The Uganda National Police (UNP) has refuted claims that it is holding Kenyan activists Bob Njagi and Nicholas Oyoo, saying it has no information on their whereabouts.
Speaking during a press briefing on Monday, UNP Spokesperson ACP Rusoke Kituuma said the police have not received any formal report regarding the activists’ status.
“Regarding the Kenyan activists who allegedly came to Uganda and are reported to have disappeared. I am not briefed by the police that they are in our custody. At the moment, I have no information indicating that they are held by the police, nor do I have any information that they are facing any accusations. If I had such information, I would share it here without reservation,” Kituuma said.
He added that the UNP also has no information on whether Njagi and Oyoo have been reported as missing persons.
“I also do not know whether it has been formally reported that they are lost persons or missing persons; I do not have that information,” he said.
The two activists have not been heard from since Wednesday, October 1, when they were reportedly forced into a van at gunpoint while at a petrol station in Kireka township, just outside Kampala.
Njagi and Oyoo had travelled to Uganda to join National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Bobi Wine’s campaign trail ahead of the 2026 elections.
A witness who was with them at the time of the alleged abduction said four armed men, including a woman in the front seat of a grey van, took Njagi and Oyoo.
The witness, who was also briefly detained but later released, described how the gunmen sped off, and the activists’ phones were switched off immediately.
“I don’t know where Bob is. I don’t know which police station he has been taken to. I honestly don’t know where he is. I’m just stranded here,” the witness said.
The abduction has drawn condemnation from human rights groups and political activists. Kongamano La Mapinduzi (KLM) called for the immediate release of the activists, describing the incident as “a blatant act of repression” and an attack on democracy and political freedom.
“Stop abducting Kenyans! Stop persecuting Africans who stand with progressive struggles like that of Bobi Wine and the people of Uganda,” KLM said in a statement on Monday.
It called for an intervention from the Kenyan government, the East African Community, the African Union and international human rights bodies.
In a communique dated October 3, 2025, the Kenyan High Commission in Kampala confirmed receiving information on the alleged abduction and said it had requested Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs to liaise with local authorities to establish the activists’ status.
“Two Kenyan nationals, Mr Bob Njagi and Mr Nicholas Oyoo, were allegedly abducted by armed men around the Kireka area, Kampala, on Wednesday, October 1, 2025, and their whereabouts remain unknown. The Mission requests the Ministry’s assistance in liaising with the relevant authorities to secure their release and safe return to Kenya,” read the communique.
Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen also noted that the matter is being handled diplomatically.
“It is the duty of the Government of Kenya to protect its citizens in any part of the world,” he said.
Somali government forces were fighting on Saturday to repel al-Shabaab militants who stormed a high-security underground prison in the capital Mogadishu, a witness and the government said.
Godka Jilaow, near the Villa Somalia presidential palace compound, houses several fighters from the al-Shabaab group, which has waged an insurgency in Somalia since 2007 and made significant advances in the countryside this year.
“We heard a huge blast at the cell gate and soon an exchange of gunfire started,” a paramilitary soldier in the area who gave his name as Ahmed told Reuters. “More forces were deployed to eliminate the fighters. (The) operation (is) still ongoing.”
AL-SHABAAB CLAIMS RESPONSIBILITY
Residents near the area also confirmed the blast and exchange of gunfire.
Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for the attack.
“We targeted the underground cell guarded by security forces. First it was started with a suicide car bomb and immediately infantry fighters went into the cell compound and they are fighting inside,” the group said in a statement, adding there were casualties and injuries among soldiers.
In a statement on state television’s Facebook account, the government said al-Shabaab fighters used a car disguised as a vehicle from the security forces to blast their way in.
“Some of the fighters were shot dead. What’s going on is the last operation to eliminate the fighters who attacked the place,” the statement said.
Tanzania has conducted regular polls since the first multiparty elections in 1995. But they have often failed to meet democratic standards.
The opposition has been persistently excluded and restricted, and media freedoms and civil rights have been suppressed. This pattern has come to be identified as electoral authoritarianism.
Tanzania’s ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), will seek to extend its dominance on October 29, 2025. It has been in power since independence in 1961, making it one of Africa’s longest-serving ruling parties.
I have studied Tanzania’s political party dynamics for a decade, and in my view, CCM’s candidate, Samia Suluhu Hassan, is destined for a landslide victory after the disqualification of two major opposition parties. Samia became president following the death in office of John Magufuli in 2021.
Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) was disqualified for refusing to sign the election code of conduct. The party’s chair, Tundu Lissu, faces treason charges for calling for electoral reforms. The presidential candidate of the second-largest opposition party, ACT Wazalendo, has also been disqualified following a petition filed by the country’s registrar of political parties.
This makes the election significantly different to the last poll, held in 2020. That year, opposition parties participated, despite electoral flaws. This time, the ruling party goes to the polls virtually unchallenged. It will be looking for a seventh consecutive election victory.
The campaign is now dominated by CCM at all levels. There are indications that voter turnout will be low, with little public enthusiasm, especially knowing that a CCM victory is certain. Since 2010, the voter turnout has been shrinking. The elections in 2010 and 2020 experienced notably low voter turnout, with rates of 42.7 per cent and 50.7 per cent, respectively.
Tanzania continues to experience a decline in democracy, accompanied by heightened political repression and restrictions on political rights and civil liberties. The country’s status in the Freedom House democracy index droppedfrom the Partly Free category in 2020 to the Not Free category going into 2025.
Polling
Tanzanian general elections include three main categories: presidential, parliamentary, and councillor seats. They take place across the mainland and Zanzibar, Tanzania’s semi-autonomous state.
The 2025 elections feature 272 constituencies, 222 of which are mainland and 50 of which are in Zanzibar. Eight new constituencies were created in the mainland earlier this year.
The Independent Electoral Commission announced that a total of 37.7 million people had registered as voters in the 2025 elections, compared to 29.8 million at the last election: a 26.55 per cent increase. According to the commission, this reflects a rise in population, but critics allege a scheme to manipulate the vote during the elections.
The electoral commission has cleared 16 presidential candidates. Samia, a native of Zanzibar, is running for her first full term. Her running mate, Emmanuel Nchimbi, has deep roots within CCM.
