Flights were temporarily disrupted at Liberia main airport on Thursday night after a private jet carrying President Joseph Boakai almost crashed while landing.
Part of the presidential jet’s landing gear malfunctioned while approaching the runway, causing a rough landing, airport authorities said.
The incident, which sparked panic at the airport, forced the cancellation of all scheduled flights for the night, local media reported.
President Boakai, who was returning from a trip in Nigeria with his entourage, was safely evacuated unharmed, as authorities announced an investigation.
Photos of the stalled jet at the Roberts International Airport (RIA) circulated on social media, triggering concerns about the president’s safety.
Local media, citing airport authorities, said one of the plane’s tyres had burst upon landing leaving it stranded on the runway.
In a statement, the Liberia Airport Authority (LAA) confirmed the “unfortunate near-accident situation” involving the presidential jet.
The authority dismissed reports suggesting that the incident was caused by poor runway conditions.
“The runway infrastructure remains fully compliant with international aviation safety standards,” the LAA said.
The aircraft has since been removed from the runway and normal operations have resumed at the airport, the authorities said.
“At this stage, investigation to establish the actual cause of the incident is ongoing, and the airport authority will keep the public informed,” the LAA said.
The Liberian presidency is yet to comment on the incident but it shared photos of Boakai arriving at the airport, where he briefly spoke to journalists without mentioning the plane scare.
He had gone to Nigeria to attend the 50th anniversary of the regional Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas).
Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, known as Irro, officially inaugurated a new liaison office in Nairobi’s Runda estate on Thursday, marking a significant step in the breakaway region’s pursuit of stronger regional ties.
The move has sparked diplomatic controversy, as Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had explicitly withheld approval for the event, citing its commitment to Somalia’s sovereignty.
President Irro, who arrived in Nairobi on Monday for what his office described as a “strategic diplomatic visit,” was welcomed by Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for Mining, Blue Economy, and Maritime Affairs, Hassan Ali Joho.
The inauguration proceeded despite Kenya’s Foreign Ministry issuing a statement Monday evening declaring that the event lacked official authorization.
“The Ministry notes with concern that the planned event lacks formal authorization. The establishment of a diplomatic office does not have the approval of the Republic of Kenya and therefore cannot go forward,” the statement read, reaffirming Kenya’s recognition of the Federal Government of Somalia as the sole legitimate authority over Somali territories, including Somaliland.
Somaliland, a self-declared independent region that broke away from Somalia in 1991, has long sought international recognition but remains unrecognized by the African Union, the United Nations, and any sovereign state.
The Nairobi liaison office, intended to facilitate trade, consular services, and political engagement, represents a bold move by Somaliland to cement its presence in East Africa’s diplomatic hub.
Somaliland’s Presidential Spokesman Hussein Adan Igeh emphasized that the office aims to strengthen ties with Kenya, particularly in trade sectors like livestock and miraa (khat), where Somaliland serves as a key partner.
The inauguration has drawn mixed reactions. Somaliland stakeholders and diaspora members in Kenya celebrated the event as a milestone in the region’s quest for global legitimacy.
However, Somalia’s federal government, which considers Somaliland part of its territory, condemned the move as a violation of its sovereignty.
Analysts suggest that the inauguration could strain Kenya’s delicate relationship with Mogadishu, which has previously recalled ambassadors and imposed trade restrictions over similar engagements with Somaliland.
Kenya finds itself navigating a diplomatic tightrope. While reaffirming its support for Somalia’s territorial integrity, Kenya’s Foreign Ministry noted it would continue engaging sub-national entities like Somaliland and Jubaland for mutual interests in security and trade, in consultation with Mogadishu.
This pragmatic approach underscores Kenya’s role as a regional mediator, particularly in counterterrorism efforts and trade partnerships, but risks escalating tensions with Somalia.
President Irro, elected in November 2024 with 64% of the vote, campaigned on economic revitalization and advancing Somaliland’s quest for international recognition.
His decision to proceed with the Nairobi office launch signals a determined push to elevate Somaliland’s global standing, despite regional complexities.
The 69-year-old former diplomat and parliament speaker is viewed as a unifying figure, with his administration already receiving praise for its inclusive cabinet appointments.
As Somaliland forges ahead with its diplomatic outreach, the Nairobi liaison office’s opening underscores the region’s ambition to act as a sovereign entity.
However, with Kenya’s careful diplomacy and Somalia’s firm stance against Somaliland’s independence, the move could further complicate Horn of Africa relations.
For now, President Irro’s visit and the office inauguration highlight Somaliland’s persistent drive for recognition, even as it navigates a fraught geopolitical landscape.
A South African court on Thursday sentenced a woman to life in prison for kidnapping and selling her six-year-old daughter, in a case that horrified the country.
Joshlin Smith went missing in February last year from her home in Saldanha Bay, a fishing town 135 kilometres (85 miles) north of Cape Town, and has never been found.
Her mother, Racquel “Kelly” Smith, was found guilty of kidnapping and selling the young girl, reportedly for 20,000 rand ($1,100).
Judge Nathan Erasmus ruled that Smith, 35, and her two co-accused — a boyfriend and mutual friend — also be jailed for life for human trafficking.
They were all sentenced to a concurrent 10 years imprisonment for kidnapping.
“I am also ordering the entry of your names to the child protection register,” Erasmus ruled.
Smith was present at the court and sat through the hour-long proceeding with an impassive gaze.
She was initially a figure of sympathy when her child disappeared, sparking a massive nationwide search operation.
Photos showing Joshlin’s striking green eyes, broad smile and brown pigtails flooded the internet.
The case drew national attention, including from a minister who offered who offered a one-million-rand ($54,000) reward for her safe return.
But it took a turn when prosecutors alleged that Smith sold her daughter to a traditional healer, who was interested in her eyes and fair complexion.
South Africa has one of the highest crime rates in the world and the kidnapping of children is on the rise.
President Salva Kiir Mayardit has dismissed South Sudan’s Chief Justice Chan Reec Madut and Deputy Chief Justice Dr. John Gatwech Lul via presidential decree announced on state broadcaster SSBC Wednesday night.
The abrupt dismissals have sparked widespread speculation about the motives behind the move and its potential impact on the nation’s fragile judicial system.
Madut, who served as Chief Justice since South Sudan’s independence in 2011, and his deputy were replaced by Justice Dr. Benjamin Baak Deng Bol as the new Chief Justice and Justice Laku Trankilo Nyumbi as Deputy Chief Justice.
The announcement caught many in legal and political circles off guard, marking a significant shift in leadership of the judiciary—a critical institution in a country grappling with political instability and ethnic tensions.
The decree provided no official explanation for the dismissals.
However, sources close to the government suggest the move may be linked to growing criticism of Madut’s tenure.
In recent months, South Sudanese lawyers petitioned President Kiir to remove Madut, accusing him of failing to uphold judicial independence and deliver justice effectively.
Critics have pointed to Madut’s controversial 2015 endorsement of Kiir’s decision to create 28 new states—a move later challenged as unconstitutional—as evidence of his alignment with the executive branch. His extensive experience, beginning shortly after independence when he previously served as deputy chair of the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, made him central to shaping the young nation’s judiciary.
However, his perceived closeness to Kiir’s administration drew accusations of bias, particularly from opposition groups.
The appointments signal a new chapter for South Sudan’s judiciary.
Baak Deng brings what officials describe as “a wealth of legal experience” and is expected to navigate the complex challenges of leading a judicial system in a country marked by ongoing political strife and civil war history. Nyumbi will support Baak Deng in what observers anticipate will be a delicate balancing act to restore public confidence in the judiciary.
