, cost just 7,500 naira ($5; £3) under President Goodluck Jonathan, who was defeated by Buhari in 2015, but went up to 60,000 naira a few years afterwards.

    This led to hunger in many parts of the country.

    The huge surge in the price of rice was because, in an echo of his earlier policy as a military ruler, Buhari banned the importation of rice to encourage more Nigerian farmers to grow the crop.

    However, local producers were unable to meet the high demand and many of his supporters lost their faith in him.

    Ismail Danyaro, a resident of the northern city of Kano, said he had backed Buhari since he first contested the presidency in 2003.

    “I used to buy a 50kg bag of rice under Goodluck [Jonathan] but when Buhari came, I found it difficult to buy even a 25kg bag of rice because it became so expensive,” he told the BBC.

    At one point, even Buhari’s wife threatened not to support his re-election bid.

     

     

    Buhari never accepted that his measures as military ruler were repressive or over-zealous
    Buhari never accepted that his measures as military ruler were repressive or over-zealous

    ‘Baba go slow’

    Nigerians love nicknames and some of the country’s leaders’ nicknames have stuck even long after they left office.

    For example, former military leader Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida is still called “Maradona” for what people perceived as his tactical dribbles on issues and situations.

    For Buhari, it was “Baba [Father] go slow” after it took him six months to name his first cabinet on assuming office in 2015.

    Responding to his nickname years later, Buhari said it wasn’t his fault that it took so long to get anything done.

    “Yes, we are slow because the system is slow. It’s not Baba that is slow but it is the system so I am going by this system and I hope we will make it,” he said in 2018.

    Nigerian politics in 2022-2023 remains one of the most interesting in the country’s democratic history.

    In the minds of many, it was the first time that a sitting president wasn’t really bothered about who his successor was going to be.

    Openly, Buhari declared he would support whoever won his party’s (All Progressives Congress) nomination but insiders say behind the scenes he was ambivalent.

    Buhari’s body language emboldened all five candidates seeking the APC’s endorsement and their supporters all went around saying they had his backing.

    At one point it felt as if Buhari opposed the candidacy of his eventual successor, Bola Tinubu.

    What followed was the declaration of the “naira swap policy” which the Buhari administration announced would, among other things, limit the influence of money in the 2023 elections.

    Many Nigerians believed that the policy was targeted at preventing Tinubu from becoming president even though he had been chosen as the APC candidate.

    The policy involved the confiscation of trillions of old naira notes and their replacement with new notes for the highest denominations.

    However, there were not enough new notes, leading to shortages and suffering by millions, particularly the less well-off, who rely on cash for their daily transactions.

    The policy was only suspended after a Supreme Court ruling, just days before the election.

    Tinubu won narrowly, with 37% of votes cast, as the opposition was divided.

    Any assessment of Buhari’s presidency must take account his declining health, which caused him to take significant absences from work, especially during his first term.

    The former military ruler may have reinvented himself as a democrat but there was no such commitment to transparency concerning his own health, with Nigerians left uninformed about the fitness of their head of state for office.

    Muhammadu Buhari married twice, first to Safinatu Yusuf from 1971-1988, and then in 1989 to Aisha Halilu, who survives him. He had 10 children.

    (BBC)

  • Uhuru Arrives in Rwanda For DRC Peace Talks

    Uhuru Arrives in Rwanda For DRC Peace Talks

    Retired President Uhuru Kenyatta on Friday, July 11, 2025, arrived in Kigali, Rwanda, to meet President Paul Kagame over the peace talks between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    In a statement from the presidency of Rwanda, the meeting between Uhuru and Kagame focused on achieving a lasting peace between the two countries.

    “This afternoon at Urugwiro Village, President Kagame received former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, one of the EAC-SADC Facilitators for the Eastern DRC peace process. Their discussions focused on the ongoing efforts to achieve durable peace in Eastern DRC and address the root causes of the conflict,” the statement reads.

    Complex peace talks

    DRC and Rwanda are at the center of ongoing, complex peace talks, with both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) playing significant, albeit sometimes overlapping, roles in mediation efforts.

    While recent developments have seen a major peace agreement signed between the two nations, the path to lasting stability in the volatile Eastern DRC remains challenging, requiring sustained regional and international collaboration.

    A significant breakthrough occurred on June 27, 2025, when the foreign ministers of the DRC and Rwanda signed a peace agreement in Washington, D.C., brokered by the United States and Qatar.

    Nairobi Process

    The accord aimed to cease hostilities, uphold territorial integrity, and halt support for non-state armed groups, particularly addressing the M23 rebel group, which Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of backing.

    The EAC has been actively involved through its Nairobi Process, led by Uhuru, which led to the deployment of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in November 2022 to eastern DRC.

    The EACRF’s mandate included jointly planning operations with the Congolese military (FARDC) to defeat armed groups, maintaining law and order, supporting humanitarian efforts, and aiding disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs.

    However, observers highlight that deep-rooted grievances, the involvement of numerous armed groups, and the lack of accountability for past atrocities continue to pose significant hurdles to a comprehensive and sustainable peace between the two countries.

    A key outcome of the harmonized EAC-SADC approach has been the emphasis on direct negotiations with all state and non-state actors, including the M23.

  • ‪Mali’s Interim President Assimi Goita Signs Law That Grants Himself Unlimited Presidential Term‬

    ‪Mali’s Interim President Assimi Goita Signs Law That Grants Himself Unlimited Presidential Term‬

    Mali’s military authorities have granted coup leader Assimi Goita a five-year presidential mandate, renewable “as many times as necessary” and without requiring an election.

    The country’s transitional parliament approved the move on Thursday, clearing the way for Goita to lead Mali until at least 2030.

    “This is a major step forward in the rebuilding of Mali,” Malick Diaw, president of the National Transitional Council (NTC), told the AFP news agency after the bill was voted on.