Chadema has called for electoral reforms, a stance which has brought charges of treason and incitement against Lissu.
ACT-Wazalendo’s candidate Luhaga Mpina was barred from running after the attorney general said his party had not followed nomination procedures.
With Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo out of the presidential race in mainland Tanzania, Chama Cha Ukombozi wa Umma (Chaumma), a fringe party that has benefited from the defections of some Chadema members, has emerged as the only challenger.
Its presidential candidate and running mate are Salum Mwalimu and Devotha Minja, who defected from Chadema earlier this year.
Chaumma’s apparent campaign resources have led some to conclude that it is surreptitiously backed by the ruling party. Chaumma and the 15 other fringe parties run the risk of legitimising an already flawed electoral process.
In Zanzibar, incumbent Hussein Mwinyi of CCM is seeking another term. He faces competition from Othman Masoud of ACT-Wazalendo. This will be the first general election in Zanzibar without opposition icon Seif Shariff Hamad, who died in 2021. He was a perennial presidential candidate in Zanzibar, always claiming that he had won but never becoming president.
In 2010, a government of national unity was formed in which he became the first vice president in a gesture aimed at reconciliation.
Campaign issues
The CCM is promising to deliver a strengthened economy, infrastructure development and improved healthcare. It has also pledged a new constitution. This last promise is part of the rhetoric previously peddled during political campaigns.
When Samia took office in 2021, she initiated reforms that promised improvements in governance. These are long forgotten.
Chadema’s “No Reforms, No Elections” position continues to shape public discourse. The call has focused minds on the governance and human rights issues facing Tanzania. These include attacks on media freedom, the targeting of government critics, and gross violations of human rights and abductions.
It has had an effect too on the international opinion of Tanzania. Several international organisations, including the African Commission on Human Rights and the European Parliamenthave voiced their concern about the deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania.
ACT-Wazalendo has resolved to pursue reforms by participating in the election, with the rallying call of Linda Kura (Protect the vote).
What’s different (and what’s not) this time
There is a new electoral framework for the 2025 election.
Three new electoral laws were passed. These are the National Electoral Commission Act (2023), the Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Government Elections Bill (2023), and the Political Parties Affairs Laws (Amendment) Bill (2023). These changes led to the establishment of a new electoral body, the Independent National Electoral Commission, with the promise of reforming the electoral system.
A multi-stakeholder engagement recommended changes to enhance the electoral body’s independence. On this basis, a government task force recommended the creation of an “independent” committee, chaired by the chief justice, to vet applications of electoral commissioners.
Despite these changes, the executive branch still maintains significant influence over the electoral structure and decision-making. The president still has the power to appoint the chair, vice chair and commissioners of the electoral body.
With the opposition pushed aside and a controlled electoral process underway, CCM’s victory is all but certain. The key question now is the future of Tanzania’s democracy.
Kenyan activist Bob Njagi, the National Chairman of the Free Kenya Movement, has allegedly been abducted in Kampala, Uganda, alongside the movement’s Secretary General Nicholas Oyoo, while campaigning in support of opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.
In a statement released on Wednesday, the movement’s National Coordinator Felix Wambua said the two were seized at Stabex Petrol Station in Kireka around 3:00 pm by unidentified men and taken to an undisclosed location.
“I hereby wish to confirm that our Chairman, Bob Njagi, and our Secretary General, Nicholas Oyoo, were today arrested by unknown persons at Stabex Petrol Station, Kireka, Kampala, and taken to an undisclosed location,” Wambua said. He urged supporters to remain calm as the movement engaged with Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) and Ugandan authorities to establish the whereabouts of the missing leaders.
Eyewitnesses reported that a clay-coloured van pulled up at the station before four armed men and a woman forced the two activists inside. Their fate and current location remain unknown.
This marks the second abduction for Njagi, who last year revealed he had been held for 32 days in a dark cell after being seized in Mlolongo, Machakos County, during Kenya’s anti-government protests.
The incident comes just days after Bobi Wine was officially cleared by Uganda’s Electoral Commission to contest in the January 2026 presidential election against long-time ruler President Yoweri Museveni, who is seeking a record seventh term in office.
Wine condemned the abduction, accusing the Ugandan state of targeting his supporters and foreign allies.
“We are deeply disturbed by the disappearance of our Kenyan brothers. Their only crime was to stand in solidarity with us as we demand freedom in our own country,” Wine said in a statement. “We demand their immediate release and remind the regime that Uganda does not belong to one man.”
The NUP Kenya Chapter has also joined in search efforts and called on Nairobi to intervene. “This is not just a Ugandan matter; it is an East African issue. If Kenyan citizens are unsafe in Kampala, then all regional integration is meaningless,” the chapter said.
Ugandan authorities, however, dismissed allegations of abduction. Police spokesperson Fred Enanga told local media they had no record of Njagi or Oyoo in custody.
“We are not aware of any arrest of the said individuals. If there are concerns, the Kenyan High Commission should liaise directly with our security agencies. We caution against spreading alarmist reports that may incite unnecessary panic,” Enanga said.
But human rights organisations were quick to draw parallels with Uganda’s history of enforced disappearances of opposition activists, especially during election seasons.
The Free Kenya Movement has given authorities 24 hours to disclose the activists’ whereabouts or release them unconditionally.
For Njagi, who has already survived one abduction in Kenya, the latest disappearance underscores the dangers faced by regional activists challenging entrenched political systems.
KINSHASA, Sept 30 (Reuters) – Former Democratic Republic of Congo president Joseph Kabila was sentenced to death in absentia on Tuesday by a military court that convicted him of war crimes, treason, and crimes against humanity.
The case stems from his alleged role in backing the advance of Rwanda-backed M23 rebels in Congo’s volatile east. Kabila, who led Congo from 2001 to 2019, has denied wrongdoing and said the judiciary has been politicised.
Lieutenant-General Joseph Mutombo Katalayi, presiding over the tribunal in Kinshasa, said Kabila was found guilty of charges that included murder, sexual assault, torture, and insurrection.
Kabila did not attend the trial and was not represented by legal counsel. Neither he nor his representatives were immediately available for comment. His whereabouts were not immediately known.