The dismissals come amid heightened political tension in South Sudan.
Recent months have seen escalating conflicts between forces loyal to President Kiir and those aligned with First Vice President Riek Machar, raising fears of a return to the civil war that devastated the country from 2013 to 2018.
Kiir’s recent moves, including the arrest of Machar and several allies, have strained the 2018 peace agreement, prompting international concern about stability.
Some analysts speculate the judicial shake-up may be part of Kiir’s broader strategy to consolidate power amid these tensions, though no direct evidence confirms this theory.
Reactions have been divided.
Some South Sudanese legal professionals and activists view the change as a potential opportunity for reform. “This could be the start of long-awaited changes in the judiciary,” said one Juba-based lawyer, speaking anonymously due to the issue’s sensitivity.
“But it depends on whether the new appointees can act independently.”
Others expressed skepticism, noting Kiir’s history of appointing loyalists to key positions.
Social media commentary echoed this sentiment, suggesting Madut’s removal might be a step toward reform but questioning whether new leadership would prioritize judicial independence.
As South Sudan navigates this transition, the international community watches closely.
The judiciary’s role in upholding rule of law is critical in a nation where ethnic divisions, political rivalries, and economic challenges—exacerbated by collapsing oil revenues—continue to threaten stability.
The new Chief Justice and deputy face the daunting task of steering the judiciary through turbulent times while addressing public demands for impartiality and accountability.
The reasons behind Kiir’s decision remain unclear, and the impact of this judicial overhaul is yet to be seen.
As one observer noted: “The judiciary is a pillar of any nation, but in South Sudan, it’s a pillar under pressure. The question is whether this change will strengthen it or weaken it further.”
NAIROBI, Kenya — President William Ruto issued a public apology to Tanzania on Wednesday during the Annual National Prayer Breakfast, seeking to mend diplomatic relations following a controversial incident involving Kenyan activists detained and allegedly mistreated in the neighboring country.
Speaking at Safari Park Hotel in Nairobi, President Ruto extended what appeared to be an olive branch to Tanzania, acknowledging potential wrongdoing by Kenyan citizens and expressing regret for any diplomatic strain.
“To our neighbours from Tanzania, if we have wronged you in any way, we ask for your forgiveness. If there is any misstep that we have done, we apologise,” Ruto said, also extending similar sentiments to Uganda.
“If there is anything that Kenyans have done that is not right, we want to apologise.”
The Diplomatic crisis
The apology comes in the wake of mounting tensions between Kenya and Tanzania following the detention and deportation of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire from Dar es Salaam.
Reports show that the activists were tortured, held incommunicado, and later deported, prompting widespread condemnation from Kenya, regional bodies, and international organizations.
The incident has sparked heated exchanges between the two East African nations, with online tensions escalating as citizens from both countries engaged in social media disputes.
The situation became so intense that some Tanzanian MPs reportedly switched off their mobile phones after being flooded with WhatsApp messages from Kenyans.
Parliamentary tensions
Earlier this week, the Tanzanian Parliament held a contentious session during which MPs criticized Kenyan activists and defended their government’s actions.
During a budget debate on Monday, Geita MP Joseph Musukuma accused Kenya of meddling in Tanzania’s internal affairs and made provocative statements comparing the two nations.
“We top in everything. Speaking good English isn’t a priority for us,” Musukuma said, dismissing Kenyans who were criticizing President Samia Suluhu Hassan on social media.
He claimed that Tanzania is “far ahead of Kenya politically and intellectually.”
The Tanzanian MPs argued that the activists would have been jailed for allegedly interfering in Tanzania’s internal affairs, defending their government’s handling of the situation.
Reconciliation efforts
In a symbolic gesture of reconciliation, Tanzanian MPs were present at Wednesday’s National Prayer Breakfast, joining their Kenyan counterparts in song.
National Assembly Majority Whip Sylvanus Osoro confirmed the presence of Tanzanian leaders, including a former Prime Minister, though he did not reveal their identities.
“We have the Ugandan delegation, but we also want to invite our Tanzanian counterparts to join us in this special song. They were with us yesterday for dinner with the former Tanzanian Prime Minister,” Osoro announced, inviting the delegation to join Kenyan MPs on the podium.
The joint singing of “Bwana ni Mchungaji Wangu” (The Lord is My Shepherd) was viewed as an effort to help thaw relations between the neighboring countries’ representatives.
The diplomatic spat highlights the delicate nature of relationships within the East African Community, where cross-border activism and political commentary can quickly escalate into international incidents.
The detention of activists has raised concerns about freedom of expression and human rights in the region.
President Ruto emphasized Kenya’s commitment to building stronger relationships with its neighbors, stating that “as Kenya, we want to build a relationship that will make our country great.”
The President’s public apology represents a significant diplomatic move to de-escalate tensions and restore normal relations between the two countries.
However, the underlying issues surrounding activist detention and cross-border political interference remain unresolved.
The incident serves as a reminder of the complex dynamics in East African politics, where domestic issues can quickly become regional concerns, affecting diplomatic relationships and trade partnerships between neighboring nations.
As both countries navigate this diplomatic challenge, the international community and regional bodies will be watching closely to see how the situation develops and whether the apology leads to concrete steps toward reconciliation and improved bilateral relations.
In a remarkable display of diplomatic reconciliation, Kenyan and Tanzanian parliamentarians came together in song at the National Prayer Breakfast on Wednesday, offering a moment of unity amid escalating tensions between the two East African nations.
The symbolic gesture unfolded at Safari Park Hotel in Nairobi, where National Assembly Majority Whip Sylvanus Osoro invited a Tanzanian delegation, including a former Prime Minister, to join their Kenyan and Ugandan counterparts in worship. Together, they sang “Bwana ni Mchungaji Wangu” (The Lord is My Shepherd), with Osoro leading the joint choir.
“We have the Ugandan delegation, but we also want to invite our Tanzanian counterparts to join us in this special song. They were with us yesterday for dinner with the former Tanzanian Prime Minister,” Osoro announced from the podium.
The prayer breakfast gathering came against the backdrop of a significant diplomatic crisis that has strained Kenya-Tanzania relations in recent days. The controversy erupted following the detention and deportation of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire from Dar es Salaam, where they had traveled to observe the trial of Tanzanian opposition figure Tundu Lissu.
Reports indicate the activists were allegedly tortured and held incommunicado before being deported, prompting widespread condemnation from Kenya, regional bodies, and international organizations. The United States Bureau of African Affairs expressed “deep concern” over their treatment, adding international pressure to the diplomatic standoff.
The situation deteriorated further during heated debates in Tanzania’s Parliament earlier this week, where lawmakers launched sharp criticisms of Kenyan activists and citizens. Geita MP Joseph Musukuma made particularly inflammatory remarks, claiming Tanzania was “far ahead of Kenya politically and intellectually” and dismissing Kenyan social media criticism of President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
“We top in everything. Speaking good English isn’t a priority for us,” Musukuma declared, accusing Kenyans of interfering in Tanzania’s internal affairs.
The parliamentary exchanges sparked online tensions between citizens of both countries, with some Tanzanian MPs reportedly switching off their mobile phones after being flooded with WhatsApp messages from angry Kenyans. Other Tanzanian lawmakers, including Felista Deogratius Njau, condemned the use of artificial intelligence by Kenyan social media users to create mocking images of their president.
Despite these tensions, Wednesday’s prayer breakfast demonstrated the potential for dialogue and reconciliation between the neighboring countries. The joint worship session was widely interpreted as an effort to thaw relations and find common ground through shared faith and regional solidarity.
