Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has issued a bold challenge to President William Ruto, urging him to stop using political allies to attack former President Uhuru Kenyatta and confront him directly if he has grievances.
Speaking at a thanksgiving service at his Wamunyoro home in Nyeri County on Sunday, Gachagua accused Ruto of orchestrating a campaign of disrespect against Kenyatta through proxies like State House operative Farouk Kibet and National Assembly Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah.
“Kama yeye ni mwanaume, usitume watu, umtusi wewe mwenyewe,” Gachagua declared, demanding that Ruto face Kenyatta personally rather than hiding behind his allies.
In a fiery defense of the former president, Gachagua warned that continued attacks would provoke a political backlash.
“Ukitumia vijana kutukana Rais, wakati utakuja hapa tena, nitaambia watu wakutukane,” he said, vowing to mobilize supporters to retaliate.
Gachagua positioned himself as Kenyatta’s chief defender, proclaiming, “Kuanzia leo, mimi nitakuwa mlinzi mkuu wa Uhuru.”
He issued a direct warning to Ruto: “William Ruto, you know me… Ukitumia hiyo vijana kutukana Uhuru Kenyatta, hawa vijana watakutimua.”
The remarks drew loud applause from the crowd, signaling strong local support for Kenyatta in the Mount Kenya region.
[p/courtesy]The event saw other leaders echo Gachagua’s call for respect toward the former president.
Kathiani MP Robert Mbui urged Kenya Kwanza leaders to exercise restraint, while Embakasi Central MP Benjamin Gathiru demanded that Ruto’s allies “accord Uhuru the dignity he deserves.”
The escalating tensions stem from Kenyatta’s recent comments at a wedding in Baringo on Saturday, where he subtly criticized the Ruto administration’s handling of youth unrest.
“When young people talk, they panic,” Kenyatta said, praising the late President Daniel Moi’s confidence in engaging with younger generations.
Ruto’s allies, including Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa, hit back, accusing Kenyatta of hypocrisy for sidelining youth during his presidency.
The feud intensified as Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale, speaking in Garissa, accused Kenyatta of inciting a youth-led uprising, warning that such actions could tarnish his legacy.
The back-and-forth underscores a deepening rift between Kenyatta and Ruto, former allies whose fallout has fueled political divisions in Kenya.
As Gachagua rallies support for Kenyatta in the Mount Kenya heartland, analysts warn that the growing animosity could further polarize the country ahead of future elections.
For now, Gachagua’s challenge to Ruto sets the stage for a high-stakes political showdown, with Kenyatta’s legacy and regional loyalties hanging in the balance.
Farouk Kibet, a senior aide to President William Ruto, has ignited political tensions by threatening to terminate former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s retirement benefits, accusing the former head of state of persistently inciting youth against the current administration.
The controversial remarks were delivered during an interdenominational fundraiser at Dini ya Roho Mafuta Pole ya Africa Lampai Zion Church in Kapenguria, West Pokot County on Saturday.
“We are asking the retired president to respect Kenyans. You can’t be a retired head of state and then incite the public,” Kibet declared.
“He should allow the current president to govern. He was president for ten years; we were not happy with his regime, but we put up with it and allowed him to work. Every morning he wakes up to incite; he doesn’t want peace for this country, we tell him that he will be defeated.”
Kibet further stated: “There’s nothing that Uhuru left in the accounts, yet he’s out there inciting youths against the same government he left deranged. If he continues with his divisive politics, we might be forced to review his retirement package.”
Growing Administration Pushback Against Former President
Kibet’s comments follow similar criticism from Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen, who recently condemned Kenyatta’s calls for youth mobilization during a Jukwaa la Usalama forum in Machakos.
Murkomen questioned Kenyatta’s standing to “lecture others on governance,” suggesting the former president’s tenure disqualifies him from offering credible advice on good leadership.
During the West Pokot event, Kibet was accompanied by National Assembly Majority Whip Silvanus Osoro and Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah, both vocal critics of the former president.
The confrontation stems from Kenyatta’s recurring public statements encouraging Kenyan youth to “stand up for their rights” and challenge the political status quo.
Kenyatta’s Youth Empowerment Message Under Scrutiny
At recent public appearances, Kenyatta has emphasized the power of Kenya’s youth demographic, urging them to leverage their numbers to drive political change.
These comments have referenced the landmark June 25, 2024 demonstrations against proposed tax increases, which saw unprecedented youth participation across Kenya.
“This is the moment for each and every one of you to step onto the stage. You have the numbers, you have the time, and you have the energy,” Kenyatta stated during a recent public lecture.
In another notable address, Kenyatta appeared to contrast former President Daniel Moi’s leadership style with the current administration, remarking that “Moi wasn’t scared of young people” – widely interpreted as a veiled criticism of President Ruto’s approach to youth engagement.
Administration Officials Question Kenyatta’s Record
Osoro accused Kenyatta of hypocrisy, claiming the former president neglected youth issues during his 2013-2022 tenure.
“It is under his watch that we experienced the registration of over 200 betting firms, which have plunged youths into depression,” Osoro alleged at the Kapenguria event, as reported by The Standard newspaper.
Kibet specifically challenged Kenyatta’s record as a benchmark, stating the former president should “be fair to Ruto” rather than using his platform to criticize his successor’s governance approach.
Legal Questions Over Retirement Benefits Threat
Constitutional experts have questioned the legality of Kibet’s threat. Under Kenya’s Presidential Retirement Benefits Act, former presidents receive pensions, staff allowances, vehicles, and other perks that can only be revoked through specific legal channels.
“Threatening to stop a former president’s benefits without due process raises serious constitutional concerns and could establish a dangerous precedent,” explained Jane Mwangi, a prominent Nairobi-based constitutional lawyer.