ORDERED TO PAY $50 BILLION IN DAMAGES
“In applying Article 7 of the Military Penal Code, it imposes a single sentence, namely the most severe one, which is the death penalty,” Katalayi said while delivering the verdict.
He was also ordered to pay around $50 billion in various damages to the state and victims.
The verdict could fuel further divisions in the vast mineral-rich central African nation that has endured decades of conflicts.
Kabila spent almost two decades in power and only stepped down after deadly protests against him. Since late 2023, he has been residing mostly in South Africa, though he did appear in rebel-held Goma in eastern Congo in May.
He entered into an awkward power-sharing deal with his successor, Felix Tshisekedi, but their relationship soon soured.
As M23 marched on east Congo’s second-largest city of Bukavu in February, Tshisekedi told the Munich Security Conference that Kabila had sponsored the insurgency.
M23 now controls much of North Kivu and South Kivu provinces. The fighting killed thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands more this year. The two sides signed a U.S.-brokered peace agreement in June, although they are both reinforcing their positionsand blaming one another for flouting the accord, sources have told Reuters.
Rwanda, which has long denied helping M23, says its forces act in self-defence against Congo’s army and ethnic Hutu militiamen linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Tshisekedi’s government has moved to suspend Kabila’s political party and seize the assets of its leaders.
ANTANANARIVO, Madagascar – Authorities in Madagascar on Thursday imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in the capital, after protests over frequent power outages and water shortages turned violent, according to a top security official.
Police fired teargas to disperse the thousands of mostly youth protesters who were marching and carrying placards, in Antananarivo, the capital, according to a Reuters witness.
The demonstrators were denouncing the government and demanding restoration of reliable water and electricity across the country.
Chaos erupts in Madagascar’s capital as protests over frequent power outages and water shortages turn violent
“There are unfortunately individuals taking advantage of the situation to destroy other people’s property,” General Angelo Ravelonarivo, who heads a joint security body that includes the police and the military, said in a statement he read on privately owned Real TV late on Thursday.
To protect “the population and their belongings,” the security forces decided to impose a curfew from 7 p.m. to 5 a.m. “until public order is restored,” the statement said.
Madagascar, an island nation in the Indian Ocean, is mired in poverty, and some people blame the government of President Andry Rajoelina, who was re-elected in 2023, for not improving conditions.
During the protests earlier on Thursday, a large shopping mall in the capital was looted and then burned, and the homes of two lawmakers were looted and vandalised, according to the Reuters witness.
The protesters, who defied an earlier police ban on the demonstration, marched while chanting, “We need water, we need electricity.”
After the protests were dispersed, they later spread into various neighbourhoods of the capital.
A security forces spokesperson, Zafisambatra Ravoavy, could not be reached for comment.
On Wednesday, the national police chief, Jean Herbert Andriantahiana Rakotomalala, warned that security forces would “take firm preventive…measures against those tempted to break the law.”
Ugandan opposition leader, pop star-turned-politician Bobi Wine, was cleared on Wednesday to stand for president, pitting him against Yoweri Museveni for a second time during a career in which he has been arrested and jailed multiple times for his opposition to the long-serving incumbent.
Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, first challenged Museveni in the 2021 polls but came in second place.
The 43-year-old however rejected the results and said his victory had been stolen through pre-ticked ballots, intimidation by security forces, falsification of results and voter bribery.
Museveni, 81, who has ruled the east African country since 1986, was cleared to seek another term on Tuesday. If he wins, his rule will span nearly half a century.
“Our country is one of the richest countries on the planet in terms of natural resources so…our problem is not lack of wealth,” Wine said after he was declared a candidate by the electoral body’s top official in the capital Kampala.
“Our problem is lack of leadership, leadership that serves the people instead of terrorising them and exploiting them.”
Kyagulanyi’s party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), has over the years decried what they say is continuous kidnapping, illegal detention and torture of its supporters and officials by Museveni’s government.
Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son and head of the military, in January threatened to behead to Wine.
In May, Muhoozi also admitted to confining a missing NUP official in his basement and also threatened violence against him.
Dozens of NUP supporters and officials have spent months and years in prison over what Wine and others say are politically motivated charges.
The government has rejected accusations it has kidnapped and tortured opposition members and says security forces only detain people based on legitimate suspicions a crime has been committed.
“We are fighting for a better Uganda, we are fighting for the farmers…for the young graduates who have no jobs, we are fighting for the ghetto people, those ghetto youth whose future is being stolen,” Wine said.
Nicknamed “Ghetto President” for his popularity in a large ghetto in the capital and where his music career initially took off in early 2000s, Wine says he is best placed to address the needs of Uganda’s large youth population since he is one of them.
Uganda’s Electoral Commission on Tuesday cleared octogenarian President Yoweri Museveni to seek reelection in polls due to be held early next year, which could extend his rule in the East African nation to nearly half a century.
A former rebel, Museveni has been credited with stabilising Uganda, promoting economic growth, and combating HIV/AIDS. But critics denounce his government’s suppression of political opponents, human rights abuses and corruption scandals.
After seizing power in 1986, Museveni said the problem facing Africa was not its people but “leaders who want to overstay in power”.
Now Africa’s fourth longest-ruling leader, Museveni and his government have amended the constitution twice to remove age and term limits, allowing him to remain in office.
The 2026 election is expected to once again pit the 81-year-old incumbent against his chief rival Bobi Wine, 43, a singer who has leveraged his pop stardom to galvanise a large support base among young voters.
Museveni defeated Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, in 2021 by a wide margin, though Wine said his victory was stolen through ballot stuffing, intimidation by security forces and other irregularities.
Museveni’s was the first candidacy to be cleared by the elections body, which is charged with evaluating whether those seeking office meet legal requirements. It is expected to assess Wine’s candidacy on Wednesday.
At a press conference on Tuesday, Museveni said another five-year term in office would allow him to prioritise restoring public safety, fixing transportation infrastructure, and expanding health care and free education.
“There’s a bit of crime and impunity,” he said, referring to public concerns about a wave of crime in urban areas. His governing National Resistance Movement party would also work on “getting rid of corruption,” he said.