    “The adoption of this text is in accordance with the popular will.”

    However, critics say this is the latest in a series of restrictions on freedom imposed by Mali’s military leadership to consolidate its power in the country.

    Goita came to power after staging two coups in Mali, first in 2020 and then in 2021. Initially, the military government pledged to return to civilian rule in March 2024.

    The bill on Thursday was unanimously backed by the 131 members present in the NTC, according to AFP and Mali’s state-run L’Essor website.

    The NTC, composed of 147 legislators, had already adopted the measure in April, while the Council of Ministers adopted it last month. It now only requires the approval of Goita himself.

    The transition is fixed at five years, renewable “as many times as necessary, until the pacification of the country, from the promulgation of this charter”, reported AFP, quoting the bill.

    Previous bans have also been lifted, allowing the transitional president, government and legislative members to stand in presidential and general elections, the text says.

    Critics have raised concerns about the revised transition charter, as all references to political parties have been removed, questioning the government’s political neutrality.

    In May, the military government announced the dissolution of all political parties and organisations, as well as a ban on meetings.

    The continuing squeeze on Mali’s civic space comes against a backdrop of a clamour by authorities for the country to unite behind the military.

    Violence from armed groups

    When Goita was officially sworn in as transitional president in June 2021, he insisted on Mali’s commitment to fighting against “jihadist” violence, and initially pledged a return to civilian rule.

    But the military ultimately reneged on its promise to cede power to elected civilians by its self-imposed deadline.

    Since 2012, Mali has been mired in violence carried out by armed groups affiliated with al-Qaeda and ISIL, as well as criminal organisations. Attacks have intensified in recent weeks.

    However, the Malian army and its Russian mercenary allies from the Africa Corps, tasked with tracking down armed fighters, are regularly accused of their own rights violations against civilians.

    Mali and its military-led neighbours Burkina Faso and Niger have teamed up to create their own confederation, the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), and announced the creation of a joint 5,000-strong force for joint military operations.

    All three Sahelian countries have turned their backs on their shared former coloniser, France, in favour of stronger ties with Russia and other partners.

    Goita has also withdrawn Mali from the regional group, ECOWAS, over its demands that Mali restore democratic rule, and Burkina Faso and Niger have followed suit.

    The coup that brought Goita to power overthrew then-President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita after huge antigovernment protests against his rule and handling of the armed rebellion.

    However, armed attacks have continued and even intensified since he took power.

  • Akon’s Futuristic $6bn City Project in Senegal Abandoned

    Akon’s Futuristic $6bn City Project in Senegal Abandoned

    Plans for a futuristic city in Senegal dreamt up by the singer Akon have been scrapped and instead he will work on something more realistic, officials say.

    “The Akon City project no longer exists,” Serigne Mamadou Mboup, the head of Senegal’s tourism development body, Sapco, told the BBC.

    “Fortunately, an agreement has been reached between Sapco and the entrepreneur Alioune Badara Thiam [aka Akon]. What he’s preparing with us is a realistic project, which Sapco will fully support.”

    Known for his string of noughties chart hits, Akon – who was born in the US but partly raised in Senegal – announced two ambitious projects in 2018 that were supposed to represent the future of African society.

    The first was Akon City – reportedly costed at $6bn (£5bn). It was to run on the second initiative – a brand new cryptocurrency called Akoin.

    Initial designs for Akon City, with its boldly curvaceous skyscrapers, were compared by commentators to the awe-inspiring fictional city of Wakanda in Marvel’s Black Panther films and comic books.

    But after five years of setbacks, the 800-hectare site in Mbodiène – about 100km (60 miles) south of the capital, Dakar – remains mostly empty. The only structure is an incomplete reception building. There are no roads, no housing, no power grid.

    “We were promised jobs and development,” one local resident told the BBC. “Instead, nothing has changed.”

    Meanwhile the star’s Akoin cryptocurrency has struggled to repay its investors over the years, with Akon himself conceding: “It wasn’t being managed properly – I take full responsibility for that.”

    There had also been questions over whether it would even be legal for Akoin to operate as the primary payment method for would-be residents of Akon City. Senegal uses the CFA franc, which is regulated and issued by the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO), and like many central banks has expressed opposition to cryptocurrency.

    These plans have been shelved and work will begin on a more realistic development at the same site in Mbodiène
    These plans have been shelved and work will begin on a more realistic development at the same site in Mbodiène
    These plans have been shelved and work will begin on a more realistic development at the same site in Mbodiène
    These plans have been shelved and work will begin on a more realistic development at the same site in Mbodiène

    Phase one alone was to include a hospital, a shopping mall, a school, a police station, a waste centre, and a solar plant – all by the end of 2023.

    Sitting on Senegal’s Atlantic Coast, Akon’s high-tech, eco-friendly city was supposed to run entirely on renewable energy.

    But despite Akon’s insistence in a 2022 BBC interview that the project was “100,000% moving”, no significant construction followed the initial launch ceremony.

    Now the Senegalese government has confirmed what many suspected – the project had stalled beyond recovery. Officials cited a lack of funding and halted construction efforts as key reasons for the decision.

    Although Akon City as it was originally imagined has been shelved, the government says it is now working with Akon on a more “realistic” development project for the same site.

    The land near Mbodiène remains of high strategic value, especially with the 2026 Youth Olympic Games approaching and increased tourism activity expected.

    (BBC)

  • South Sudan Embassy in Nairobi Faces Legal Action Over Four Years of Unpaid Salaries

    South Sudan Embassy in Nairobi Faces Legal Action Over Four Years of Unpaid Salaries

    Nine Kenyan employees seek over $300,000 in back pay amid diplomatic mission’s financial struggles

    NAIROBI – The South Sudan Embassy in Nairobi is facing a major legal challenge as nine Kenyan employees have filed a lawsuit demanding more than $300,000 in unpaid wages dating back over four years.