The presence of the Tanzanian delegation at the Nairobi event, themed “Rise and Shine,” signals that diplomatic channels remain open despite the recent friction. The gesture of unity comes at a crucial time when East African regional cooperation faces challenges, highlighting the importance of maintaining dialogue even during periods of disagreement.
NAIROBI, Kenya – Kenya has called off the planned inauguration of a new Somaliland Liaison Office in Nairobi, moving swiftly to prevent potential diplomatic friction with Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu.
The Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs announced the cancellation on Monday evening, just hours before the scheduled ceremony was set to take place on Tuesday, May 27.
The decision came as Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi, known as “Irro,” was already in Nairobi for the event.
In a statement, Kenya’s foreign ministry said the event lacked proper governmental authorization, effectively stripping it of any official diplomatic recognition.
“The Ministry further notes with concern that to the extent the event of May 27 has not been approved by this Ministry, its investiture of the status of a Diplomatic Office does not enjoy the imprimatur of the Republic of Kenya and cannot be allowed to proceed,” the ministry declared.
The last-minute cancellation highlights the delicate diplomatic balancing act Kenya faces in its relations with Somalia and the breakaway region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991 but remains unrecognized by the international community.
The abrupt reversal has left President Irro in an particularly awkward position, having traveled to Nairobi specifically for the high-profile ceremony that was suddenly called off.
President Irro’s diplomatic embarrassment
President Abdirahman Irro arrival in Nairobi welcomed by Mining CS Ali Joho.
The timing of Kenya’s decision has placed President Irro in an uncomfortable diplomatic predicament. Having arrived in Nairobi with considerable fanfare and high expectations for a ceremony that would have elevated Somaliland’s international profile, he now finds himself navigating the fallout from Kenya’s abrupt about-face.
The situation becomes even more awkward considering that President Irro was officially received by a Kenyan Cabinet Secretary upon his arrival, creating mixed signals about Kenya’s intentions. This official welcome, followed by the subsequent cancellation, highlights the contradictory nature of Kenya’s engagement with Somaliland – maintaining practical ties while avoiding formal diplomatic recognition.
For a leader whose administration has made international recognition a cornerstone policy, the public cancellation represents a significant diplomatic setback and personal embarrassment on the regional stage.
President Irro’s arrival in Nairobi on Monday added complexity to the situation. He was officially welcomed by Mining and Blue Economy Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho, suggesting some level of government engagement despite the subsequent cancellation.
Somaliland had dispatched a high-level delegation to oversee preparations for what was intended to be a significant diplomatic milestone for the self-declared republic.
“In advance of the delegation’s arrival, the President’s Special Envoy and Economic Advisor travelled to Nairobi to oversee preparatory arrangements and facilitate early engagements,” confirmed Hussein Adan Igeh, spokesman for the Somaliland presidency.
## Kenya Reaffirms Somalia Recognition
The cancellation underscores Kenya’s commitment to its official diplomatic position recognizing only Somalia’s federal government. In its statement, Kenya emphasized this stance unequivocally.
“Kenya unequivocally recognises the authority of the Federal Government in Mogadishu as the sole and legitimate body responsible for administering the affairs of Somalia, including those of its regions,” the ministry stated.
This position aligns with the broader international consensus, as no country has formally recognized Somaliland’s independence despite its relatively stable governance compared to war-torn Somalia.
## Practical Relations Continue
Despite the diplomatic setback, Kenya indicated that practical cooperation with Somaliland would continue, particularly in trade and security matters. The existing liaison office, which has operated without formal diplomatic status, will remain functional.
“The Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Kenya avails itself of this opportunity to renew to the Liaison Office of Somaliland in Nairobi the assurances of its highest consideration,” the ministry concluded diplomatically.
## Regional Implications
The incident reflects broader regional dynamics as Somaliland continues its decades-long quest for international recognition. The territory has maintained relative peace and democratic governance since breaking away from Somalia, but faces the challenge of operating in diplomatic limbo.
For Kenya, the decision represents a careful calibration of its foreign policy interests. While maintaining practical ties with Somaliland serves economic and security purposes, full diplomatic recognition could jeopardize relations with Somalia and potentially other African Union member states, which generally oppose secession movements.
President Irro’s visit continues as part of Somaliland’s sustained diplomatic offensive to gain greater international legitimacy, even as this particular milestone has been postponed indefinitely.
The cancellation serves as a reminder of the complex diplomatic considerations that continue to shape Horn of Africa politics, where de facto realities often clash with de jure international law and recognition.
Military leaders from across Africa are converging on Kenya’s capital this week for what promises to be one of the continent’s most significant defense conferences of the year.
The 2025 African Chiefs of Defence Conference, led by the United States Africa Command (Africom), begins Wednesday in Nairobi against a backdrop of mounting security challenges that threaten to reshape the geopolitical landscape across the continent.
The timing of this gathering is hardly coincidental. Africa finds itself at a crossroads, with numerous countries grappling with political upheaval, economic instability, and humanitarian crises that have created a complex web of security threats.
These challenges not only endanger regional stability but also present opportunities for global powers to expand their influence in strategically important African nations.
Brigadier General George Dietrich, Director of Logistics at Africom, emphasized that the conference serves as more than just a diplomatic meeting.
“This is really where the US, this time co-hosting with Kenya, brings in military leaders from all over the continent to discuss some of the challenges and come up with collaborative solutions,” he explained.
The three-day summit operates under the theme “Strengthening African Security, Sustaining Unity of Effort,” signaling a clear intent to foster indigenous solutions to the continent’s security dilemmas.
The agenda encompasses critical areas including emerging technologies in warfare, professional military education standards, and the delicate balance of civilian-military cooperation in democratic governance.
The Nairobi conference builds upon the momentum generated by last year’s gathering in Botswana’s capital, Gaborone, which facilitated over 70 bilateral engagements between participating nations.
That summit focused on shared security challenges and knowledge exchange, establishing a foundation for the more ambitious objectives set for this year’s meeting.
The success of the Botswana conference demonstrated the appetite among African military leaders for sustained dialogue and cooperation, particularly as traditional security paradigms face unprecedented challenges from non-state actors, cyber threats, and climate-induced conflicts.
The conference comes at a moment when American influence in Africa faces increasing competition from other global powers, particularly China and Russia, who have been expanding their military and economic footprint across the continent.
The gathering in Nairobi represents a clear effort by the United States to reinforce its partnerships with African militaries and present collaborative solutions to shared security concerns.
For Kenya, hosting this prestigious gathering underscores its growing role as a regional security anchor and diplomatic hub.
The country’s strategic position in East Africa, combined with its relatively stable democratic institutions, makes it an ideal venue for fostering the kind of military diplomacy that could shape continental security architecture for years to come.
As military chiefs settle into their deliberations this week, the outcomes of their discussions will likely influence how Africa approaches its most pressing security challenges.
The emphasis on “African-led solutions” suggests a recognition that sustainable security improvements must emerge from within the continent rather than being imposed from outside.
The success of this conference will be measured not just by the agreements reached in Nairobi’s meeting rooms, but by how effectively these military leaders can translate their collaborative spirit into concrete actions that enhance stability and security across their respective nations and regions.
With the continent facing an increasingly complex security environment, the conversations beginning Wednesday may well determine whether Africa can chart a path toward greater stability through enhanced military cooperation and strategic partnership.