Museveni’s government is eyeing an economic boom when the country begins shipping crude oil next year, with growth seen leaping to double digits next financial year.
The president’s opponents have long accused him of using state patronage and the military to maintain his grip on power, and of using kidnappings and torture against adversaries, claims he denies.
In May, Uganda’s military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who is also Museveni’s son, admitted to holding a missing opposition activist in his basement while threatening that Wine would be next.
The military-led West African countries Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have announced their withdrawal from the International Criminal Court,denouncing it as “a tool of neocolonial repression.”
The announcement, in a joint statement published on Monday, is the latest example of diplomatic upheaval in West Africa’s Sahel region following eight coups between 2020 and 2023.
The three countries, which are ruled by military officers, have already split from the West African regional bloc ECOWAS and formed a body known as the Alliance of Sahel States.
They have also curbed defence cooperation with Western powers and sought closer ties with Russia.
Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have been members of the ICC, located in The Hague, for more than two decades.
But their statement said they viewed the court as incapable of prosecuting war crimes, crimes against humanity, crimes of aggression and genocide.
It did not specify examples of where the countries believed the ICC had fallen short.
The three countries are battling Islamist militant groups that control large swathes of territory and have staged frequent attacks on military installations this year.
Human Rights Watch and other groups have accused the militants, as well as the militaries and partner forces of Burkina Faso and Mali of possible atrocity crimes.
In April, United Nations experts said the alleged summary execution of several dozen civilians by Malian forces may amount to war crimes.
The ICC has had an investigation open in Mali since 2013 over alleged war crimes committed primarily in the northern regions of Gao, Timbuktu and Kidal, which had fallen under militant control.
Later that year, France intervened to push back the insurgents.
The Mali investigation was opened following a referral from the government at the time.
Regional lender faces explosive allegations of governance failure, with lawmakers promising thorough probe into claims of ‘mafia-style’ operations
DAR ES SALAAM – The East African Development Bank (EADB) faces mounting pressure for investigation after explosive allegations of systemic corruption and governance failures were presented to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), with lawmakers expressing shock at claims the 50-year-old institution operates like a “mafia-style cartel.”
Peter Odhiambo, a Nairobi-based activist representing the Justice Alliance, on Friday appeared before EALA’s oversight committee with damning testimony alleging that the regional lender has been captured by private interests, straying far from its mandate to foster development across East Africa.
“This bank, whose vision was to foster development in our region, has become captive to a few people and will remain so unless EALA rises to the occasion,” Odhiambo warned the assembly in what observers described as one of the most serious challenges to the institution since its establishment.
Board Members ‘Write Off Own Loans’
Central to Odhiambo’s petition are allegations of a fundamentally broken governance system that has allowed board members to overstay their legal terms while allegedly benefiting personally from the institution they are meant to oversee.
“Some private sector board members have been in office for the last 18 years when ordinarily they should serve two terms of three years each. They probably currently own the bank because some of them have borrowed money from the bank, and then met as a board to write off those loans,” Odhiambo told the stunned committee.
The activist further alleged that certain individuals have served on advisory and board positions for over four decades without replacement, creating what he described as an entrenched system resistant to accountability and transparency.
Millions in Legal Fees, Zero Dividends
Perhaps the most financially damaging allegation centers on the bank’s expenditure patterns, which Odhiambo claims demonstrate a fundamental misuse of resources meant for regional development.
East African Development Bank (EADB) office.
Between 2016 and 2024, the bank paid USD 4.4 million in legal fees but declared zero dividends to its shareholders — the citizens of East Africa, while board members allegedly pocket USD 3,000 per sitting.
“Apart from board members who are paid USD 3,000 per sitting, there are lawyers who are also on the gravy train,” Odhiambo told the committee, calling for a forensic audit of the bank’s legal expenditures.
The revelation that shareholders — the governments and citizens of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Rwanda, along with private investors — have received no returns while legal costs soared has raised serious questions about the bank’s financial management and priorities.
False Diplomatic Immunity Claims
Adding to the governance concerns, Odhiambo alleged that senior EADB officials have attempted to shield themselves from criminal accountability by making false claims of diplomatic immunity.
He argued that the bank has used these immunity claims to block criminal cases, despite clarification from Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that EADB does not enjoy blanket protections under the Vienna Conventions.
This allegation takes on particular significance given recent legal troubles facing the institution, including the issuance of an arrest warrant for Isaac Nyongesa Okwara, EADB’s Chief Security Officer, who was charged with supplying false information to Kenya’s Directorate of Criminal Investigations.
EALA Promises Thorough Investigation
The petition drew strong reactions from EALA members, with several lawmakers expressing alarm at the scale and nature of the allegations presented.
South Sudan’s representative, Gai Deng, told the committee: “We are very shocked by this petition. The details that you have presented are so vast and I think it will require for us to do justice.”
The committee, chaired by Kenyan legislator Kennedy Musyoka Kalonzo and supported by Abdullahi Makawe, pledged to examine the petition thoroughly and determine appropriate action.
The promises of investigation come at a critical time for regional financial institutions, as development banks across Africa face increased scrutiny over governance and effectiveness in delivering on their mandates.
Regional Development at Stake
Established in 1967, EADB was created to promote economic development and regional integration through development financing and advisory services across East Africa.
The bank is jointly owned by the governments of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Rwanda, with additional shares held by private investors.
The institution has historically played a crucial role in financing infrastructure projects, supporting private sector development, and fostering trade within the East African Community. However, critics have long questioned its transparency and effectiveness in recent years.
The allegations come as East African countries increasingly rely on development finance to support post-pandemic economic recovery and infrastructure development.
Any loss of confidence in EADB’s governance could have broader implications for regional development financing.
Calls for Accountability Mount
Beyond the EALA petition, the allegations have sparked broader calls for accountability and reform within regional institutions.
Civil society groups across East Africa have increasingly raised concerns about transparency and governance in institutions meant to serve citizens’ interests.
The timing of the petition is particularly significant as East African governments face mounting debt burdens and increased scrutiny over the effectiveness of development spending.
Citizens and civil society groups are demanding greater accountability from institutions that operate with public resources.