Political Tensions Escalate Despite December Truce
The public confrontation marks a deterioration in relations between the current and former presidents, despite a brief reconciliation in December 2024 when Ruto visited Kenyatta’s Gatundu home.
Political analysts view this latest dispute as positioning ahead of the 2027 general elections.
“Kenyatta appears to be cultivating an image as a youth champion, while Ruto’s inner circle works to consolidate power and neutralize potential opposition figures,” said Dr. Patrick Mutua, political science professor at the University of Nairobi.
Kenyatta’s representatives have defended his remarks as patriotic concern rather than political meddling.
“The former president is addressing the legitimate aspirations of Kenya’s youth who feel marginalized by current policies,” said a spokesperson who requested anonymity.
Broader Coalition Tensions Emerge
The dispute occurs amid signs of strain within Kenya’s political landscape, with reports that ODM Senator James Orengo has faced criticism from within his own party, with some colleagues suggesting he should “leave if unhappy with the broad-based government.” This indicates potential realignments as both the administration and opposition recalibrate their positions.
Meanwhile, President Ruto has reportedly addressed concerns from Nyanza leaders regarding MP Were’s assassination, highlighting the sensitive security climate in which these political exchanges are taking place.
As tensions escalate between the two political camps, many Kenyans worry about the impact of such high-profile disputes on national unity and governance priorities during a period of economic challenges.
The funeral service will be presided over by Cardinal Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old dean of the College of Cardinals.
The pope’s funeral service will begin at 10:00 a.m. (0800 GMT) in St. Peter’s Square, in front of the 16th-century basilica.
It will be presided over by Cardinal Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old dean of the College of Cardinals.
Among those attending from more than 150 countries will be Kenyan President William Ruto, U.S. President Donald Trump, as well as the presidents of Argentina, France, Gabon, Germany, Italy, the Philippines, Poland and Ukraine, together with the prime ministers of Britain and New Zealand, and many European royals.
Pope Francis, during his reign, shunned much of the pomp and privilege usually associated with the papacy, and he will carry that desire for greater simplicity into his funeral.
A view shows an area outside St. Peter’s Basilica where Pope Francis’s coffin is to be laid during his funeral ceremonies, at the Vatican, April 25, 2025. (Photo: REUTERS/Claudia Greco)
Whereas Pope John Paul II’s funeral in 2005 lasted three hours, the service on Saturday is due to take 90 minutes.
Francis also opted to forego a centuries-old practice of burying popes in three interlocking caskets made of cypress, lead and oak. Instead, he has been placed in a single, zinc-lined wooden coffin, which was sealed closed overnight.
In a further break with tradition, he will be the first pope to be buried outside the Vatican in more than a century. He chose Rome’s Basilica of St. Mary Major, some 4 km (2.5 miles) from St. Peter’s, as his final resting place.
His tomb has just “Franciscus”, his name in Latin, inscribed on the top. A reproduction of the simple, iron-plated cross he used to wear around his neck hangs above the marble slab.
Casket of Pope Francis being sealed, April 25, 2025. (Photo: Vatican Media/Simone Risoluti)
His funeral motorcade will drive him through the city for one last time, allowing Romans to say their farewells.
Below is a list of the main world leaders who have so far said they will attend Pope Francis’ funeral on Saturday in Saint Peter’s Square.
ALBANIA – President Bajram Bega.
ANGOLA – President Joao Lourenco.
ARGENTINA – President Javier Milei.
AUSTRIA – President Alexander Van der Bellen, Chancellor Christian Stocker.
BANGLADESH – Chief Adviser (interim leader) Muhammad Yunus.
BELGIUM – King Philippe and Queen Mathilde, Prime Minister Bart De Wever.
BRITAIN – Prince William and Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
BRAZIL – President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and first lady Janja Lula da Silva.
BULGARIA – Prime Minister Rossen Jeliazkov.
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – President Faustin-Archange Touadera.
CROATIA – President Zoran Milanovic.
CYPRUS – President Nikos Christodoulides.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO – President Felix Tshisekedi.
CZECH REPUBLIC – Prime Minister Petr Fiala.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC – President Luis Abinader.
ESTONIA – President Alar Karis.
EUROPEAN UNION – Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Council President Antonio Costa, Parliament President Roberta Metsola.
EAST TIMOR – President Jose Ramos-Horta.
ECUADOR – President Daniel Noboa.
FINLAND – President Alexander Stubb.
FRANCE – President Emmanuel Macron.
GABON – President Brice Oligui Nguema.
GERMANY – President Frank-Walter Steinmeier and outgoing chancellor Olaf Scholz.
GEORGIA – President Mikheil Kavelashvili.
GREECE – Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis.
HONDURAS – President Xiomara Castro.
HUNGARY – President Tamas Sulyok, Prime Minister Viktor Orban.
ICELAND – President Halla Tomasdottir.
ITALY – President Sergio Mattarella and Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.
IRELAND – President Michael D. Higgins, Prime Minister Micheal Martin.
INDIA – President Droupadi Murmu.
INDONESIA – President Joko Widodo.
JORDAN – King Abdullah and his wife Queen Rania.
KENYA – President William Ruto.
LATVIA – President Edgars Rinkevics.
LEBANON – President Joseph Aoun.
LESOTHO – King Letsie III.
LITHUANIA – President Gitanas Nauseda.
LUXEMBOURG – Prime Minister Luc Frieden.
MACEDONIA – President Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova.
MADAGASCAR – President Andry Rajoelina.
MALTA – President Myriam Spiteri Debon.
MOLDOVA – President Maia Sandu.
MONACO – Prince Albert and his wife Princess Charlene.
MONTENEGRO – President Jakov Milatovic.