    The workers, who have held various positions at the diplomatic mission, say they last received consistent salaries in early 2016, despite some having worked for the embassy since 2012.

    Court documents reveal the embassy has allegedly skipped entire months of pay and provided only partial payments during this period.

    The lawsuit covers unpaid wages from April to June 2025, highlighting the ongoing nature of the crisis.

    The affected employees describe the situation as “unbearable” as they struggle to support their families.

    Not all Kenyan staff at the embassy chose to pursue legal action.

    Some remain hopeful that diplomatic channels will resolve the matter, creating tension within the workplace.

    “All of us are affected because we have families,” said one embassy employee who requested anonymity.

    “Some of us who have been there for a long time understand the situation, but the nine people who have sued are the employees who came when the salary was paid without any issues.”

    The employee expressed concern that only those who sued would receive payment, leaving others in financial limbo.

    “What is happening is that the employees who sued the Embassy are claiming they are the only ones to be paid because they took the initiative of suing the Embassy through the court.”

    The salary crisis extends beyond local staff, affecting both Kenyan and South Sudanese employees at the mission. This reflects broader financial challenges facing South Sudan’s foreign diplomatic posts worldwide.

    South Sudan, which gained independence in 2011, has struggled with chronic economic instability due to ongoing internal conflict and heavy dependence on oil revenues. These challenges have directly impacted the country’s ability to fund its international operations.

    In response to the legal action, the embassy issued a statement on Sunday acknowledging the salary delays.

    The mission revealed that its new head met with legal representatives of the affected Kenyan employees on July 3 to discuss potential solutions.

    However, the embassy expressed surprise that details of the confidential meeting were shared with media outlets just hours later, despite ongoing negotiations.

    The statement praised the dedication of long-serving Kenyan staff, some of whom worked with South Sudan even before independence.

    The embassy reaffirmed the South Sudanese government’s commitment to resolving the issue “transparently,” though no timeline for payment was provided.

    The case has reportedly reached the highest levels of South Sudan’s government, with sources suggesting President Salva Kiir is aware of the situation and concerned about its impact on diplomatic relations with Kenya.

    For the affected workers, the legal battle represents a last resort after years of financial hardship.

    As one staff member noted: “I’m worried we’ll ever get our rights. Someone like me has been unhappy for a long time.”

    The outcome of this lawsuit could set a precedent for how South Sudan handles similar disputes at its other diplomatic missions globally, where financial constraints continue to strain operations and staff morale.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Sudan Again Accuses Kenya Of Aiding RSF Militia

    Sudan Again Accuses Kenya Of Aiding RSF Militia

    NAIROBI, Kenya Jun 24 – The Sudanese government has called on Kenya to immediately cease any form of assistance to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group it has labeled a “terrorist militia” that has been sanctioned by the US over human rights violations.

    In a statement released on Monday, Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs alleged that the Kenyan government has been actively aiding the RSF, which is currently locked in a brutal conflict with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).

    Sudan further urged Kenya to recommit to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign nations.

    “Sudan once again calls on Kenya to honour its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, the Constitutive Act of the AU, and other regional organizations, and to cease all forms of support to the terrorist RSF militia and recommit itself to the principle of non-interference in other states’ internal affairs,” Khartoum said in a statement.

    The statement followed remarks made by Kenya’s Government Spokesperson Isaac Mwaura on June 16, in which he acknowledged reports that the United Arab Emirates was backing the RSF in a bid to secure access to Sudan’s natural resources and establish a presence along the Red Sea.

    Khartoum described Mwaura’s comments as a public admission of a wider plot.

    “What is more alarming is Kenya’s own involvement in supporting the terrorist Janjaweed militia,” the statement from Sudan’s Foreign Ministry read.

    “Last month, the Sudanese Armed Forces uncovered weapons and ammunition bearing Kenyan labels in RSF caches in Khartoum.”

    Khartoum also accused Kenya of serving as a conduit for military supplies from the UAE to the RSF.

    It criticized Nairobi for failing to explain these alleged violations of international law and instead attempting to justify foreign support for the militia.

    The Sudanese government warned that such actions undermine regional stability and threaten the territorial integrity of African states.

    Khartoum once again condemned what it described as Kenya’s promotion of a parallel administration announced by the RSF, dubbed the “Government of Peace,” calling it a dangerous move toward the partition of Sudan.

    “The African Union Peace and Security Council has been clear that member states must refrain from supporting any such attempts,” the statement noted.

    In response, Kenya has categorically denied any involvement in the conflict.

    In a separate statement on Jun 16, Government Spokesperson Mwaura dismissed Sudan’s allegations as “false and misleading,” maintaining that Nairobi’s engagement with the warring parties is strictly within the framework of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) peace process.

    “Kenya remains committed to building peace in the region and does not supply arms to any faction in Sudan,” Mwaura said.

    He reiterated that Kenya’s foreign policy is guided by respect for sovereignty and non-interference, as enshrined in the charters of the United Nations and the African Union.

    Mwaura also noted Kenya’s $2 million (approximately Sh258.6 million) pledge in humanitarian aid to Sudan, reaffirming Nairobi’s commitment to alleviating the crisis through peaceful and diplomatic means.

    The conflict in Sudan, now in its second year, has pitted General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s Sudanese Armed Forces against the RSF, led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti.

    The power struggle has triggered one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with over 25 million people in urgent need of assistance and millions displaced.

    In January 2025, the United States formally accused the RSF and its allied militias of committing acts of genocide in the Darfur region, intensifying global scrutiny of the group’s conduct.

    While Nairobi hosted RSF representatives in February in a move criticized by Khartoum and parts of the international community, Kenya later clarified that the meeting was part of broader diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict.