For EADB, founded on the principle of fostering regional development and integration, the allegations represent a fundamental challenge to its credibility and mandate.
The bank’s response to the investigation and any reforms that may follow could determine its role in East Africa’s development future.
As EALA begins its investigation, the regional parliament faces the challenge of balancing thoroughness with the need to maintain confidence in critical regional institutions.
The outcome could set important precedents for accountability and governance across East African Community institutions.
The investigation is expected to examine not only the specific allegations raised by Odhiambo but also the broader governance structures and oversight mechanisms that have allowed the alleged problems to persist.
Botswana’s President Duma Gideon Boko has declared September 29 a public holiday, a day before Botswana’s Independence Day, in celebration of the country’s first-ever gold medal victory at the World Athletics Championships in Tokyo.
President Boko, addressing compatriots from New York, where he is attending the United Nations 80th General Assembly, hailed the momentous win as “Historic African Victory!” in a passionate online address.
“I’ll be sure to tell everyone, Botswana’s natural diamonds are not just in the ground, they are our World Champion athletes,” he said, reflecting national pride in the team’s achievement
Speaking in high spirits, Boko described the moment as “electric”, a performance that spoke to Botswana’s rising stature on the global stage.
“You spoke to the world,” he said.
“You announced that we must be taken seriously. We are here to dominate.”
He lauded the athletes for their resilience, self-belief, and behind-the-scenes hard work.
“We are proud, proud of our boys, proud of the coaches, and proud of all those who put in tireless effort,” Boko added.
By declaring the public holiday, the President ensured that Botswana’s Independence Day on September 30 will be extended into a weekend of national celebration, honouring both the country’s founding and its historic athletic milestone.
Botswana clinched the gold medal in Tokyo, marking its first in the history of the World Athletics Championships, a landmark moment that has captured national attention and placed the country in the global sports spotlight.
President Boko’s declaration and remarks underscore the government’s effort to leverage sporting success as a symbol of Botswana’s broader ambition and identity.
Police in Somalia have arrested four TikTokers for allegedly insulting President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in a dance video.
In the post several young men are seen dancing to a remix of a campaign song originally used during the president’s election bid in 2022, but with the lyrics altered to include derogatory language.
In a statement, the police said the suspects were in custody and would be formally charged. They have not commented since their arrest.
Several social media influencers have been arrested and jailed in the past for spreading clan-based insults, incitement or “immoral” content on platforms like TikTok – but this is the first case involving a top politician.
In August last year, seven TikTokers were sentenced to six months in prison by a court in the capital, Mogadishu, for provoking civil unrest and spreading immorality.
The authorities said the behaviour in the recent video – the original of which has been deleted but it still being widely shared on TikTok and other social media platforms – constituted a criminal offence under Somali law.
Police spokesman Gen Abdifatah Aden warned the public that anyone engaging in similar acts that disrespected national institutions or leaders would “face the full force of the law”.
The arrests have reignited public debate over the role of social media in Somalia, particularly TikTok, which has been at the centre of controversy in the past.
Some have expressed their support for the young men while others have defended the arrests, saying freedom of expression should not extend to such levels – particularly in a country still grappling with fragile governance.
TikTok is a popular platform in Somalia and within the large diaspora – especially among the youth, who use it for political commentary and satire.
Many people also use it for business as well as a source of entertainment.
In 2023, the government considered banning the platform altogether, citing concerns over national security, the spread of misinformation and the erosion of social and moral values.
The ban was not implemented at the time because of strong public opposition, but officials warned that the platform was increasingly being used to spread harmful content including extremist propaganda and defamatory material.
Police have physically removed The Gambia’s auditor general, Momodou Ceesay, from his office after he refused to give up the post, in a government reshuffle carried out by President Adama Barrow.
Ceesay, who has spent almost three years as auditor general in the West African state, says he had turned down Barrow’s recent offer to become trade minister.
Yet the president insists that Ceesay originally agreed, but later changed his mind.
The row has angered many Gambians, with some accusing the president of trying to replace Ceesay with someone who will shield him from corruption allegations.
The president has promoted the Director of Internal Audit, Cherno Amadou Sowe, to the post of auditor general, but he has not reported to work following the public backlash.
On Monday, plain-clothes police were sent to the auditor general’s office to arrest Ceesay and install his successor.
But Ceesay’s staff confronted the officers and stalled them, in scenes that were broadcast live on the social media accounts of local news outlets.
It was not until back-up forces arrived that the auditor general was finally ejected from a press conference he was giving and escorted out of the complex to his lawyer’s office.
This action triggered a swift response from young people, who called on the president to reinstate Ceesay, and threatened to take to the streets in the outskirts of the capital, Banjul, until their demands were met.
“He refused your appointment. Now you forcibly remove him out of the office? Are the Gambian people not watching?” asked Gambian activist Kemo Fatty, expressing his fury in a clip which is circulating online.
“If the auditor general does not return to office today, President Barrow will leave the State House today,” he threatened.
Fatty and another anti-corruption activist, Alieu Bah, were later arrested by police, as they gathered at the national audit office and prepared for a press conference.
In recent months, Barrow’s government has been rocked by numerous protests following an investigation by a local newspaper, The Republic, alleging that assets belonging to the disgraced former President Yahya Jammeh had been distributed among close aides of Barrow. He has denied any wrongdoing.
In a statement, Barrow’s office said the government remained “firmly committed to the rule of law, transparency, accountability, and the responsible management of public finances”.
Ceesay’s appointment as trade minister was “based solely on his qualifications and experience”, and was not intended “to interfere with the operations of the National Audit Office”.
Videos of young women dancing in colourful boubou gowns have exploded across social media in West Africa. Dubbed “Dior parties”, the social media trend that originated in Guinea is now stirring controversy. What many see as a joyful revival of African identity and sisterhood has met with fierce backlash from conservative critics and pushed Mali to place a country-wide ban on the celebrations.
The trend spread like wildfire, as did the intractable controversies around it. In just a few months, “Dior parties” have become all the rage on social media. Driven by videos shared widely on TikTok, the trend that originated in Guinea has now taken West Africa by storm.