MOROCCO – Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch.
MOZAMBIQUE – President Daniel Chapo.
NETHERLANDS – Prime Minister Dick Schoof.
NEW ZEALAND – Prime Minister Christopher Luxon.
NORWAY – Crown Prince Haakon and Crown Princess Mette-Marit.
PALESTINE – Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa.
PHILIPPINES – President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
POLAND – President Andrzej Duda.
PORTUGAL – President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa and Prime Minister Luis Montenegro.
QATAR – Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani.
ROMANIA – Interim President Ilie Bolojan.
SERBIA – Prime Minister Djuro Macut.
SEYCHELLES – President Wavel Ramkalawan.
SIERRA LEONE – President Julius Maada Bio.
SPAIN – King Felipe and Queen Letizia.
SLOVAKIA – President Peter Pellegrini.
SLOVENIA – President Natasa Pirc Musar.
SWEDEN – King Carl XVI Gustaf, Queen Silvia and Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson.
SWITZERLAND – President Karin Keller-Sutter.
TOGO – President Faure Gnassingbe.
UKRAINE – President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES – President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
UNITED NATIONS – Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.
UNITED STATES – President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump.
In a viral social media critique following meetings with top Kenyan officials, Vietnam Gas President Doanh Chau delivered a diplomatic rebuke of Kenya’s development strategy, specifically targeting President William Ruto’s ambitious affordable housing program.
“President Ruto wants to build public housing, but investors are scared off by petty corruption and legal instability,” wrote Chau in his detailed assessment.
“There are no credible incentives, no serious risk guarantees. In short, no real initiative to make it happen.”
The energy executive’s comments came after meeting with both President Ruto and Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi in Nairobi, where discussions reportedly centered on Kenya’s future investment, infrastructure, and public housing plans.
Mr. Chau in a group photo with PCS Mudavadi and other officials during his visit to Nairobi.
Chau’s critique went beyond housing to identify what he described as a fundamental flaw in Kenya’s development approach: “Kenya’s real problem is not a lack of money or talent. It’s the absence of long-term vision and the dominance of short-term gain.”
Infrastructure Gap Highlighted
Drawing a stark comparison between the two nations, Chau pointed to electricity infrastructure as the “biggest indicator” of development disparity:
“Vietnam: 100 million people, over 70 GW of power. Kenya: 50 million people, only 4 GW,” he noted.
This power gap, according to Chau, represents a critical barrier to economic development.
“No investor will build a factory where the lights flicker every day,” he stated, adding that Vietnam prioritized power generation before establishing free trade zones, enabling its emergence as a global export hub.
In contrast, he criticized Kenya’s infrastructure priorities, noting the country “built a fancy expressway from Nairobi to Mombasa without an export industry to support it” while millions lack basic utilities.
Asia vs. Africa: The Execution Culture
The Vietnam Gas president attributed Asia’s rapid development to fundamental differences in governance approach, stating that in Vietnam and Singapore:
– “Leaders are up at 5 a.m. working on execution, not speeches”
– “Power supply is constant”
– “Policies are consistent and data-driven”
– “Incentives align with performance”
Chau characterized Kenya’s tourism sector as “another missed opportunity,” citing bureaucratic hurdles like “90-minute check-ins at park gates” and limited offerings for visitors beyond souvenir markets.
His assessment concluded with a pointed recommendation: “Africa doesn’t lack potential—it lacks a mindset shift. Leadership must stop performing for the next donor visit or summit… The global window is closing. Asia isn’t waiting. If Kenya and much of Africa want a real economic future, they must turn off the microphone—and turn on the power.”
Serious questions are emerging over President William Ruto’s decision to welcome back a Chinese steel manufacturer previously banned from operating in Kenya due to serious safety concerns, the Nation has learned.
Rongtai Steel Company Limited, which was suspended by the Kenya Bureau of Standards (KEBS) just three months ago for producing substandard construction materials, is now part of a Sh106 billion investment package secured during President Ruto’s ongoing state visit to China.
The company has committed to investing $150 million (approximately Sh19 billion) to expand its operations in Kenya, including establishing a new steel production facility in Lukenya that promises to create 3,000 jobs.
From Ban to Billion-Shilling Deal
In January 2025, KEBS took the extraordinary step of suspending Rongtai’s manufacturing permits after market surveillance revealed the company was producing substandard ribbed bars—critical components used in building construction.
At that time, KEBS seized the company’s products, halted its production, and issued a public warning advising Kenyans against purchasing or using any Rongtai products.
“The use of substandard construction materials undermines the structural integrity of buildings and endangers public safety,” KEBS warned in its January public notice.
The Chinese firm, which established operations in Machakos County in September 2023 with an initial $30 million investment, was producing approximately 300,000 tons of rebar annually before the suspension.
Industry experts are questioning how a company deemed a public safety threat less than three months ago could now be embraced as a major investor without public explanation of what remedial measures have been implemented.
Timing Raises Eyebrows
The reinstatement comes at a sensitive time for Kenya’s construction sector.
Between 2009 and 2019, 86 buildings valued at over Sh2.4 billion collapsed in the country, according to the National Construction Authority.
Many of these incidents were attributed to substandard building materials and poor workmanship.
The suspension of Rongtai in January also coincided with President Ruto’s aggressive push for universal home ownership through his affordable housing program, which aims to construct 200,000 housing units annually.
Part of Larger Investment Package
At least 150 Chinese investors attended the Kenya-China Investor Roundtable held on the sidelines of President William Ruto’s State Visit to China.
The Rongtai deal was one of seven investment agreements worth a combined $823 million (Sh106 billion) signed during the second day of President Ruto’s four-day state visit to China.