  • Rwanda And DR Congo Agree Draft Peace Deal To End Conflict

    Rwanda And DR Congo Agree Draft Peace Deal To End Conflict

    Representatives of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have reached a draft agreement that could end decades of conflict.

    The breakthrough, mediated by the US and Qatar, provides for the “disengagement, disarmament and conditional integration” of armed groups fighting in eastern DR Congo.

    It also includes provisions for a joint security mechanism to prevent future flare-ups. The peace deal is expected to be formally signed next week.

    The deal could open the way for billions of dollars of western investment in the mineral-rich region, which been plagued by conflict for three decades.

    However, analysts say that many questions still remain about the contents of the peace deal.

    The US State Department said technical teams had initialled the draft text on Wednesday, ahead of a formal signing ceremony next Friday to be witnessed by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

    In a statement, it said the deal was reached during three days of “constructive dialogue regarding political, security, and economic interests” between officials of the two countries in Washington.

    The latest draft agreement builds on a previous accord signed earlier, it added.

    In late April, Rwanda and DR Congo signed an agreement in Washington, promising to respect each other’s sovereignty and come up with a draft peace deal within days.

    The decades-long conflict escalated earlier this year when M23 rebels – widely believed to be backed by Rwanda – seized swathes of mineral-rich territory in eastern DR Congo.

    Rwanda denies supporting the M23, insisting its military presence in the region is a defensive measure against threats posed by armed groups like the FDLR – a rebel group composed largely of ethnic Hutus linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

    The M23 captured Goma in late January, followed by the city of Bukavu, and has since set up governing structures in the regions under its control.

    Thousands of people have been killed and hundreds of thousands of civilians forced from their homes in recent months following the rebel offensive.

    Following the loss of territory, the government in Kinshasa turned to the US for help, reportedly offering access to critical minerals. Eastern DR Congo is rich in coltan and other resources vital to global electronics industries.

    Peace deals between the two countries have unravelled in the past.

    Last year, Rwandan and Congolese experts reached an agreement twice under Angolan mediation on the withdrawal of Rwandan troops and joint operations against FDLR – but ministers from both countries failed to endorse the deal. Angola eventually stepped down as a mediator in March.

    (BBC)

  • Museveni Signs Law Allowing Military Courts To Try Civilians

    Museveni Signs Law Allowing Military Courts To Try Civilians

    Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has signed legislation that allows military courts to try civilians, coming months after the country’s Supreme Court ruled that opposition leader Kizza Besigye’s treason case must be transferred from a military tribunal to a civilian one.

    The apex court banned the practice in January, terming it unconstitutional. The court’s decision angered President Museveni who called it “a wrong decision”.

    Soon after, the government drafted the contentious UPDF (Amendment) Bill, 2025 which seeks to subject civilians to military law, which the Ugandan Parliament passed last month.

    Now, with President Museveni signing the Bill into law, it grants the military courts sweeping powers to try civilians under certain circumstances, a move that critics say contradicts the January 31, 2025, Supreme Court ruling.

    The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) MPs on May 20, 2025 passed the Bill seeking to return civilians to be tried in the army courts, but failed to clear up fuzzy clauses on what defines exceptional circumstances for their trial and what should be considered a military attire, as Opposition members walked out in protest.

    Hours after passing of the Bill, Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, lauded the MPs and “friendly opposition” legislators for preventing “a serious collision between the army, Parliament, and the courts of law” if it had not been passed.

    “I want to congratulate the Members of Parliament for passing the UPDF Amendment Bill. There was going to be a serious problem because some people were saying if a soldier does commit a crime such as killing a person, involving in theft or rapes a woman, they should be taken to the sub county (civilian courts) instead of the court martial. Those who were involved have to repent. There was going to be a serious collision between the army, parliament, and the courts of law, but they have saved us the embarrassment,” President Museveni said on May 21.

    (Daily Monitor)

  • Kenya Accuses UAE, Egypt and Iran of Fueling Sudan Conflict

    Kenya Accuses UAE, Egypt and Iran of Fueling Sudan Conflict

    Kenya has directly accused three major regional powers of prolonging Sudan’s devastating civil war through their backing of opposing factions.

    During a press briefing on Monday, Government Spokesperson Isaac Mwaura made the explosive allegation that Egypt and Iran are supporting the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), while the United Arab Emirates is backing the rival Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

    This represents one of the most forthright geopolitical accusations Kenya has made in recent years.

    Mwaura’s statement came in response to a Sunday evening investigative report by NTV titled “Brothers in Arms,” which allegedly traced Kenyan ammunition supplies to Sudan and questioned Kenya’s relationship with RSF commander General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, who is perceived as having close ties to President William Ruto.

    The Kenyan government spokesperson also claimed that mercenaries from countries including Russia and Colombia were undermining peace efforts and deepening regional instability.

    This accusation adds another layer to the complex web of international involvement in Sudan’s conflict.

    Faced with questions about its own neutrality, Kenya has sought to position itself as a genuine peacemaker in the region.

    Mwaura reminded journalists of Kenya’s historical role in Sudanese peace processes, dating back to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and extending through post-2019 transition efforts under African Union and IGAD auspices.

    President Ruto has indeed chaired IGAD-led mediation efforts and hosted both warring generals in Nairobi.

    The Kenyan government has also pledged $2 million in humanitarian aid for Sudan.

    However, the reality appears more complex than Kenya’s official narrative suggests.

    The document reveals several uncomfortable truths that undermine Kenya’s claims of effective neutrality:

    • The Sudanese army and several regional players have quietly rejected Ruto’s role in the peace process
    • IGAD subsequently dropped Kenya from its lead mediator position without public announcement
    • The promised $2 million in humanitarian aid remains undisbursed

    These developments suggest that Kenya’s influence as a mediator may be more limited than its government claims, and that its perceived proximity to certain actors in the conflict has compromised its standing as a neutral broker.