The clips show groups of young women clad in bright, colourful gowns known as boubous, fired up and dancing to all the latest hits in apartments, nightclubs or restaurants. But these girls’ nights out have met with fierce backlash from conservatives across West Africa. Many young women have faced a barrage of criticism for posting these videos, deemed immoral by critics.
Luxury fashion jumps on boubou trend
Also known as “boubou parties”, the “Dior party” trend refers to the well-known French luxury brand – a symbol of wealth and elegance. The nickname has stuck not only to describe the traditional African gowns, but also the friendly and selective nature of these parties, most often reserved for women.
“Dior parties” and their hype also seem to be riding the wave of boubous coming back into style. Replaced by outfits that were considered more modern for some time, the traditional gown has regained popularity in recent years and is now being proudly worn as a symbol of African cultural identity.
A few years ago, Dior came under fire for using traditional African batik wax printing and tie dye patterns on several garments during a fashion show, sparking a debate on cultural appropriation.
Twerking, a touchy topic
But the parties have recently become a target on social media, with some calling them symbols of “youth depravity”. Specific dance moves broadcast in the clips like twerking, which consists of rhythmically shaking the hips and buttocks, have especially sparked outrage. Alcohol consumption has also furrowed many brows, as its use is still poorly regarded in some West African regions.
In response to the criticism, participants have stepped up to defend the Dior parties, underlying their role as celebrations of sisterhood and African culture.
An organiser quoted anonymously by online media outlet Ledjely recalled the African origins of twerking, saying the move is an “integral part of traditional Guinean dances from its forest regions”.
“If you don’t know how to twerk, you can be considered a bad dancer. For us, it’s a way to have fun,” she added, going on to explain how these parties allow participants to celebrate and dance in a safe environment, without fear of being harassed or sexually assaulted.
Lesbians in the firing line
The most fervent critics of the Dior parties have gone even further, claiming “excessively promiscuous” participants are naked under their boubous and that the celebrations are “lesbian” gatherings. Talking about LGBTQ rights is an especially thorny issue in Guinea, where gay or lesbian displays of affection are illegal and can lead to imprisonment.
Discriminatory attitudes towards LGBTQ people are quite widespread in West Africa. Burkina Faso banned same-sex conduct earlier this month, and Mali passed a law that made homosexuality a crime in December last year.
Singer Marie Fac, who has organised Dior parties, snapped back at these allegations by posting a video on her TikTok account and wrote: “Some swear on their mothers’ lives that I’m a lesbian, to prove what exactly? Please, let’s educate our children.”
Others opt for a more sarcastic tone to defend the parties. “Let’s be honest fellas. Is twerking really the problem, or is it the fact that you weren’t invited to come and grind?” a woman wrote on a Facebook post that has now garnered more than 100 comments.
“Men don’t really understand Dior parties,” says Yamciss, an employee at the Nimba Palace nightclub in Conakry, Guinea, who thinks the controversy around the trend is an “exaggeration”. The 27-year-old organised a boubou party on August 1 and insists that the celebrations went off “without a hitch”.
“It was a huge success, not only for the nightclub but also for the retailers we worked with for the occasion,” he says. Thanks to their popularity, Dior parties have been an important business opportunity for local seamstresses, stylists, hairdressers, retailers and make-up artists.
But it turns out that is not enough to keep them going. Two Guinean municipalities banned Dior parties at the end of August, claiming the “sensual dances” performed “undermine our customs and morals, as well as modesty in public places”.
Neighbouring Mali quickly followed suit. On September 8, the governor of the district of Bamako issued a similar ban on the parties “for public order reasons”, citing practices that were “contrary to public decency”.
A general ban has since been implemented by the Ministry of Justice country-wide.
Former Ivory Coast First Lady Simone Gbagbo has gone from hiding in a bunker in an attempt to avoid arrest to defiantly announcing she will run for president.
In an extraordinary comeback, the controversial 76-year-old was this week surprisingly allowed to contest October’s elections, calling on supporters to help “build a new nation”.
For years, Gbagbo worked side-by-side with her ex-husband Laurent, and was considered to be the power behind his throne.
Now, with a criminal conviction and a divorce behind her, she takes centre stage as a presidential candidate in her own right.
Gbagbo was Ivory Coast’s first lady from 2000 to 2011 and was dubbed “the iron lady” due to her reputation for toughness.
While her supporters fondly called her “maman” (French for “mum”), Gbagbo was feared within the party she set up with her husband, the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI).
“All the ministers respect me. And they often consider me above them,” she told French magazine L’Express during her husband’s presidency.
At rallies, Gbagbo often invoked her evangelist Christian faith, firing off spirited, eloquent speeches in support of her husband.
Gbagbo met Laurent in 1973, at a time when both were powerful figures in Ivory Coast’s trade union movement.
Gbagbo had degrees in history and linguistics, and as a teacher, was a key member of various educators’ unions.
The couple’s relationship was also built on the struggle against then-president Félix Houphouët-Boigny.
The Gbagbos protested against Houphouët-Boigny’s autocracy, which lasted for 33 years, calling for multi-party democracy.
Simone Gbagbo gave passionate speeches in support of her husband – next month she herself will take centre stage
As a result of their activism, the pair were jailed several times.
“I engaged in political struggle against the former regime alongside men,” Gbagbo recalled In her l’Express interview.
“I spent six months in prison, I was beaten, molested, left for dead. After all those trials, it’s logical that people don’t mess with me.”
In 1982 the pair co-founded the FPI. That same year, Laurent fled to France following harassment from Houphouët-Boigny’s security forces and Gbagbo was left to raise the couple’s twin daughters alone.
After six years apart, Laurent returned and the pair married in an intimate ceremony, with less than 10 guests present.
The Gbagbos soon had further cause for celebration. In 1990 Houphouët-Boigny finally caved in, allowing the first national elections in Ivory Coast since independence three decades earlier.
Laurent decided to run for president, his wife a key figure in his campaign.
“Laurent had the good-natured gab, Simone the uncompromising discourse,” French newspaper Le Monde said of the Gbagbos’ political partnership.