Ugandan activist claims authorities are targeting relatives while she remains stranded in Nairobi
Ugandan human rights activist Stella Nyanzi has escalated her accusations against both German immigration officials and the Ugandan government, claiming that police have now begun intimidating her family members while she remains stranded in Nairobi.
In a series of social media posts dated Monday, Nyanzi alleged that soldiers identifying themselves as Uganda Police Force members have visited homes of her family and friends across multiple districts, including Kitukutwe, Bulindo, Masaka, Najjeera, and Entebbe.
“At all these homes, they have identified themselves as members of the Uganda Police Force. In all cases, they have stated that they are looking for Wasswa and Kato, the Kiganda names of my twin sons,” Nyanzi wrote, describing the visits as an intimidation campaign by “dictator Museveni’s police.”
The harassment allegations come as Nyanzi’s dispute with German immigration authorities enters its fourth day.
The vocal critic of President Yoweri Museveni was blocked from boarding an Etihad Airways flight at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on Saturday by Constantine, a German Immigration Liaison Officer (ILO), despite presenting documentation confirming her refugee status.
According to Nyanzi’s latest account, her visit to the German embassy in Nairobi on Monday morning confirmed her legal status as a Ugandan refugee in Germany with proper travel documents.
However, embassy officials told her she has “permission to stay in Germany but not permission to re-enter Germany” – a contradiction that left both Nyanzi and her legal representatives baffled.
“I asked them how I can stay in a place which I cannot re-enter. They stared back at me – without answers,” Nyanzi recounted. The confrontation reportedly became heated, with Nyanzi demanding better security arrangements after expressing concerns about her safety.
Bureaucratic maze
The German embassy has directed Nyanzi to apply for a visa to re-enter what she considers her home country of refuge – a requirement she questions as potentially unprecedented for recognized refugees.
The Foreigners’ Office in Munich has reportedly confirmed that the Nairobi embassy had the authority to resolve the matter immediately, yet no visa has been issued.
“Why do refugees need a visa to return to their country of refuge? Am I a refugee? If I am a refugee, am I a human being?” Nyanzi wrote, highlighting what she describes as the “dehumanization of being a refugee.”
Nyanzi’s case occurs against the backdrop of broader disruptions to Germany’s refugee resettlement program.
Hundreds of refugees from Kakuma Refugee Camp were recently returned to their camps after Germany temporarily suspended new resettlement submissions without providing a clear timeline for resumption.
The affected refugees had spent weeks in Nairobi preparing for departure and had sold belongings in anticipation of starting new lives in Europe, according to earlier reports.
Nyanzi’s Kenyan lawyer has expressed inability to guarantee her safety in Nairobi, referencing recent incidents including the alleged abduction of opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye and 30 members of Nyanzi’s political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC).
The activist, known for her fierce criticism of the Museveni government and previous 18-month imprisonment in 2017 for allegedly insulting the president, now faces an indefinite stay in Nairobi while bureaucratic processes unfold.
Nyanzi with her twin sons.
Meanwhile, Nyanzi’s three children remain in Munich, waiting for their mother’s return
The activist describes herself as “the poor black Ugandan refugee woman at the mercy of an uncaring bureaucratic machine” while questioning how much more she must endure before being allowed to return home.
The German embassy has not responded to requests for comment on the specific circumstances of Nyanzi’s case or the apparent contradiction in her travel status.
As of Monday evening, Nyanzi remained in Nairobi, awaiting resolution of what appears to be an unprecedented bureaucratic standoff that has left a recognized refugee unable to return to her country of asylum.
Stella Nyanzi is a renowned medical anthropologist, poet, and feminist activist who has faced multiple arrests for her criticism of the Museveni government. She was granted refugee status in Germany following persecution in Uganda.
Tanzanian parliamentarians have unleashed a blistering verbal assault on Kenyans, dismissing critics of President Samia Suluhu Hassan as mentally unstable while defending her controversial handling of two East African activists who were detained and allegedly tortured before deportation.
The extraordinary parliamentary outburst came during budget debates as lawmakers rallied behind their president amid growing regional and international condemnation over the treatment of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan human rights defender Agather Atuhaire.
Geita MP Joseph Musukuma led the charge with inflammatory rhetoric that laid bare the diplomatic tensions now straining Kenya-Tanzania relations.
“We are far ahead of them politically and intellectually. We top in everything. Speaking good English isn’t a priority for us,” Musukuma declared, in what appeared to be a direct swipe at Kenya’s perceived superiority complex.
The MP accused Kenyans of “disrespecting Tanzanian sovereignty” and “meddling in domestic affairs,” insisting Tanzania had every right to defend its national interests regardless of regional criticism.
Women Representative Felista Deogratius Njau took aim at Kenyan social media users, condemning the use of artificial intelligence to create mocking images of President Suluhu.
“How can they bully our President Samia Suluhu Hassan? I condemn this behaviour because it is not acceptable in the community. Our President must be respected, not bullied,” she said.
The diplomatic crisis erupted following the May 18 detention of Mwangi and Atuhaire, who had traveled to Tanzania to observe the trial of opposition politician Tundu Lissu.
Both activists were reportedly held incommunicado, allegedly tortured, and then forcibly deported—sparking outrage across East Africa and beyond.
Atuhaire, a previous recipient of the U.S. State Department’s “International Women of Courage” award, has alleged sexual assault during her detention, adding another disturbing dimension to an already explosive situation.
International pressure mounts
The controversy has drawn sharp criticism from global human rights organizations and the United States government.
The U.S. Bureau of African Affairs expressed “deep concern” over the activists’ treatment, calling for “an immediate and full investigation into the allegations of human rights abuses.”
Amnesty International similarly demanded accountability for what it termed the “arbitrary arrest, torture, incommunicado detention, and forcible deportation” of the two activists.
Despite mounting pressure, Tanzanian MPs showed no signs of backing down.
Bunda MP Boniphace Mwita Getere justified President Suluhu’s actions by invoking her constitutional duties.
“She is not just a calm leader. She is the Commander-in-Chief, and when our country is threatened, she takes action,” he stated.
The parliamentary defense comes as anti-riot police were deployed at the Tanzanian embassy in Nairobi, with activists threatening demonstrations demanding accountability for the activists’ treatment.
The escalating row threatens to undermine East African Community unity at a time when regional integration efforts require unprecedented cooperation.
The inflammatory rhetoric from Tanzanian lawmakers risks further isolating the country diplomatically, even as some observers suggest the controversy may actually strengthen President Suluhu’s domestic standing.
As one Tanzanian commenter noted online, “These insults by Kenyans on media has now united all Tanzanians behind their president,” highlighting how the crisis may have unintended political consequences across the region.
The standoff represents a significant test for East African diplomatic relations, with the treatment of the two activists becoming a litmus test for the region’s commitment to human rights and democratic values.
As international pressure continues to build, President Suluhu faces a critical choice between maintaining her hardline stance or seeking de-escalation to preserve Tanzania’s regional relationships.
Former Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila is back in the country for the first time in two years, having arrived in the rebel-held eastern city of Goma, spokespeople for the rebels as well as a youth leader from his party have said.
Kabila’s arrival comes after senators stripped him of his immunity over alleged support for the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group which has been fighting the Congolese army.
Kabila, who has previously denied links with the rebel group, recently decried the justice system , alleging it was “exploited for political ends”.
The 53-year-old led DR Congo for 18 years, after succeeding his father Laurent, who was shot dead in 2001.
He handed power to President Félix Tshisekedi in 2019, but they later fell out.
Speaking to the BBC, a Goma youth leader for Kabila’s People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), confirmed earlier reports from the M23 that Kabila had arrived in Goma.