    Kenya’s public accusations against Egypt, Iran, and the UAE mark a significant escalation in diplomatic tensions across the region.

    By naming these countries explicitly, Kenya has abandoned the typical diplomatic discretion that usually characterizes such sensitive geopolitical matters.

    The accusations also highlight the proxy nature of Sudan’s conflict, where regional and international powers are backing different factions, potentially prolonging the suffering of the Sudanese people.

    This pattern of external interference has become a recurring theme in conflicts across the Horn of Africa and the broader Middle East.

    Sudan’s civil war has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with millions displaced and thousands killed.

    The conflict pits the Sudanese Armed Forces against the Rapid Support Forces in a struggle that has torn the country apart since fighting erupted in April 2023.

    The international community’s response has been fragmented, with different powers backing different sides based on their strategic interests rather than focusing on genuine conflict resolution.

    Kenya’s accusations, while potentially accurate, also serve to deflect attention from questions about its own role and effectiveness in mediating the crisis.

    Kenya’s bold accusations may represent either a genuine attempt to expose foreign interference in Sudan or a defensive move to address criticism of its own involvement.

    Regardless of the motivation, the public nature of these allegations is likely to complicate already tense regional relationships and may further undermine peace efforts.

    The tragedy remains that while regional powers engage in diplomatic finger-pointing and proxy competition, the people of Sudan continue to suffer the consequences of a conflict that shows no signs of abating.

    Whether Kenya’s accusations will lead to meaningful accountability or simply add another layer of complexity to an already intractable situation remains to be seen.

    The international community must now grapple with how to address these allegations while maintaining focus on the urgent humanitarian needs of the Sudanese people and the imperative of finding a sustainable path to peace.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Evidence Shows Kenya-Branded Arms Found in Sudan War Zone

    Evidence Shows Kenya-Branded Arms Found in Sudan War Zone

    Investigative report reveals ammunition crates marked “Kenya” discovered in abandoned RSF depot in Khartoum

    A comprehensive six-month investigation has uncovered disturbing evidence of Kenyan-branded ammunition in Sudan’s conflict zone, raising serious questions about Kenya’s potential involvement in the devastating civil war that has torn the East African nation apart.

    The investigation, conducted by the NMG in collaboration with international research organization Bellingcat, discovered crates of ammunition clearly marked “KENYA” in a depot previously controlled by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Khartoum’s Salha area.

    The discovery

    The evidence emerged through videos posted on social media in May 2025, showing Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) soldiers celebrating their capture of an abandoned RSF weapons cache.

    The footage revealed wooden crates and green boxes bearing clear “KENYA” markings, along with contract numbers linking the ammunition to Kenya’s Ministry of Defence.

    Analysis of the ammunition labels showed contract number “23PTI/KEMOD-01/KENYA,” indicating delivery to Kenya’s Ministry of Defence under a 2024 contract.

    The crates contained 14.5 x 114MM armor-piercing incendiary cartridges and 82mm high-explosive mortar bombs.

    Geolocation and verification

    Investigators meticulously verified the location of the weapons cache through multiple sources.

    They identified specific individuals in the videos, including Major Al-Makki Abdul Quddus Ahmed of the Sudan Armed Forces, and geolocated the footage to Salha, Omdurman, approximately 10 kilometers from central Khartoum.

    The timing coincides with SAF’s successful offensive to recapture areas of Khartoum that had been under RSF control since fighting erupted in April 2023.

    International implications

    Sudan's Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces commander, General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo (Hemedti). Photo: AFP
    Sudan’s Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces commander, General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo (Hemedti). Photo: AFP

    The discovery carries significant diplomatic ramifications for Kenya, which has positioned itself as a mediator in the Sudan conflict.

    President William Ruto, who chairs the regional IGAD Quartet on Sudan, has repeatedly called for an end to the violence while hosting meetings with leaders from both warring factions.

    A January 2024 United Nations Security Council report had already identified Kenyan airports as potential transit routes for weapons supplies to the RSF, noting cargo flights from the UAE that switched off transponders while passing through Kenyan airspace en route to Chad.

    Kenya’s response

    Kenya’s Ministry of Defence has categorically denied the allegations.

    In a statement to investigators, the ministry said it does not recognize the crates or inscriptions, emphasizing that the Kenya Ordnance Factory Corporation maintains strict records of all ammunition supplies and undergoes regular audits.

    “The Ministry of Defence therefore distances itself from the allegations,” the statement read, adding that Kenya remains “fully committed to upholding the rule of law and continues to operate strictly within the mandate granted by the Constitution.”

    Regional concerns

    The revelations have prompted warnings from international partners about Kenya’s diplomatic standing.

    The United States has expressed “deep concern” about Kenya’s perceived association with the RSF, hinting at potential sanctions if the country continues supporting the paramilitary group.

    Sudan has already retaliated by halting Kenyan tea imports and recalling its ambassador following a February 2025 RSF conference in Nairobi that aimed to establish a parallel government.

    The Sudan conflict has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with millions displaced and facing severe food insecurity.

    The discovery of foreign weapons in the conflict zone underscores the international dimensions of what began as an internal power struggle between military factions.

    As investigations continue, the evidence of Kenyan-branded ammunition in RSF-controlled areas presents a significant challenge to Kenya’s stated position as a neutral mediator seeking peace in Sudan.

    The findings suggest a complex web of regional involvement that extends far beyond diplomatic efforts to end the conflict.

    The story highlights the delicate balance African nations must maintain between regional stability, economic interests, and international diplomatic obligations in an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape.

  • Mutunga, Karua Sue Tanzania At EACJ Over Detention, Deportation

    Mutunga, Karua Sue Tanzania At EACJ Over Detention, Deportation

    NAIROBI, Kenya June 10 – A group of prominent Kenyan lawyers and activists, including former Chief Justice Dr. Willy Mutunga and Martha Karua, have filed a petition at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) against the government of Tanzania, accusing it of unlawful detention, denial of entry and deportation.