Other major deals include:
– The leasing of Nairobi’s iconic Hilton and Intercontinental hotels to Chinese investors
– A $30 million chicken farm project by Shandong Jialiejia Agriculture
– A $20 million textile and garment manufacturing investment by Shangcheng Apparel Group
– A $50 million smart transport sector development by Jiubao Electronic Technology
– A $150 million Special Economic Zone in Kilifi county by China Yu Yi Construction
Safety Concerns
The It remains unclear on what measures the government has taken to ensure Rongtai’s compliance with Kenyan quality standards as no public announcement has been made yet by the authorities.
However, quick rehabilitation of Rongtai’s reputation raises important questions about the government’s commitment to public safety versus the pursuit of foreign investment and job creation.
It also underscores ongoing concerns about quality control in Kenya’s booming construction sector.
Industry watchdogs are calling for transparency regarding any remedial actions taken by Rongtai and whether the company has undergone new compliance inspections before being welcomed back as a major investor.
A member of Kenya’s elite Presidential Escort Unit died under mysterious circumstances on Tuesday evening after suddenly collapsing at Karen Police Station, officials confirmed today.
Sergeant Daniel Kipruto Kangogo collapsed while attempting to board a Toyota Prado vehicle parked at the station.
At the time of the incident, Kangogo was accompanied by Sergeant Ronald Rono, a fellow officer in the Presidential Escort Unit.
Despite being rushed to Karen Hospital, Kangogo was pronounced dead on arrival.
Authorities have not yet established the cause of death, and investigations are ongoing.
The Presidential Escort Unit, led by Noah Maiyo, is tasked with the security and protection of President William Ruto, the First Family, retired presidents, the Deputy President, visiting heads of state, and other designated VIPs as directed by the Inspector-General of Police.
This incident comes just weeks after another mysterious collapse made headlines when Komora Mubadi Jilo, a candidate for chairmanship of the National Police Service Commission, collapsed while waiting for his interview at the Public Service Commission offices on Harambee Avenue.
In an unrelated security incident, police recovered a loaded pistol that had been reported missing since February.
The weapon, a Jericho pistol with serial number KE.KP.44321352, was discovered wrapped in a blue carrier bag in a thicket behind Githiga Police Station in Kiambu County.
According to police reports, the firearm was found by a civilian clearing brush in the area.
The recovered weapon contained a magazine with 15 rounds of ammunition.
Authorities have launched investigations into both incidents.
Kisumu County Governor Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o has launched a scathing attack on President William Ruto’s administration, accusing it of undermining devolution and reverting to the autocratic governance style of the Moi era.
In a strongly-worded statement issued toda, Nyong’o declared that “the Ruto regime has decided to go back to pre-devolution times of the Nyayo era,” referring to former President Daniel arap Moi’s 24-year rule characterized by centralized power.
The statement comes amid growing discontent within the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) regarding the party’s agreement with President Ruto’s administration, despite party leader Raila Odinga’s support for the broad-based government arrangement.
“The 2010 constitution is a hindrance to its primitive accumulation schemes, which will affect not only Devolution but the very ethos of building a national democratic and developmental state,” Nyong’o stated.
The governor’s remarks follow a heated dispute between county governments and the national government over the management of roads funds, with Nyong’o questioning the necessity of the Kenya Urban Roads Authority (KURA) and the Kenya Rural Roads Authority (KERRA).
“KURA and KERRA need not exist if the national government is prepared to fully implement Devolution,” the governor asserted.
On Sunday, the president hinted at taking up the issue of road maintenance, insisting that leaving it to the national government would end the overlapping responsibilities and ensure effective management of resources.
While speaking at an Easter Sunday service at Ntulele, Narok County, the President assured that he would guarantee infrastructure development and long-term results if the funds are allocated to the national government.
Governors have consistently argued that they are equally entitled to the Road Maintenance Levy Fund (RMLF), insisting they are directly involved in road construction. They also argue that the fund originates from a shared fuel levy.
Nyong’o’s attack mirrors similar sentiments recently expressed by his Siaya counterpart, Governor James Orengo, who has been publicly critical of the UDA-ODM pact.
Many view this as evidence of deepening fractures within ODM regarding the party’s cooperation with President Ruto.
The Kisumu governor contrasted county governments’ performance with the national government’s, particularly highlighting healthcare management.
“The counties manage health effectively and efficiently. The national government cannot even manage Kenyatta National Hospital: one of the very few health entities in its hands,” he noted.
The statement concluded with a call to action, urging “the Council of Governors and all progressive forces in our Republic to be aware of this fact and to resist it by all means necessary.” Nyong’o dramatically added that “the achievements of the Second Liberation must not be destroyed by this regime.”
The governor’s remarks represent the most direct attack yet from a senior ODM figure on the Ruto administration since the political truce between the president and Raila Odinga was announced last year.
Nyong’o, a professor of political science and longtime Raila Odinga ally, retains his ODM party leadership position – a role he assumed when Raila launched his African Union Commission campaign.
His latest statement appears aimed at rallying county governments to defend devolution, which he suggests is under threat from centralizing tendencies of the current administration.
Former Agriculture Cabinet Secretary Mithika Linturi has categorically denied President William Ruto’s claims of ongoing talks between them, in what appears to be a complete severing of ties with the administration that once counted him among its top officials.
In an explosive interview with Weru TV, a vernacular station based in Meru, Linturi declared he has “crossed the Rubicon” and is now actively seeking opposition partners ahead of the 2027 elections, setting the stage for a potential political realignment in Kenya’s political landscape.
“This is what jolted me into speaking out and walking away from the government,” Linturi said, referring to President Ruto’s April 2 remarks in Maua suggesting the two were in discussions about him potentially joining the broad-based government.