“Kabila should be allowed full access to the country. For us it is like a father has returned to his children,” Innocent Mirimo told BBC Swahili.
Last month, the PPRD was banned by the authorities in the capital, Kinshasa, who accused of having an “ambiguous attitude” towards the capture of Congolese territory by the M23.
In a message on X, rebel spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka welcomed Kabila to Goma saying: “We wish him a pleasant stay in the liberated areas.”
A similar message was shared by another spokesperson, Willy Ngoma.
The Congolese authorities accuse Kabila of war crimes and treason, alleging there is a “substantial body of documents, testimony and material facts” that link the former leader to the M23.
In a now-deleted YouTube video released on Friday, Kabila called the Congolese government a “dictatorship”, and said there was a “decline of democracy” in the country.
Congolese government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, rejected Kabila’s allegations, saying he had “nothing to offer the country”.
Fighting between the Congolese army and the M23 first broke out in 2012 and ended in a peace deal the following year. But in 2021 the group took up arms again, saying the promises made in the deal had been broken.
Since the beginning of this year, the M23 has made major advances in the mineral-rich east, including taking Goma in January.
The conflict has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians in the last few months.
Kabila has been living outside the country, in South Africa, for the past two years. At the beginning of last month he said he would be returning to help find a solution to the conflict.
Leaked parliamentary letter reveals shocking misuse of military funds, lavish presidential trips, and fake contractor schemes
MOGADISHU, Somalia – A bombshell letter from a prominent Somali parliamentarian has blown the lid off what may be one of the most damning corruption scandals in Somalia’s recent history, alleging that millions of dollars meant for the country’s starving soldiers are being systematically stolen by top government officials living in luxury.
Dr. Abdillahi Hashi Abib, a Member of Parliament representing the Awdal Region, released a scathing public letter exposing what he calls a “grotesque misuse of power” that has left Somalia’s National Army underpaid and under-equipped while senior officials allegedly pocket millions through fraudulent schemes.
The Shocking Numbers
According to the explosive document, obtained by this reporter, the allegations paint a picture of breathtaking financial abuse:
$246,859 spent on a single two-day presidential trip
$415,000 blown on a four-day journey to New York
$902,557 paid to a construction company for undisclosed purposes
$189,455 spent on just one dinner for the President of Djibouti
$194,000 to “fix” the president’s vehicle
$150,000 for a 30-minute helicopter ride by the Prime Minister
Meanwhile, soldiers on the front lines reportedly struggle to feed their families on meager wages while facing down terrorist threats and regional instability.
Fake Contractors, Real Theft
Perhaps most damning are the allegations of systematic fraud through shell companies allegedly created to siphon military funds. The letter identifies several firms receiving massive monthly payments:
Luqman Petroleum Co. Ltd: $39,732 monthly
Daljir Trading and General Service: $95,637 monthly
Mogadishu Guest House Restaurant: $33,945 monthly
DEH Construction and Logistics Co. Ltd: $48,189 monthly
Dr. Abib alleges these companies are “fake contractors” providing little to no actual services while enriching politically connected individuals.
International Funding Frozen
The corruption allegations have reportedly had devastating consequences for Somalia’s military capabilities. According to the MP’s letter, the United States government has suspended funding for Somalia’s military due to concerns that money designated for soldiers is being systematically stolen.
“Our most important international partner no longer trusts this government to deliver money to our own soldiers. Because it disappears. Because it’s stolen,” Dr. Abib wrote in his fiery condemnation.
Minister of Defense Under Fire
The parliamentarian reserves his harshest criticism for Somalia’s Minister of Defense, whom he accuses of betraying the military’s neutrality and becoming “nothing more than a megaphone for Villa Somalia’s political agenda.”
The letter alleges the Defense Minister now threatens to dismiss soldiers who protect opposition leaders, despite those same soldiers previously protecting him when he was in opposition.
A Parliamentary Battle Brewing
Dr. Abib, who leads the Accountability and Transparency Caucus in Parliament, vows to introduce legislation that would:
Raise soldier salaries to $1,000 per month
Provide free education for military families
Ensure full medical care for service members
Slash government luxury spending by 50%
Cancel contracts with alleged fraudulent companies
The MP claims these reforms would recover over $350 million annually – enough to dramatically improve conditions for Somalia’s military personnel.
Government Response Awaited
As of publication, neither Villa Somalia, the Prime Minister’s office, nor the Ministry of Defense has responded to requests for comment on these explosive allegations.
The revelations come at a critical time for Somalia, which continues to battle the Al-Shabaab terrorist group while working to build stable democratic institutions. If proven true, the allegations could represent one of the most significant corruption scandals in the Horn of Africa nation’s recent history.
Dr. Abib’s letter concludes with a direct appeal to soldiers: “You serve Somalia. Somalia must serve you back.”
The international community will be watching closely to see how Somalia’s government responds to these damning accusations, and whether meaningful reforms will follow to address what the MP describes as a “betrayal of national duty.”
This is a developing story. Updates will follow as more information becomes available.
MOGADISHU, Somalia – Authorities in Mogadishu may find it difficult to explain the circumstances surrounding the alleged misuse of helicopters donated to the Somali National Army (SNA) for operational and logistical support in the ongoing war against Al-Shabaab.
While details remain limited, multiple sources have implicated Villa Somalia—the presidential palace—in what appears to be a developing scandal that may trigger audit investigations and renewed scrutiny from international donors.
According to confidential sources, helicopters intended for the Somali National Army [SNA] have allegedly been rented out as private charters to military officials and personnel from other security sectors. This practice reportedly involves aircraft donated by international partners, raising serious concerns over transparency and accountability.
The rental fees for these flights are said to range between $5,000 and $8,000 per trip, covering personnel transport, medevac, and rescue operations. If confirmed, the scandal could test the integrity of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration, particularly as it depends heavily on international support in the fight against terrorism.
Somalia reportedly received six Bell 412 helicopters between 2023 and 2024 from Italy and other partner nations as part of ongoing efforts to strengthen its counter-terrorism capabilities. However, sources allege that Villa Somalia registered the aircraft under a private company named Gem-Tech, managed by Ahmed Nur—a close associate of President Mohamud.
After registration, the helicopters were repainted and marked as belonging to the Somali Air Force (SAF), yet continue to operate under the call sign “6-Oscar,” which is typically reserved for civilian aircraft. This discrepancy has raised further questions about the opacity of their operations and potential misuse.
These allegations surface amid a broader climate of uncertainty surrounding the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM).
The mission’s future is now in doubt after the United States signaled plans to suspend its funding until the European Union and other donors contribute matching amounts. The U.S. has historically played a leading role in financing and supporting AUSSOM, including training elite units such as the Danab Special Forces.
The funding freeze follows long-standing concerns over misuse of resources in Somalia’s security sector. Former U.S. President Donald Trump had withdrawn American troops over what he labeled “resource wastage,” though they were later redeployed by President Joe Biden.
“Somalia and its international partners are facing a serious reckoning,” said security analyst Abdisalam Guled.
“The AUSSOM mandate is due to expire within weeks, and there’s little likelihood of an extension given the financial shortfalls. Embassies and international bodies are slowly scaling back their presence in a quiet, gradual withdrawal. The question now is: what’s next for Somalia?”
Concerns over the potential misappropriation of donated equipment and other public resources could further erode donor confidence at a time when Al-Shabaab is regaining momentum in central regions.
Villa Somalia has not officially responded to the allegations. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, no stranger to controversy, has previously dismissed accusations involving his family in corruption and questionable business dealings as politically motivated “witch-hunts” orchestrated by the opposition.