    The petitioners—Mutunga, Karua, Gloria Kimani, Lynn Ngugi, Hussein Khalid, and Hanifa Adan—claim their rights as East African citizens were violated when they were barred from entering Tanzania on May 18-19, 2025.

    They had travelled as part of an international observer mission to attend the treason trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

    According to the petition, the group was detained at Julius Nyerere International Airport in Dar es Salaam, had their passports confiscated without explanation, and was subsequently deported to Nairobi. They are now seeking compensation for mental anguish, reputational damage, and travel-related costs, as well as a public apology from the Tanzanian government.

    The case has been jointly filed with the East Africa Law Society (EALS) and the Pan African Lawyers Union. Speaking at Milimani Law Courts in Nairobi, EALS President Ramadhan Abubakar and Law Society of Kenya President Faith Odhiambo condemned the Tanzanian government’s actions, saying they contravened the East African Community (EAC) Treaty and Common Market Protocol.

    “The detention and deportation of East African citizens who were on a legitimate observer mission is unlawful and undermines the principles of good governance and free movement,” Odhiambo said.

    The petitioners argue that Tanzania’s conduct breached several provisions of the EAC Treaty—including Articles 6(d), 7(2), 76, 104, and 8(1)(c)—which guarantee rule of law, transparency, and the right to free movement within the bloc.

    They are also asking the court to order the removal of “refused entry” stamps from their passports and to restrain Tanzania from further infringing on their rights.

    A date for the hearing is expected to be set at the EACJ headquarters in Arusha in the coming weeks. The case is seen as a potential landmark in the enforcement of regional rights under the EAC framework.

  • ‘They Inserted Things Into Me Down There,’ Ugandan Activist Agather Atuhaire Recounts Horrifying Ordeal in Tanzanian Custody

    ‘They Inserted Things Into Me Down There,’ Ugandan Activist Agather Atuhaire Recounts Horrifying Ordeal in Tanzanian Custody

    DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania — Ugandan journalist and activist Agather Atuhaire has detailed a harrowing account of torture and abuse at the hands of Tanzanian authorities following her detention alongside Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi.

    Speaking at a press conference on June 2, 2025, Atuhaire described a brutal ordeal that included physical assault, sexual violation, and being overdosed on painkillers in an apparent attempt to mask the severity of her injuries.

    Atuhaire and Mwangi were detained by Tanzanian state officers while staying at a hotel in Tanzania, an operation she claims was facilitated by hotel staff.

    The two were held incommunicado for several days before being released at border points—Atuhaire at the Mutukula border with Uganda and Mwangi at the Horohoro border with Kenya.

    The arrests, which Atuhaire said came without clear charges, have sparked outrage across East Africa, raising questions about state impunity and the erosion of regional freedoms.

    “They removed all my clothes and left me in my underwear. They beat me. Then I was taken to a clinic, and they inserted stuff into me,” Atuhaire recounted, her voice trembling as she described being forced to lie flat while unknown substances were injected and inserted into her body. “I had no strength left to resist.”

    Atuhaire revealed that the perpetrators did not use their sexual organs, which she described as a small mercy amid the violence.

    However, the physical and emotional scars remain. “I couldn’t walk for three days. The soles of my feet were so swollen, it felt like my skin would burst,” she said, describing the pain that left her incapacitated.

    In what she believes was an attempt to cover up the extent of her injuries, Atuhaire said Tanzanian officers administered excessive doses of painkillers.

    “They kept giving me painkillers. They almost overdosed me,” she explained, noting that a medical note prescribed a dosage of “one times two,” while she was given the drugs up to four times a day.

    “They started to panic that I might not leave in a physically stable condition. They had to make sure I walked out looking like a human being.”

    The detention began with hours of interrogation at an immigration office and a police station, where Atuhaire and Mwangi were bombarded with questions unrelated to their presence in Tanzania.

    “They went through my passport and were angered by the number of visas I had. They accused me of being funded by whites to destabilize the country,” Atuhaire said. One officer even remarked, “I should become an activist too if it gives this kind of life.”

    Atuhaire’s ordeal escalated when she was blindfolded, a moment she described as nearly triggering a panic attack.

    “I had always thought that if I were ever captured, I would carry poison to avoid going through torture. But in that moment, I realized I had to surrender to whatever would happen,” she said.

    The activist pointed to a Tanzanian official, identified as Faustin Mafia, who allegedly handed her and Mwangi over to “thugs” from police custody, highlighting what she called a “chilling level of state-sanctioned impunity.”

    Unlike in Uganda, where abductions are often covert, Atuhaire noted that Tanzanian authorities acted openly, showing no fear of accountability.

    Atuhaire criticized both Tanzanian and Ugandan governments for their complicity and inaction. “My government didn’t even pretend to care. For them, it was good riddance—someone else was getting rid of a headache,” she said.

    She also condemned the broader East African leadership, stating, “We have no institutions. No police that protect citizens. No government. Just ourselves.”

    Despite the trauma, Atuhaire credited ordinary East Africans for her release, saying their protests and public outcry pressured authorities.

    “You saved us. The noise you made made them panic. We were not invisible like the Tanzanians they abduct, torture, and kill quietly,” she said.

    Atuhaire called for justice and accountability, challenging Tanzania’s reputation as a peaceful nation.

    “Tanzania has hidden behind a facade of peace for so long. But the mask is off,” she said.

    “Maybe the pain we went through was so the world could know what ordinary Tanzanians go through. Maybe we had to suffer so that this impunity can be checked—so that no East African has to go through this again.”

    The incident has reignited debates about political freedoms and state violence in the region, with activists and human rights groups demanding investigations into Atuhaire and Mwangi’s treatment.