“Nine months after I was hounded out of government, a pregnancy has come to term and a baby must be born. I have been quiet since I was fired but I have to come out and discount lies about me.”
Linturi was removed from the Cabinet in the aftermath of the Gen Z protests that rocked the country in June last year.
According to the former CS, his last communication with President Ruto occurred in December at State House, where the President reportedly told him he was “a victim of perception.”
“I would rather die on my feet than live on my knees”
In the interview, Linturi adopted a defiant tone, vowing that no form of enticement or intimidation would draw him back to Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).
“I don’t want his job; I am not interested. I will sort myself out,” he stated emphatically.
President William Ruto.
Perhaps most politically significant was Linturi’s revelation that he is now open to talks with several high-profile figures who have fallen out with the Ruto administration, including former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and former Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i, as well as opposition leader Kalonzo Musyoka.
“We need to reenact a 2002 moment in 2027,” Linturi said, alluding to the historic coalition that ended KANU’s long rule in Kenya.
Cold War with Head of Public Service
The former Agriculture CS also shed light on his troubled working relationship with Head of Public Service Felix Koskei during his tenure in the ministry.
“My relationship with Koskei was very bad,” Linturi revealed, as he attempted to clear his name over the controversial fake fertiliser scandal that plagued his time in office.
This account appears to corroborate former Deputy President Gachagua’s recent claims that the Agriculture Ministry during Linturi’s tenure was effectively being run by the President and the Head of Public Service.
In a startling revelation, Linturi claimed that on multiple occasions, appointment decisions were made using his name without his knowledge or consent.
“At one time, Imenti South MP Shadrack Mwiti requested that we retain Jenaro Gatangugi as a director in the Pyrethrum Company. I committed to do that on a Wednesday. However, to my shock, on a Friday, a gazette notice was published with my name firing Mr. Gatangugi,” he disclosed.
Fertiliser Scandal Clarification
Addressing the fertiliser scandal that dominated headlines during his tenure, Linturi distanced himself from any wrongdoing.
“As far as the fertiliser is concerned, I was not involved. After receiving the fertiliser donations from Russia and Algeria, I handed the consignment to NCPB. However, I later learnt that it had been given out as raw material for reformulation with directions from State House,” he explained.
His account contrasts with recent statements from Agriculture PS Paul Rono, who claimed Kenya received donations of fertiliser raw materials in powder form that were subsequently given to manufacturers through an open tender process for granulation and blending.
Regrets and Future Plans
Expressing regret over his support for Ruto in the 2022 elections, Linturi stated, “If I knew he would change, I could have done things differently. I can’t believe that after all the prayers we made, Ruto changed for the worse.”
The former CS revealed that he is in discussions with other politicians to form a regional political party, asserting that UDA has “significantly lost ground in Mt Kenya region.”
Looking toward the future, Linturi, who unsuccessfully vied for the Meru gubernatorial seat in 2022, indicated he has several options for 2027 but emphasized his commitment to opposing the current administration.
“We are now looking for appropriate partners. I wish Ruto all the best. There are no hard feelings. We have crossed the Rubicon. Let’s face off in 2027 as the people decide,” he concluded.
This dramatic political realignment could signal growing dissatisfaction within President Ruto’s former strongholds, potentially reshaping alliances as the country edges closer to the next general election.
President William Ruto has suspended Dr. Swarup Mishra as the chairperson of the Kenya BioVax Institute, effective immediately.
In a statement released on Friday, Ruto clarified that the suspension will remain in place until the completion of an investigation into allegations of unlawful kidney transplant procedures conducted at a hospital he founded.o said the suspension will remain in effect until a probe into allegations of illegal kidney transplant procedures in a hospital he founded is complete.
“The suspension shall remain in force pending the outcome of investigations into serious allegations of unethical and illegal activities involving kidney transplant procedures at Mediheal Hospital and Fertility Centre in Eldoret,” Ruto said.
In the statement, the President reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to fighting corruption, including upholding integrity in healthcare, public safety, and justice for victims.
The suspension comes barely six months after Ruto appointed Mishra to serve as chairman of the board of directors of the Biovax Institute for three years with effect from November 22, 2024.
Mishra is the proprietor of Mediheal Group of Hospitals and had served for one term as MP forKesses but lost to newcomer Julius Rutto in the last General Election.
The hospital has three branches in Eldoret, two in Nairobi and one in Nakuru.
He ran against the grain after he vied as an Independent and was considered a sympathiser of the Azimio side in a region that is President Ruto’s stronghold.
Mishra, who was known as a big spender on community projects and generous to a fault, had become a household name, especially in the Rift Valley region, where he was nicknamed “Kiprop” by the Kalenjin community.
On Wednesday, the government suspended all transplant services at the Mediheal Group of Hospitals.
The Ministry of Health said it specifically halted kidney transplant procedures at the facility following “credible concerns” from both the government and the public.
“Effective immediately, all transplant services — and in particular kidney transplant services — at Mediheal Group of Hospitals are hereby suspended until further notice,” the statement read.
Officials cited ethical issues as the reason for the shutdown.
“This decision follows credible concerns from government and citizens regarding the facility’s adherence to required ethical standards in the conduct of transplant procedures,” the Ministry said.
Kiharu Member of Parliament Ndindi Nyoro has issued a stark warning over Kenya’s ballooning debt, cautioning that the country risks joining Africa’s growing list of defaulters.
Nyoro said the public debt—now estimated at Sh11 trillion—is spiralling out of control, and any move to renegotiate it could trigger even worse economic fallout.
“The country is edging dangerously close to default,” Nyoro said at the Institute of Public Finance annual budget review, adding that ongoing debt restructuring talks, including a planned visit to China by President William Ruto, signal just how fragile the situation has become. “Any indication that we are unable to service our loans is more catastrophic to our economy.”