NAIROBI, May 25, 2025 – Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary, Dr. Korir Sing’Oei, has sharply criticized a headline by The East African—a publication under the Nation Media Group (NMG)—labeling it as “desperate journalism.”
The headline, published in the May 24-30 edition, read: “How Kenya aided arrest of activists in Dar“, alleging that Kenya’s cooperation policy with regional regimes facilitated the arrest and deportation of activists in Tanzania, actions that lawyers argue breached the East African Community (EAC) Treaty.
The article detailed the arrest, torture, and deportation of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire from Dar es Salaam, where they had traveled to support Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, facing politically motivated treason charges.
Renowned Kenyan jurists Martha Karua and former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga were also deported, with Tanzanian authorities citing a lack of legal practice licenses.
The report criticized Kenya’s “cooperation, not confrontation” policy under President William Ruto, pointing to similar incidents, such as the abduction of Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye in Nairobi in November 2024, and accused Kenya of complicity with oppressive regimes.
In a post on X on May 24, 2025, Sing’Oei rejected the claims, stating, “this headline by NMG’s *The East African* is a classic example of desperate journalism. Kenya remains committed to the principles of the EAC Treaty and the protection of its citizens’ rights.”
He denied any direct involvement in the activists’ arrests, echoing sentiments from Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, who had earlier admitted to “cooperation” with Ugandan authorities in the Besigye case but denied involvement in the Tanzanian incident.
The activists’ ordeal has sparked outrage among Kenyans, who accuse the Ruto administration of failing to protect its citizens abroad.
Mwangi, tortured for four days, was abandoned at the border after Kenya’s belated diplomatic intervention. Critics, including the International Commission of Jurists’ Demas Kiprono, argue that Tanzania’s actions violate the EAC Common Market Protocol, which guarantees free movement. Kiprono noted that while Kenya amended its Advocates Act in 2002 to allow Tanzanian and Ugandan lawyers to practice locally, reciprocity remains unfulfilled, with Kenyan professionals facing significant hurdles in the region.
Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu defended the deportations, accusing the activists of “meddling” in her country’s affairs.
“They have destroyed their countries, now they want to do the same with ours,” she said in a national address.
Meanwhile, Mudavadi’s refusal to send a protest note to Tanzania stating he agreed with Samia’s view that the activists were exporting “bad manners” drew further criticism for Kenya’s perceived inaction.
The incident underscores Kenya’s shifting foreign policy, once seen as a safe haven for regional dissidents but now criticized for enabling renditions, such as those of South Sudanese opposition members and Turkish asylum seekers in recent years.
Despite strong economic ties—Tanzania is Kenya’s second-largest export market in the EAC, with a 3.4% rise in exports by late 2024—the diplomatic flip-flop has strained relations, exposing tensions within the EAC over democratic freedoms and regional integration.
As Kenya navigates its role in the bloc, the fallout from this incident highlights the delicate balance between cooperation and the protection of citizens’ rights, with activists and lawyers calling for stronger adherence to EAC principles.
Atuhaire had been held incommunicado in Tanzania alongside fellow Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi, who was on Thursday found at the border with his home country.
The Tanzanian authorities have not commented.
Warning: This story contains details of sexual assault
A Ugandan activist who was arrested and held for days in Tanzania and later found at the border between the two countries has told the BBC that she was raped while in detention.
Expanding on the earlier remarks of her rights group who said she showed “indications of torture”, Agather Atuhaire alleged that people dressed in plain clothes “blindfolded” her, after which she was hit, “violently” stripped and sexually assaulted.
Atuhaire had been held incommunicado in Tanzania alongside fellow Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi, who was on Thursday found at the border with his home country.
The Tanzanian authorities have not commented.
Regional rights groups have called for an investigation and the US Department of State’s Bureau of Africa Affairs said it was deeply concerned by the reports of the two activists’ mistreatment.
“The pain was too much,” said Atuhaire, showing the BBC a scar from where she said she had been handcuffed.
Atuhaire told the BBC about her alleged rape in graphic detail.
She said she also heard screams from Mwangi, and that those holding him had threatened to circumcise him.
The pair had gone to Tanzania to show solidarity with opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who appeared in court on Monday after being charged with treason
Mwangi recounted his alleged experience in a post on X: “We had been tortured, and we were told to strip naked and to go bathe. We couldn’t walk and were told to crawl and go wash off the blood.”
Despite being allowed into the country, Mwangi and Atuhaire were not permitted to attend the hearing and were arrested.
On Monday, President Samia Suluhu Hassan had warned that she would not allow activists from neighbouring countries to “meddle” in her country’s affairs and cause “chaos”.
Atuhaire was found abandoned at the border on Thursday night after being held in custody since Monday, Agora Centre for Research, the Uganda-based rights group that she leads, posted on X.
Uganda’s high commissioner to Tanzania Fred Mwesigye said Atuhaire had “safely returned home” and had been “warmly received by her family”.
Mwangi, who was earlier found abandoned on a roadside in northern Tanzania near the Kenyan border, said he had heard Atuhaire “groaning in pain” when they were held together on Tuesday.
“Any attempt to speak to each other during the night we were tortured was met with kicks and insults. We were removed from the torture location in different vehicles,” Mwangi added.
He said those who were holding them were getting orders from a “state security” official, who directed the activist to be given a “Tanzanian treatment”.
Mwangi’s disappearance had sparked widespread concern across Kenya, with his family, civil society and human rights groups staging protests and demanding his release.
On Wednesday, the Kenyan government formally protested against his detention, accusing the Tanzanian authorities of denying consular access despite repeated requests.
Earlier on Thursday, Kenya’s foreign affairs ministry issued a statement saying it had not been able to access the activist.
Regional rights groups have called for an investigation into the alleged mistreatment of the activists by the Tanzanian authorities and urged all East African countries to uphold rights treaties.
The US Department of State’s Bureau of Africa Affairs said it was deeply concerned by the reports of the two activists’ mistreatment, noting that Ms Atuhaire had been recognised by the department “in 2024 as an International Women of Courage Awardee”.
“We call for an immediate and full investigation into the allegations of human rights abuses. We urge all countries in the region to hold to account those responsible for violating human rights, including torture,” it tweeted.
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s senate has stripped former President Joseph Kabila of his immunity, paving the way for his prosecution over his alleged backing of rebels in the east.
Authorities have accused him of treason and war crimes, saying there was a “substantial body of documents, testimony and material facts” linking Kabila to the M23 armed group, which has taken control of several towns in the mineral-rich east.
Kabila, 53, has not commented on the accusations but has in the past denied any connection with the insurgents.
Nearly 90 senators on Thursday voted in favour of his treason prosecution, while five opposed it.
“The senate authorises the prosecution and lifting of Joseph Kabila’s immunity,” declared senate Speaker Jean-Michel Sama Lukonde after Thursday’s vote.
The former president, who led the country between 2001 and 2019, did not appear before the senate to defend himself.
After stepping down, he was given the title of “senator for life”, which gives him legal immunity.
In order to pursue the charges against him, DR Congo’s military prosecutor had asked the senate to lift this privilege.
Kabila has been living outside the country, in South Africa, for the past two years. But at the beginning of last month he said he would be returning to help find a solution to the conflict in the east.
A few weeks later, there were reports that the former president had come back and was in Goma, one of the cities captured by the M23.
But these were denied by his political party, the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD).
Last month, the authorities banned the PPRD because of its “ambiguous attitude” to the occupation of Congolese territory by the M23.