  • “They Inserted Objects in My Rectum”: Boniface Mwangi Details Brutal Torture in Tanzanian Custody

    “They Inserted Objects in My Rectum”: Boniface Mwangi Details Brutal Torture in Tanzanian Custody

    NAIROBI, Kenya — Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi broke down in tears during a press briefing today as he recounted the horrific torture he endured while detained in Tanzania last month.

    Mwangi, alongside Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire, was subjected to severe physical and sexual abuse during their four-day detention, sparking widespread outrage and calls for justice across East Africa.

    Mwangi described being stripped naked, tied upside down, and beaten on the soles of his feet by four Tanzanian captors.

    “I was screaming so hard, but there were no tears coming out because of how painful it was,” he said, his voice trembling.

    To muffle his cries, his captors stuffed underwear in his mouth and played gospel music in the background.

    The assault escalated when, during an interrogation about his presence in Tanzania, one of the captors applied lubricant to his rectum and inserted objects, leaving Mwangi visibly shattered as he shared the ordeal.

    Atuhaire, a Ugandan lawyer and journalist, also spoke at the briefing, revealing she was stripped naked, beaten, and sexually violated after refusing to undress.

    “The first blow was to my back,” she recalled, adding that the treatment she received in Tanzania was worse than what she had experienced in Uganda, where she often felt targeted for her activism.

    “I expected Tanzania to be better, but it convinced me it’s more dictatorial than Uganda,” she said.

    The activists had traveled to Dar es Salaam on May 19 to attend the treason trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who faces charges for advocating electoral reforms ahead of the country’s 2025 elections.

    Their detention began after Mwangi reported a late-night standoff with suspected Tanzanian officers at his hotel, a situation he documented on social media, expressing fears for his safety.

    Both activists were arrested, held incommunicado, and tortured under what Mwangi described as orders from a “state security” official for a “Tanzanian treatment.”

    Mwangi and Atuhaire were deported on May 22 and found abandoned at the borders of their respective countries—Mwangi in Ukunda, Kwale County, and Atuhaire at the Mutukula border between Uganda and Tanzania.

    Boniface and Agather recounting their ordeal in a press address to the international press corps in Nairobi.

    Mwangi was barely able to walk upon his release, requiring urgent medical attention in Nairobi, while Atuhaire bore visible scars from the abuse.

    The incident has drawn sharp criticism from regional and international bodies.

    The U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs called for an “immediate and full investigation” into the allegations, noting Atuhaire’s recognition as a 2024 International Women of Courage awardee.

    Amnesty International and other rights groups have echoed the demand, condemning Tanzanian authorities for what they describe as a pattern of suppressing dissent under President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s administration.

    Hassan had previously warned foreign activists against “interfering” in Tanzania, a statement rights groups argue has emboldened state violence.

    Mwangi expressed deep disappointment in the Kenyan government, accusing it of siding with Tanzania and abandoning him despite his history of advocating for others across East Africa, including Ugandan activist Bobi Wine.

    “I’ve traveled to support others, but this time I felt let down,” he said.

    The Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs had issued a statement during the ordeal, protesting Tanzania’s denial of consular access to Mwangi, but critics argue the response was inadequate.

    The detention of Mwangi and Atuhaire was part of a broader crackdown on activists attending Lissu’s trial. Other human rights defenders, including Martha Karua, Gloria Kimani, Lynn Ngugi, Hussein Khalid, Hanifa Adan, and former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga, were deported from Tanzania between May 18 and 19.

    The incident has heightened tensions between Kenya and Tanzania, with activists vowing to seek justice for the abuses endured.

    As Mwangi and Atuhaire recover from their trauma, their accounts have shed light on the escalating repression in Tanzania, raising urgent questions about the state of human rights in the region as the country approaches its 2025 elections.

  • UN Petition Filed: International Pressure Mounts for Lissu’s Release

    UN Petition Filed: International Pressure Mounts for Lissu’s Release

    Lawyers for Tanzania’s jailed opposition leader Tundu Lissu filed a complaint on Friday to the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in a bid to ramp up international pressure for his release.

    Lissu, chairman of Tanzania’s main opposition party and runner-up in the 2020 presidential election, was arrested last month and charged with treason, a capital offence, over comments he is alleged to have made calling on supporters to prevent national elections in October from going ahead.

    Tanzania’s government spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    While President Samia Suluhu Hassan has won plaudits for easing political repression, she has faced questions about unexplained abductions of government critics in recent months.

    Hassan, who will stand for re-election in October, has said her government respects human rights and ordered an investigation into the reported abductions.

    Lissu’s international lawyer, Robert Amsterdam, said the confidential complaint to the U.N. working group, which issues opinions but has no enforcement power, was part of a wider pressure campaign.

    The European Parliament this month adopted a resolution denouncing Lissu’s arrest as politically motivated, and Amsterdam said he would petition the U.S. State Department to impose sanctions.

    “Right down to prosecutors, judges, police – all the people that are involved in this false show trial had better be aware that they should protect their U.S. assets,” Amsterdam told Reuters.

    In response to the European Parliament resolution, Tanzania’s foreign ministry said outside criticisms about the case were based on “incomplete or partisan information”.

    The U.S. State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    Lissu, who was shot 16 times in a 2017 attack for which no one has ever been charged, will appear in court on Monday.

    Before he appeared in court last week, authorities detained a Kenyan and an Ugandan rights activist who had come to attend the hearing.

    They were abandoned several days later near the borders of their home countries, and the Kenyan activist, Boniface Mwangi, said both were badly tortured while in custody.

    Tanzanian officials have not responded to requests for comment about the allegation. Hassan has warned outsiders against “invading and interfering in our affairs”.