The outspoken MP, once a key ally of President Ruto and seen as his blue-eyed boy after the 2022 campaign, has increasingly distanced himself from the government.
His fallout with the president became apparent late last year when he refused to back the impeachment of Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua—now one of Ruto’s fiercest critic.
Shortly after, Nyoro was removed as chairman of the influential Budget and Appropriations Committee.
The former chair said Kenya’s debt has grown from under Sh2 trillion to Sh11 trillion over the past 12 years.
Under President Ruto’s administration alone, the debt has surged by more than Sh2 trillion, rising from Sh8.7 trillion to Sh10.9 trillion as of December 2024, according to Central Bank data. Local lenders account for 54 percent of this debt, while 46 percent is owed externally.
As the Treasury prepares the 2025/2026 budget—with projected spending of Ksh.4.2 trillion—Nyoro warned that debt servicing will consume nearly a quarter of that amount. Interest payments alone are expected to cost the country about Ksh.1 trillion, with Ksh.750 billion set aside for domestic debt and Ksh.200 billion for external repayment.
Nyoro also criticized the government’s aggressive tax regime, saying it has backfired on the economy. “Increasing taxes to get more revenue is a fallacy,” he said. “You end up distorting economic decisions. People stop spending and investing—and that means even the little revenue you hoped to raise never materializes.”
The remarks expose a deepening rift between the MP and the president, a dramatic shift from 2022 when Nyoro was one of Ruto’s most visible campaigners in the vote-rich Central Kenya region.
Now, as economic pressures mount, Nyoro has re-emerged as a vocal critic of the administration he once championed, joing the voices of dissent from Mt Kenya and other parts of the country.
In recent months, The Standard newspaper has turned into a political circus. Its front pages scream with sensational headlines, seemingly hell-bent on tearing down President William Ruto’s administration.
From wild corruption claims to exaggerated public discontent, the paper has adopted a tone that smells more of vengeance than journalism.
And guess what? Gideon Moi owns the Standard—Ruto’s political rival and the man who lost his Baringo Senate seat in a humiliating defeat to Ruto’s UDA wave.
Connect the dots, and it begins to look like the crazy headlines are not just random—they’re part of a desperate political script.
The Standard’s headlines aren’t accidental. They’re calculated. And they serve a clear agenda: weaken Ruto, bait him into a handshake, and revive Gideon Moi’s fading political fortunes. [Photo/Courtesy]
Standard Headlines and Gideon Moi’s Political Desperation
Let’s not beat around the bush: The Standard has been on a mission. And it’s not journalism—it’s politics disguised as newsprint. Owned by Gideon Moi’s Standard Group, the paper has been publishing some of the most aggressive, sometimes absurd headlines targeting President Ruto’s leadership.
Why now? Why the intensity? Because Gideon Moi is cornered. He once thought his name alone, as son of Kenya’s second president, would guarantee him political relevance.
But the 2022 elections shattered that illusion. He was swept aside by Ruto’s UDA tsunami, losing not just his seat but the very grip his family had on Rift Valley politics for decades.
And now, what we’re witnessing in The Standard is not editorial independence—it’s political blackmail.
The headlines have a pattern. They paint Ruto as weak, embattled, and corrupt. They amplify dissent and fabricate chaos.
They’re not meant to inform—they’re meant to rattle Ruto into one thing: a political handshake with Gideon Moi. This isn’t journalism. It’s a smokescreen for political bargaining.
Rift Valley Rivalry: Moi vs. Ruto, Old vs. New
To understand this political warfare, you need to know the players. William Ruto and Gideon Moi both hail from Rift Valley. But that’s where the similarity ends.
Ruto is the hustler-turned-president, a political outsider who clawed his way to the top. Gideon Moi is a dynastic prince, born into privilege and protected by legacy—until the people finally rejected him.
Ruto’s rise disrupted the old political order. He outmaneuvered not just Gideon, but also the Kalenjin old guard that propped up the Moi dynasty.
He built UDA from the ground up and used it to crush KANU’s dominance in the region. In the end, Gideon didn’t just lose an election—he lost a kingdom.
Now, the headlines in The Standard seem to be a last-ditch effort by Gideon to remain politically relevant.
If he can’t beat Ruto on the ballot, maybe he can destabilize him through media warfare. Maybe, just maybe, he can force Ruto to reach out in the name of “Kalenjin unity.” But unity doesn’t come through blackmail. And political truce isn’t built on tabloid tantrums.
The Talai Elders’ Push: A Blessing or a Trap?
Cue the Talai Council of Elders. They’ve now entered the chat, urging a handshake between Ruto and Moi “for the sake of Kalenjin unity.”
They invoke the name of Koitaleel Samoei, the legendary Nandi spiritual leader, and appeal to the cultural weight of reconciliation.
Their message? Ruto should bring Gideon into government. He should forgive, forget, and include the very politicians he buried at the ballot. They even want former ministers like Henry Kosgei and Sally Kosgey back in play—all in the name of unity.
But is this unity—or is it a trap? Let’s call it what it is. The elders’ appeal, while noble on the surface, looks suspiciously coordinated with the noise from The Standard.
One creates chaos in public perception, and the other offers a way out through a handshake. Classic carrot-and-stick politics. It smells of desperation and backroom deals.
Gideon Moi himself has played coy, saying he only needs a “handshake with the people of Baringo.” But his media empire is clearly pushing for something bigger—access, influence, and a ticket back into power through the back door.
If Ruto gives in, it won’t be for unity—it will be a political compromise that weakens his presidency. And that’s exactly what Gideon Moi wants.