In less flattering terms, Ivorian opposition newspaper Le Patriote wrote: “Laurent Gbagbo – expansive, warm, and devious… his wife, Simone Ehivet-Gbagbo – enigmatic, cold, and secretive.”
In an election marred by allegations of widespread rigging, Laurent lost the presidential race to Houphouët-Boigny by a landslide.
He did, however, win a seat in the National Assembly and five years later, his wife gained one too.
Gbagbo campaigned for her husband once again when he ran for president in 2000. This time, he won, after all other opposition candidates had been excluded by the military leaders who had seized power.
But, once a champion of democracy, the new president began adopting draconian measures to stifle political dissent. His backing of the concept of Ivoirité, or Ivorieness, pushed soldiers in the north to take up arms and the country was divided in two.
It is thought his wife had huge influence over the security forces, who were used by the administration to silence opposition voices.
Furthermore, presidential elections slated for 2005 were postponed six times, with Laurent saying he needed to establish control of the whole country before he could hold elections, although he eventually agreed to them in 2010.
In a surprise result, he lost to Alassane Ouattara – Ivory Coast’s current president – but refused to accept the result. This attempt to stay put sparked another devasting civil war in which more than 3,000 people died.
After the vote, Gbagbo fiercely defended her husband’s decision to stay on, dubbing Ouattara a “bandit leader”.
“The time for debates about the elections between Gbagbo and the ‘bandit leader’ is over,” she said in an address to supporters.
“Our president is firmly established in power and he is working.”
Eventually, as pro-Ouattara forces backed by French troops advanced on the presidential residence, the couple took refuge in a bunker. They were arrested there, and hauled off to a hotel in Abidjan, Ivory Coast’s main city, effectively ending the five-month conflict.
After they were captured, photos of the fallen Gbagbos circulated amongst Ivorians
At her trial five years later, Gbagbo described her detention at the hotel.
“I myself arrived with my buttocks exposed, my nudity exposed. I was subjected to several attempted rapes in broad daylight, all in the presence of French soldiers who were filming,” she told the court.
Gbagbo was sentenced to 20 years for “attempting to undermine the security of the state”, disturbing public order and organising armed gangs during the civil war.
However, just three years later, President Ouattara granted Gbagbo an amnesty in what he said was a move to foster reconciliation. This is why she was allowed to stand in next month’s election, despite her conviction.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) pursued separate charges against Gbagbo in 2012, also relating to the civil war, but they were later dropped.
The ICC went after Laurent too – they charged him with crimes against humanity and he spent seven years in custody at The Hague.
The couple have long maintained their innocence, rejecting all charges against them as politically motivated.
Laurent was eventually acquitted by the ICC and returned home to Ivory Coast in 2021.
But there would be no tear-jerking reunion with his wife – days after landing on Ivorian soil, the former president filed for divorce, having fostered a relationship with journalist Nady Bamba.
Gbagbo hit back at her husband – through her lawyer, she accused Laurent of “blatantand well-known adultery” and “abandonment of the marital home”.
Laurent Gbagbo’s refusal to step down after the 2010 elections triggered a bloodbath
The former first lady has since been quietly and methodically rebuilding her political base, following her break from the FPI.
She founded a new party, the leftist Movement of Capable Generations (MGC) and in her campaign for next month’s election pledges a “modernised” and “prosperous” Ivory Coast.
Gbagbo’s candidacy is not only politically significant but symbolically powerful in a country where women remain largely underrepresented in national leadership.
Only 30% of Ivorian parliamentarians are women, and few have held senior roles in government.
Gbagbo’s reputation for activism and democracy has been tainted, but she is still seen as one of the strongest challengers to Ouattara in next month’s poll.
A political veteran with powerful rhetoric, she looks set to gain the backing of her husband’s supporters, after he was barred from running himself.
But in this election, the spotlight will be firmly on Simone Gbagbo. And should she win the presidency, the “iron lady” would make history as Ivory Coast’s first female president – yet another milestone in a turbulent, four-decade long political career.
Nigerian chef and former Guinness World Record holder Hilda Baci has attempted to make the world’s largest pot of jollof rice, a popular West African dish.
Thousands of people gathered in Lagos to watch the food influencer’s latest world record bid, after once holding the 2023 title for the longest cooking marathon – an exhausting 93 hours and 11 minutes, or nearly four days.
Her gigantic jollof recipe included 4,000kg (8,800lb) of rice, 500 cartons of tomato paste and 600kg of onions – all poured into a custom-made pot that can hold 23,000 litres.
The dish took several hours to cook and evidence of the feat must now be validated by the Guinness World Records organisation.
Baci, 28, told BBC Pidgin that it took her a year to plan how she would tackle the mammoth challenge.
“We are the giant of Africa, and jollof is a food that everybody knows Africans for,” she said.
“It would make sense if we had the biggest pot of jollof rice, it would be nice for the country.”
Manufacturing the giant steel vessel to hold her dish took a culinary team of 300 people two months to make.
Working with a group of assistants wielding massive wooden spatulas, Baci’s crowning dish was later distributed for onlookers to enjoy.
Jollof rice is a staple of Nigerian cuisine, featuring rice simmered in a tomato sauce, often paired with meat or seafood.
Baci won a competition for her version of jollof rice in 2021, and then became a national sensation in 2023 when she claimed the cooking marathon record.
Burkina Faso has introduced visa-free entry for all African travellers, in an effort to facilitate the movement of people and goods into the country.
“From now on, any citizen from an African country wishing to go to Burkina Faso will not pay any amount to cover visa fees,” said Mahamadou Sana, the country’s security minister, following a cabinet meeting chaired by military leader Capt Ibrahim Traoré on Thursday.
African visitors will however be required to submit an online visa application, which will be reviewed for approval, the minister clarified.
The West African nation joins countries such as Ghana, Rwanda and Kenya, which have eased travel requirements for African visitors.
Capt Traoré, a young soldier who seized power in a 2022 coup, portrays himself as a champion of Pan-Africanism, while often criticising the West and colonialism.
He is admired in the continent for his charismatic leadership. His popularity has been fuelled through social media, including many misleading posts intended to bolster his revolutionary image.
But Capt Traoré has also faced criticism for his authoritarian style of governance, his handling of dissent and the ongoing Islamist insurgency.