Ordering the seizure of Kabila’s assets, Justice Minister Mutamba said the former president should return to the country and “face justice… and present his defence”.
Analysts say any trial of Kabila could further destabilise the country, which has been battling the M23 rebellion since 2012.
Kabila’s party termed his prosecution “pure theatre” aimed at distracting Congolese people from the main challenges facing the country, AFP news agency reported.
Kabila, a former military officer, took over leadership of the country in 2001 at the age of just 29, after his father Laurent Kabila, was assassinated.
While Kabila supported Tshisekedi’s rise to power, they later fell out and relations between their parties’ coalition formally ended in December 2020.
Kabila has retained significant power through his political party and his influence within the ruling coalition, potentially undermining Tshisekedi’s presidency.
Kabila left DR Congo in 2023, officially to study in South Africa.
Fighting between the M23 and the Congolese army and allied militia has continued in the east as the rebels attempt to expand their territory.
DR Congo and Rwanda, which denies accusations it backs the M23, may be edging towards a peace deal to end the fighting, which has seen hundreds of thousands of civilians forced from their homes in recent months.
The two countries signed a preliminary agreement in Washington last month and said they had agreed on a pathway to peace.
Last year, three M23 leaders were prosecuted in absentia by a military court and given death sentences for treason.
The government in March offered a reward of $5m (£4m) for help arresting the rebel leaders – Corneille Nangaa, Sultani Makenga and Bertrand Bisimwa.
Kampala, Uganda — Ugandan human rights activist Agather Atuhaire has returned home to Kampala after enduring four days of brutal detention in Tanzania, during which she was blindfolded, stripped naked, photographed without consent, and subjected to verbal and physical abuse by Tanzanian authorities.
The ordeal has sparked regional outrage and renewed calls for accountability in cross-border enforcement actions.
Agather Atuhaire moments after being dumped by the tanzisn authorities.
According to a statement by Agora Discourse, Atuhaire was illegally detained without charge and denied access to communication or legal assistance.
She was held incommunicado, deprived of food, and had all her personal belongings including her phone and money confiscated.
After days of mistreatment, she was dumped at 2 a.m. near the Mutukula border, roughly two kilometers from Uganda, with no transport or means to reach safety.
A Good Samaritan eventually helped her return home.
Atuhaire, who is now receiving medical attention, described the abuse as “inhumane and degrading,” alleging that Tanzanian police took nude photos of her while she was stripped and blindfolded.
Her account is corroborated by fellow activist and photojournalist Boniface Mwangi, who was also detained and later released.
Mwangi publicly identified Faustin Mafwele, a Tanzanian official, as the officer who ordered the torture.
Faustin Mafwele.
In a chilling post, Mwangi stated that Mafwele threatened to rape Atuhaire and impregnate her to “give her a daughter” because she is a mother of two boys.
Mafwele allegedly made the call that resulted in the pair being picked up and tortured at the Central Police Station in Dar es Salaam.
He is also accused of confiscating books and issuing threats based on politically motivated misinformation.
Mwangi further claimed that the torture was influenced by a smear campaign originating in Kenya, implicating cross-border cooperation in the abuse.
Prominent Kenyan lawyer and politician Martha Karua has demanded answers from Tanzanian authorities, questioning Mafwele’s affiliation with Tanzanian police and calling for a regional inquiry into the unlawful detention and torture.
Advocacy groups are calling for an immediate investigation by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the East African Community.
Despite the trauma, Atuhaire has vowed to continue her advocacy work. “This ordeal was meant to break me,” she said in a brief statement to friends. “But I refuse to be silenced.”
In 2017, Just after attending Uhuru Kenyatta’s inauguration , Mama Samia Suluhu then serving as Tanzania’s vice-president, went straight to Nairobi Hospital to visit Tanzania’s opposition leader Tundu Lissu.
Lissu who was major critic of President John Pombe Magufuli was receiving treatment at the hospital after being sprayed with bullets in Dodoma.
However what raised eyebrows among political commentators at that time, was why vice-president Samia Suluhu had dedicated her time to visit a major critic of her boss President John Pombe Magufuli. It pointed to something deep within the top echelons of the CCM.
Just like Vice-President Daniel Arap Moi’s predicaments in the Kenyatta’s government in the 70s, during Maghufuli’s presidency Suluhu was more of an outsider. Despite being the vice-president she was excluded from the president’s inner circle. In essence, she was there to be seen not to be heard.
According to sources close to the CCM at that time, she was imposed on Maghufuli as running mate by the party’s bigwigs who included former presidents such as Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete. Basically the two were two strange bedfellows in a political marriage of convenience. But she was very humble.
When Magufuli died in March 2021, a plan was hatched to sideline her as the power struggle ensued within the CCM. Despite being the vice-president, she was informed last about the president’s death after prime minister Kassim Majaliwa and Chief Secretary Bashiru Ally.
The Chief of General Staff Venance Mabeyo, Chief Secretary Bashiru Ally , Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa and the Director of Intelligence spent considerable time mulling on what to do. But because the constitution was very clear on who should take over incase of the president’s death they had no other option but to inform Suluhu who was away in Tanga.
As the government became occupied with funeral arrangements, behind the scenes a pro Magufuli faction within the CCM, was already putting pressure on her to have Bashiru as her vice president.
But she was able to resist the pressure and settled on Philip Mpango, the finance minister. To reinforce her position, as soon as she ascended to power she fired Bashiru as Chief Secretary, and demoted him to the nondescript position of nominated member of parliament.
As Tanzania’s new president Suluhu lacked a strong political base within the CCM, which was largely under the influence of the late Magufuli’s allies. But over the recent years she has turned out to be a very shrewd politician much to the surprise of those who mistook her humility for weakness.
She has been dismantling factions to build her own influence and to consolidate her position by reorganising the CCM. This has enabled her to sit firmly on the saddle of Tanzanian politics.
Although initially praised for introducing reforms that allowed opposition parties to hold rallies and demonstrations, she has never hesitated to deal ruthlessly with those who threaten her position and those who threaten Tanzania’s security and unity.
How a US-sanctioned businessman has maneuvered into position to potentially lead one of Africa’s most troubled nations
JUBA, South Sudan — In the labyrinthine corridors of South Sudan’s political establishment, few ascents have been as meteoric—or as controversial—as that of Dr. Benjamin Bol Mel. Once a businessman operating in the shadows of President Salva Kiir’s inner circle, Mel has emerged as the regime’s heir apparent despite being under active US sanctions for corruption since 2017.
The latest chapter in this remarkable political transformation unfolded this week when President Kiir appointed Mel as First Vice Chairperson of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), positioning him directly in line for the presidency according to the country’s transitional arrangements.
Mel’s journey to the apex of South Sudanese power began in the commercial sector, where he built a business empire centered around road construction and government contracts.
His companies including the now-sanctioned ABMC Thai-South Sudan Construction Company and Home and Away Ltd secured lucrative deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, often without competitive bidding processes.
The businessman’s proximity to President Kiir proved invaluable. Serving as Kiir’s principal financial advisor and later as Presidential Envoy on Special Programmes, Mel cultivated relationships that would later translate into political capital.
His appointment as Vice President for the Economic Cluster in February 2025, replacing long-time Kiir ally James Wani Igga, marked his formal entry into the highest echelons of government.
But it was Tuesday’s announcement that truly signaled Mel’s ascendancy.
By naming him First Vice Chairperson of the SPLM, Kiir has effectively positioned his protégé as his potential successor, should the presidency become vacant during the current transitional period.