Standard Headlines Aren’t Just Ink—They’re Strategy
Let’s not pretend this is a media freedom story. It’s not about press scrutiny of power—it’s about a former powerbroker using media as his last weapon.
Gideon Moi may have lost his seat, but he still owns the ink—and he’s using it to write himself back into the conversation.
The Standard’s headlines aren’t accidental. They’re calculated. And they serve a clear agenda: weaken Ruto, bait him into a handshake, and revive Gideon Moi’s fading political fortunes.
President Ruto should read between the headlines. The Rift Valley doesn’t need recycled leadership—it needs forward momentum.
And the Kalenjin community doesn’t need forced unity—it needs honest, accountable leadership rooted in merit, not media manipulation.
In the end, the headlines might scream loud. But they reveal more about Gideon Moi’s panic than they do about Ruto’s presidency.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua made explosive allegations against President William Ruto, claiming that the head of state disregarded diplomatic advice and prioritised his personal business interests in the controversial decision to recognise Kosovo, a move that has reportedly strained Kenya’s relations with several countries, including Serbia and Russia.
In a candid interview with KTN, Gachagua revealed that senior officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs approached him in confidence, expressing grave concerns about the president’s insistence on recognising Kosovo despite its strong international ramifications.
“A very senior officer from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs came to see me. They told me that internationally, it is unwise for the Kenyan government to acknowledge or recognise Kosovo and that such recognition would create problems internationally,” he said.
According to Gachagua, the officials were too afraid to confront the president directly and sought his intervention instead. When Gachagua approached President Ruto with his concerns, the president allegedly erupted into a rage.
“I said, ‘Mr President, senior officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have come to see me over this matter,’ and he was mad. He wanted to know who they were. I said, ‘I cannot tell you because you will fire them.’”
Gachagua claims the president dismissed his concerns, responding angrily, “Go to hell. I am the president. I make decisions in this country, and if you don’t like it, you can quit this government.”
The former deputy president said he later discovered the motive behind the president’s adamant stance.
“I came to realise later that President Ruto and the President of Kosovo have a business deal involving a hotel in Mombasa — the Dolphin Hotel. It is a joint venture,” Gachagua alleged.
He went on to accuse President Ruto of placing his personal commercial interests above national diplomatic priorities. “Because of the president’s selfish commercial interests, we are now in trouble with Serbia and Russia. This is not right,” he said.
Gachagua suggested that his attempt to act in the country’s best interest may have contributed to the deterioration of his relationship with President Ruto. “He really hated me for raising that matter. He was very bitter.”
On March 26, 2025, Kenya recognised Kosovo as an independent state, the first country to do so after nearly five years of stalled efforts to gain further international recognition.
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008 but is not a United Nations member due to opposition from Serbia and its allies, including U.N. veto holders Russia and China.
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi is losing sleep. Insiders reveal that he could be on the verge of demotion as President William Ruto prepares for another significant cabinet reshuffle.
Powerful forces within State House are pressuring Ruto to strip Mudavadi of the prestigious Foreign Affairs docket, citing his failure to defend Kenya’s global reputation.
His critics argue that despite decades of political experience under Daniel arap Moi, Mwai Kibaki, and now Ruto, Mudavadi has failed to elevate Kenya’s diplomatic standing.
Comparisons with past foreign affairs ministers paint a bleak picture, placing him among the worst performers.
With Kenya facing global isolation over Gen-Z protests and rampant corruption, calls for his removal are growing louder.
Musalia Mudavadi’s Disastrous Tenure in Foreign Affairs
The Foreign Affairs docket demands a sharp, persuasive diplomat to clean up Kenya’s tarnished image. But Mudavadi has failed spectacularly. State House officials accuse him of lacking the charisma and aggressiveness needed to secure Kenya’s place on the global stage.
Unlike his predecessors—Robert Ouko, Kalonzo Musyoka, and Amina Mohamed—Mudavadi has struggled to build international alliances.
Ruto, now a diplomatic pariah, receives fewer state invitations than ever before. His isolation stems from accusations of human rights violations and deep-seated corruption within his administration.
Foreign policy analysts argue that Mudavadi’s lack of dynamism has left Kenya exposed.
Instead of proactively engaging with global leaders, he has taken a passive approach, allowing Kenya’s influence to diminish.
His inability to counter the negative publicity surrounding Ruto’s administration has only worsened the situation.
Calls for a More Effective Diplomat
Kenya Kwanza power brokers want a strong foreign affairs minister who can mend diplomatic ties and counter Kenya’s worsening global image. They envision a figure who can restore the country’s credibility, much like past diplomatic heavyweights.
With the international community shunning Ruto, his allies see Mudavadi’s failure as a liability. The demand for a fresh face at the helm of Foreign Affairs grows stronger by the day.
Names such as Ababu Namwamba and former CS Amina Mohamed have been floated as potential replacements.
These individuals are seen as more capable of navigating Kenya out of its diplomatic quagmire and rebuilding relationships with key allies.
A Demotion to Devolution?
Speculation is rife that Ruto may reintroduce the Ministry of Devolution and assign Mudavadi there. The move would be a clear demotion, signaling Ruto’s dwindling trust in him.
If the reshuffle proceeds as planned, Mudavadi’s political influence could take a massive hit.
The Devolution docket, while important, lacks the prestige and international clout of Foreign Affairs. It is viewed as a way to sideline a once-powerful figure without outright dismissal.
Sources within Kenya Kwanza suggest that Mudavadi’s failure to manage diplomatic relations has created an opportunity for his rivals.
Some see this as a calculated move by Ruto to weaken Mudavadi’s political ambitions ahead of the 2027 elections.
What’s Next for Mudavadi?
Will Ruto cast aside one of his top allies to salvage his global standing? The coming days will reveal whether Mudavadi survives the purge or faces an embarrassing reassignment.