Despite promises by Capt Traoré’s military government to improve security and seeking new partnerships with Russia, the situation remains dire with frequent attacks.
The scrapping of visa fees for the continent’s nationals reflects Burkina Faso’s attachment to Pan-Africanist ideals and promotes regional integration, a statement from the junta’s information service said late on Thursday.
“This free visa system for African nationals will also help promote tourism and Burkinabe culture, and improve Burkina Faso’s visibility abroad,” it added.
Several African countries have tried to ease travel requirements for visitors from elsewhere on the continent in recent years, with studies showing it is often easier for citizens of Western countries to visit.
The move to facilitate travel within the continent is also being pushed by the African Union (AU).
Earlier this year, Ghana said all African passport holders would now be able to visit without needing a visa.
Last year, Kenya introduced a “visa-free” policy that required most visitors to apply online for authorization before leaving their country.
African visitors to Rwanda also do not need a visa to enter the country.
It is not clear whether Burkina Faso’s move will help improve the country’s relations with its neighbours.
Burkina Faso, along with two other military-led states – Mali and Niger, has broken away from the regional West African bloc, Ecowas, to form a new alliance.
They have cut ties with former colonial power France and allied with Russia instead.
One of South Africa’s most notorious rapists and murderers, Thabo Bester, has taken court action to block Netflix from broadcasting a documentary about his life – including how he allegedly faked his death and escaped from prison.
His lawyers argued that Beauty and the Bester was defamatory, but the streaming giant defended its plan to release the three-part investigation.
Bester’s partner, celebrity doctor Nandipha Magudumana, features in the documentary, having allegedly helped him escape. She is part of the court bid to halt the release.
The High Court is expected to give its ruling about 30 minutes before the documentary’s planned release to a global audience on Friday.
Bester was convicted in 2012 for the rape and murder of his model girlfriend Nomfundo Tyhulu.
A year earlier, he was found guilty of raping and robbing two other women.
Bester became known as the “Facebook rapist” for using the social networking site to lure his victims.
He was serving a life sentence when he allegedly escaped from a maximum security prison in 2022.
A fire broke out in prison, with the authorities finding a charred body that they thought was Bester’s. However, it turned out to be that of another person.
Undetected for a year, Bester then allegedly lived under an alias in South Africa’s main city, Johannesburg, helped by his partner.
The pair were arrested while on the run in the East African state of Tanzania in April 2023, and were deported.
They are currently in custody, awaiting trial on several charges – including violating a corpse, defeating the ends of justice and fraud.
They have not yet pleaded to the charges.
Nandipha Magudumana, seen here in court in 2023, was a celebrity skin doctor
Bester’s lawyer, Advocate Moafrika Wa Maila, said the documentary infringed his right to a fair trial.
“There is not proof that he had escaped. He has not yet been convicted on this. There are many reasons why a person is no longer in prison, such as parole. The documentary is a kangaroo court,” he told the court, South Africa’s IOL news site reports.
The advocate also argued that the documentary’s very name, Beauty and the Bester, was defamatory and was deliberately designed to cast his client as a “beast”, the local East Coast radio reports on its website.
Netflix’s legal representative, Advocate Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, told the court that the three-part series gives victims a long-denied platform.
“This documentary gives the victims of Thabo Bester a platform to be heard after years of silence. To silence the film is to silence them again,” Advocate Ngcukaitobi was quoted as saying.
Judge Sulet Potterill asked Netflix when it intended to release the documentary, and said she would give her ruling shortly before then.
Bester’s alleged escape made international headlines and sparked outrage in South Africa, which has one of the highest rates of sexual assault in the world.
South Sudan’s First Vice-President Riek Machar has been charged with murder, treason and crimes against humanity in a move that some fear could reignite the country’s civil war.
Justice Minister Joseph Geng Akech said the charges against Machar relate to an attack in March by a militia allegedly linked to the vice-president.
The roads leading to his house in the capital, Juba, have been blocked by tanks and soldiers.
Forces loyal to Machar fought a five-year civil war against those backing President Salva Kiir until a 2018 peace deal ending the fighting in the world’s newest country.
Machar has been under house arrest since March, with the UN, African Union and neighbouring countries all calling for calm.
The 2018 peace deal ended the conflict that had killed nearly 400,000 people, however the relationship between Machar and Kiir has become increasingly strained amid ethnic tensions and sporadic violence.
The March attack was carried out by the White Ant militia, largely made up of fighters from the Nuer ethnic group, the same as Machar.
They overran an army base in the north-eastern town of Nasir, reportedly killing 250 soldiers and a general. A UN helicopter also came under fire, leading to the death of its pilot.
South Sudan gained its independence from Sudan in 2011 following decades of conflict.
Ghana has become the latest country to accept people deported from the US as part of its campaign against undocumented migrants.
President John Mahama said nationals from various West African countries would now be taken in following a bilateral agreement with the US. He said 14 had already arrived.
He cited the regional bloc Ecowas’s free movement protocol that allows citizens of member states to enter and reside in other West African countries without a visa.
Last month, the US deported seven migrants to Rwanda while in the previous month five were sent to Eswatini and eight others to South Sudan.
The 14 people already deported to Ghana include “several” Nigerian and a Gambian, the president said. He did not specify the total number of deportees the country would take.
He said Ghana had already facilitated the return of the Nigerians back to their country by bus while the Gambian was still being assisted to go back to their country.
“We were approached by the US to accept third-party nationals who were being removed from the US. And we agreed with them that West African nationals were acceptable,” Mahama said.
“All our fellow West African nationals don’t need visas to come to our country,” he added.
Mahama described Ghana-US relations as a “tightening situation”, citing the hiked US tariffs on Ghanaian goods and visa restrictions on its nationals. He however said relations remained positive.
The Trump administration has approached a number of African countries to accept deportees as part of its push to deter immigration.
Some of those deported have been citizens of countries such as Jamaica, Vietnam and Laos, with rights groups arguing that this violated their basic rights.
Some countries have pushed back against the deportation strategy.
Nigeria, which has been a vocal opponent, has previously said it would not bow to pressure to accept third-country prisoners from the US.