  • The Two Generals Have No Regard for Life and This Sudan War Is Turning To A Carnage, Ruto Warns

    The Two Generals Have No Regard for Life and This Sudan War Is Turning To A Carnage, Ruto Warns

    President William Ruto has called for global efforts to stop the raging war in Sudan and cautioned that it is escalating into human carnage.

    The President said the combatants on both sides are digging in as innocent lives are lost in the conflict and a human catastrophe ensues.

    “The war in Sudan is heading towards carnage and is already in the realm of human catastrophe,” he said on Saturday at State House, Nairobi.

    He made the remarks during a joint press briefing with Slovenian President Nataša Pirc Musar, who is in the country for a three-day State Visit.

    The conflict involves the Sudanese armed forces, led by General Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RFS) led by General Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo.

    President Ruto censured both generals for doing little to stop the war and end the suffering of their people.

    “The two generals have no regard for human life. All levers need to be pulled, regionally and globally, to stop the carnage and the human suffering in the Sudan,” President Ruto said.

    On her part, President Musar said Slovenia would work with Kenya and other international partners to resolve conflicts in Africa and beyond.

    “We must discuss, be open in dialogue, and strive to find solutions,” she said.

    She said she shares President Ruto’s vision of a multilateral world order at a time when global institutions are being tested by new policies.

    “Slovenia and Kenya have been working together and cooperating at the multilateral forum, especially the United Nations, the only one we have,” she said.

    This was President Musar’s first visit to the continent.

    She is accompanied by Slovenia’s Special Envoy for Africa Ambassador Frank Hoot and other senior officials.

    The two Presidents witnessed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on political consultations.

    The two leaders also agreed to deepen cooperation across sectors, including agriculture, education, digital transformation, health, environment, trade, and climate action.

    President Ruto welcomed the participation of a Slovenia business delegation and the hosting of the Kenya-Slovenia Business Forum.

    “These engagements will strengthen business linkages and unlock new trade and investment opportunities in pharmaceuticals, ICT, clean energy, and agro-processing,” he said.

    In addition, the two countries have agreed to work together to maximise the benefits of the Kenya-EU Economic Partnership Agreement, which came into force in July 2024.

    He welcomed President Musar to Sunday’s Madaraka Day ceremony, which will be held in Homa Bay County.

    Present were Prime Cabinet Secretary and Minister for Foreign Affairs Musalia Mudavadi, Environment Cabinet Secretary Deborah Barasa, and other senior government leaders.

  • Kenyan Officials in Tanzania for High-Level Meeting Amid Diplomatic Tensions

    Kenyan Officials in Tanzania for High-Level Meeting Amid Diplomatic Tensions

    Senior Kenyan government officials attended a crucial East African Community trade meeting in Arusha, Tanzania, on Friday, as the two neighboring countries work to mend diplomatic relations strained by recent activist deportations.

    The high-level delegation, led by Cabinet Secretary for East African Community Affairs, ASALs, and Regional Development Beatrice Askul, participated in the ministerial session of the 46th EAC Sectoral Council on Trade, Industry, Finance, and Investment.

    Trade Cabinet Secretary Lee Kinyanjui accompanied Askul, alongside Principal Secretary for EAC Affairs Caroline Karugu and Trade Principal Secretary Regina Ombam.

    The Arusha session, which brought together ministers and senior officials from across the EAC member states, centered on strengthening regional trade ties and deepening economic cooperation.

    CS Askul, who joined President William Ruto’s cabinet following mass dismissals during the anti-Finance Bill 2024 protests, chaired the proceedings.

    Officials from Kenya and other countries during a meeting in Tanzania on Friday, May 30, 2025.
    Officials from Kenya and other countries during a meeting in Tanzania on Friday, May 30, 2025.

    Principal Secretary Caroline Karugu presented outcomes and recommendations focusing on elimination of Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) to facilitate trade, infrastructure development, improvement of customs systems, advancement of trade through regional integration initiatives and negotiations of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with third parties.

    “The East African Community remains a key engine of economic growth, not just for individual member states, but for the entire region,” stated CS Kinyanjui. “With trade and investment at the heart of the EAC agenda, aligning our national goals is essential to unlocking shared prosperity for all East Africans.”

    Diplomatic tensions

    The meeting comes at a sensitive time for Kenya-Tanzania relations, following a diplomatic crisis triggered by the deportation of Kenyan and Ugandan human rights activists from Tanzania in mid-May.

    Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan Agather Atuhaire were arrested, reportedly tortured, and forcibly deported after traveling to observe the trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

    The deportations led to widespread social media criticism and diplomatic friction between the two countries, with Tanzanian parliamentarians expressing outrage over what they described as interference by Kenyan activists.

    The incident escalated regional tensions, prompting the United States to express deep concern over reports of mistreatment of the activists, while human rights groups condemned the alleged torture and incommunicado detention.

    Repair efforts

    Recent days have seen efforts to repair the diplomatic rift, with President William Ruto issuing apologies to Tanzania and Uganda amid the tensions.

    Interior Cabinet Secretary Kithure Kindiki has also called for calm as both nations work to restore normal relations.

    Political analysts had warned that Tanzania’s actions could hinder cross-border cooperation on democracy and governance issues, potentially alienating key regional partners.

    Despite the diplomatic challenges, the Arusha meeting demonstrates both countries’ commitment to maintaining economic cooperation through the EAC framework.

    The session’s focus on eliminating trade barriers and improving customs systems reflects ongoing efforts to deepen regional integration despite political tensions.

    The timing of this high-level meeting suggests that economic imperatives are helping to stabilize relations between the two East African neighbors, even as they navigate sensitive political issues around civil society engagement and cross-border activism.

    The EAC, established to promote economic, social and political integration among its member states, continues to serve as a crucial platform for diplomatic dialogue and economic cooperation in the region, with its headquarters appropriately located in Arusha, Tanzania.