The Sanctions Shadow
Mel’s rise occurs under the long shadow of US sanctions imposed during the first Trump administration in December 2017.
The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated Mel and several of his companies under the Global Magnitsky Act, citing their involvement in corruption schemes that diverted public resources for personal gain.
The sanctions were renewed in April 2025, with OFAC maintaining that Mel continues to pose risks to South Sudan’s financial integrity.
According to US authorities, his network of companies received over $3.5 billion in no-bid government contracts, including questionable deals for road construction projects that vastly exceeded standard costs.
Perhaps most damaging are allegations that Mel operated under the alias “Kuol Akol Wieu” to obscure his business dealings.
Investigative reports suggest this false identity was used to register companies and secure contracts while evading scrutiny, a practice that has drawn sharp criticism from anti-corruption advocates.
Bol Mel.
The South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission itself has reportedly been blocked from investigating Mel’s activities, with Commission Chairperson Ngor Kolong Ngor revealing that his agency discovered a UAE bank account linked to Mel containing $457.2 million, but was ordered not to pursue the matter.
Constitutional and international implications
Mel’s elevation raises serious questions about South Sudan’s commitment to good governance and transparency.
His appointment appears to violate multiple provisions of the country’s Transitional Constitution, including Article 121(2), which prohibits public officials from engaging in private business activities.
More broadly, his rise to power puts South Sudan at odds with international anti-corruption frameworks.
The country is signatory to both the UN Convention Against Corruption and the African Union Anti-Corruption Convention, both of which require the exclusion of officials credibly implicated in graft.
The financial implications extend beyond symbolic concerns.
As a designated person under US sanctions, any dollar-based transactions involving Mel carry legal risks for international partners.
This reality threatens to complicate South Sudan’s relationships with international financial institutions, donors, and correspondent banks, potentially triggering a cascade of economic consequences for the oil-dependent nation.
The appointment comes at a particularly sensitive moment for South Sudan’s international relationships.
The country remains on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list for money laundering risks, and has missed key reform benchmarks that would improve its financial credibility.
Meanwhile, South Sudan’s oil revenues—the government’s primary source of income—are already heavily mortgaged through a controversial $13 billion loan agreement with a UAE shell company that has pledged the country’s crude exports until 2042.
UN experts have flagged this deal as potentially corrupt, with some reports suggesting Mel’s involvement.
The US Embassy in Juba has already expressed concern about the promotion of sanctioned individuals to senior government positions, warning that such moves could further strain bilateral relations.
A planned South Sudanese delegation to Washington faces the challenging task of addressing not only visa disputes and deportation issues, but also US concerns about the elevation of sanctioned figures to positions of influence.
The succession question
Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.
While President Kiir has given no indication of retirement plans, political observers increasingly view Mel’s appointments as laying groundwork for an eventual transition.
Under Article 1.6.5 of the 2018 peace agreement, should the presidency become vacant, the replacement would be nominated by the top leadership body of the ruling party—a position Mel now holds as First Vice Chairperson.
This succession planning occurs against the backdrop of ongoing tensions with First Vice President Riek Machar, who remains under house arrest following clashes in Upper Nile state.
Some of Kiir’s allies have suggested that the peace process can continue without Machar, potentially clearing the path for alternative succession arrangements.
The 2018 peace agreement contains provisions that could theoretically bar both Kiir and Machar from future elections, given their citation by a 2015 commission for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
However, the hybrid court meant to adjudicate such matters has never been established, leaving these restrictions largely theoretical.
Mel’s ascent represents more than individual ambition—it signals a fundamental transformation in the nature of the South Sudanese state.
What began as a post-conflict nation struggling toward democratic governance increasingly resembles what critics describe as a “criminal enterprise with a seat at the UN.”
The integration of a sanctioned individual into the highest levels of government sends a stark message about the regime’s priorities and its relationship with international norms.
For a country already grappling with economic crisis, humanitarian challenges, and weak institutions, the elevation of a figure under active corruption sanctions represents a particularly troubling development.
Civil society groups have warned that Mel’s appointment marks “South Sudan’s final descent into kleptocracy,” arguing that his control over economic policy could institutionalize corruption at unprecedented levels.
The Reclaim Campaign, a South Sudanese civil society coalition, has characterized the move as crossing a “dangerous threshold” that transforms the country from a fragile post-conflict state into something far more problematic.
As South Sudan approaches scheduled elections in December 2026, Mel’s positioning raises fundamental questions about the country’s trajectory.
His rise illustrates how individuals can leverage proximity to power and control over resources to achieve political prominence, even while under international sanctions.
The international community faces difficult choices in responding to these developments.
Continued engagement risks legitimizing a regime increasingly dominated by sanctioned individuals, while isolation could further destabilize an already fragile state with significant humanitarian needs.
For South Sudan’s 12 million citizens, Mel’s ascent represents both continuity and change—continuity in the dominance of a small elite over the country’s resources, and change in the brazenness with which such dominance is now exercised.
Whether this trajectory can be altered, or whether it represents South Sudan’s new normal, may well determine the country’s future for decades to come.
The rise of Benjamin Bol Mel thus stands as more than a political appointment—it represents a test case for international efforts to promote good governance in fragile states, and a stark reminder of how quickly democratic aspirations can give way to more troubling realities.
DODOMA, Tanzania – Tanzanian authorities have accused foreign-funded networks of attempting to manipulate the country’s domestic affairs through detained and deported activists, including prominent Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi, according to an official police statement released Thursday.
The Tanzania Police Force, in collaboration with national security organs, issued a public statement alleging that recent detentions and deportations were linked to what they describe as “foreign-funded networks” seeking to threaten public order and internal security.
“No nation will allow its domestic affairs to be manipulated by external actors under any guise,” the police statement declared, signaling a hardline stance against what authorities characterize as foreign interference.
According to preliminary findings outlined in the official statement, Tanzanian intelligence claims the networks are “directly linked to previous incidents in neighboring countries and are financed by institutions such as the Open Society Foundation (OSF).”
The police specifically alleged that these organizations “operate under civil society banners but with political intentions,” suggesting coordination and support from entities based outside Tanzania.
President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
The statement represents the first official acknowledgment from Tanzanian authorities of the specific allegations surrounding the recent detention of activists, including Mwangi, who was reportedly freed after being held in connection with protests in Nairobi.
The Tanzanian government has vowed to combat what it terms “imported disruption,” with authorities emphasizing their commitment to monitoring activities that they claim threaten the country’s sovereignty and internal security.
“Tanzania values civic engagement — but it must not be used as a tool for imported disruption,” the police statement warned, drawing a distinction between legitimate civil society activities and what authorities characterize as foreign-backed interference.
The statement indicated that further information would be provided “in due course as investigations proceed,” suggesting ongoing security operations related to the alleged networks.
## Regional Implications
The allegations come amid heightened tensions in the East African region, with Tanzanian authorities referencing “previous incidents in neighboring countries” without providing specific details. The mention of cross-border coordination suggests authorities view the issue as having broader regional security implications.
The case has drawn attention to the activities of international civil society organizations in East Africa, particularly the Open Society Foundation, which was specifically named in the official statement as allegedly funding the networks in question.
The public statement, released by the Tanzania Police Force spokesperson, emphasized the government’s determination to protect national sovereignty while maintaining that Tanzania continues to value legitimate civic engagement.
Authorities have advised the public to “remain vigilant” while investigations continue into what they describe as attempts to use civil society networks for political destabilization.
The development marks a significant escalation in Tanzania’s approach to international civil society organizations and activists, with authorities now publicly alleging direct foreign funding of domestic political activities.