Mudavadi’s fate now depends on Ruto’s strategy. If the president sees him as an obstacle to his administration’s international rebranding, he will likely be demoted. However, if Ruto values Mudavadi’s loyalty, he may offer him a lifeline, albeit in a less powerful role.
Either way, the reshuffle is expected to shake up Kenya’s political landscape. If Mudavadi is axed from Foreign Affairs, it will be a clear message that Ruto is willing to sacrifice even his closest allies to maintain his grip on power.
For now, all eyes are on State House as Kenya waits for the next political bombshell. Will Mudavadi fight back, or will he quietly accept his fate? The clock is ticking.
The walls are closing in on once-untouchable city tycoon Humphrey Kariuki, the elusive billionaire who famously juggled Kenyan business empires while quietly clutching a Cyprus passport.
Long regarded as a kingmaker lurking behind the political curtains, Kariuki had wormed his way into the innermost circles of President William Ruto’s administration — reportedly whispering advice into the highest ears and greasing the wheels of key state deals.
His re-entry into government corridors had been discreet but powerful, with his business tentacles reaching from high-end liquor to energy projects and even heavy interests in wildlife conservancies.
However, in the ever-volatile world of power and patronage, Kariuki’s golden run has spectacularly hit the rocks.
Word from the grapevine is that the self-styled “shadow advisor” has not only fallen out with the Ruto inner circle — he’s been declared persona non grata in top offices he once sauntered into without an appointment.
Sources whisper that Kariuki’s ambition to tighten his grip on strategic government projects — including lucrative energy contracts and new state-backed conservation initiatives — rubbed key insiders the wrong way.
What began as silent grumblings snowballed into a full-blown palace cold war, culminating in his humiliating blacklisting.
Insiders say attempts by Kariuki to summon his old political comrades for “crisis talks” have been met with silent phones and empty boardrooms.
A man who once pulled political strings now finds himself ghosted by the very leaders he helped position.
To make matters worse, there’s panic within Kariuki’s sprawling empire — which includes stakes in alcohol distribution (he was once in a bitter court battle over unpaid taxes involving Africa Spirits Ltd.), private energy firms, and exclusive hospitality chains.
Insiders warn that his loss of influence could lead to frozen contracts, regulatory headwinds, and quiet sabotage of his flagship businesses.
One close confidant — speaking under strict anonymity — revealed, “The real fear now is not just political exile. It’s financial isolation. Without the government’s goodwill, some of Kariuki’s deals will collapse like a house of cards.”
As the man himself retreats into reclusive silence, the once-golden boy of Kenya’s high society may be facing the beginning of the end — a slow, painful unravelling that even his offshore passports may not be able to save him from.
The saga is messy, the stakes are colossal — and if whispers are to be believed, the real bombshells are yet to drop.
President William Ruto has announced that the government will release Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) funds by the end of the week, providing relief to thousands of students awaiting financial support.
Speaking at the inauguration of the Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Laboratory at Kinyanjui Technical Training Institute in Nairobi’s Dagoretti area, Ruto acknowledged the challenges faced by students due to delayed HELB disbursements.
“We have been having issues when it comes to HELB. So yesterday, I was with the leaders in charge, and they said there were some issues with the HELB Board,” Ruto said.
The Head of State assured of measures to resolve preveiling challenges, emphasizing the importance of ensuring that all students receive their allocated funds.
“Today, the Head of Public Service is attending to the issues, and I have told them that by Friday, the money should be released to the youth of this country,” he said.
Ruto made the announcement in the wake of recent protests by university students over delayed HELB disbursements.
Student protests
In February, students from the University of Nairobi and Egerton University stormed HELB’s headquarters at Anniversary Towers in Nairobi, expressing frustration over the financial delays.
The Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) is a state agency under the Ministry of Education, established in 1995 with the primary mandate of providing loans, bursaries, and scholarships to Kenyan students pursuing higher education.
HELB’s funding model combines loans, scholarships, and household contributions based on a Means Testing Instrument (MTI) that assesses the financial needs of applicants.
The board plays a crucial role in promoting access to higher education by disbursing funds that cover tuition fees and living expenses for students.
The government disbursed a total of Sh3.32 billion by January 31, for first- and second-year students during the 2024/2025 academic year.
These disbursements, made through HELB, cover students’ upkeep, with loans ranging from Sh40,000 to Sh60,000 per student.
In a bombshell interview on KTN News this Monday, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua threw a Molotov cocktail into the heart of Kenya’s already embattled financial and political landscape.
Without naming names—or banks—he hinted heavily at a shadowy scheme involving a senior official in President William Ruto’s administration, a recently acquired local bank, and the contentious Housing Levy and Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) contributions. “I know these things because I was there when they were happening,” Gachagua declared, his tone dripping with insider gravitas.
The implication? A powerful figure has snapped up a financial institution to funnel billions from these controversial programs, leaving Kenyans buzzing with speculation—and one name keeps surfacing: Sidian Bank.
Gachagua’s cryptic revelations didn’t explicitly finger Sidian, but the rumor mill didn’t need a map to connect the dots.
“There’s a bank that the people in power have bought, and the housing levy funds have been kept there—close to Kes 100 billion has been collected so far,” he alleged.
The timing, he claimed, was suspiciously convenient: the acquisition happened “just when they had entered office.”
Social media lit up almost instantly, with sharp-eyed Kenyans pointing to Sidian Bank—a tier-III lender with a tangled ownership history and whispers of high-level ties—as the likely suspect. Could this be the financial vault where Kenya’s hard-earned contributions are being stashed?
A Bank in the Spotlight: Sidian’s Murky Ownership Trail
Sidian Bank, formerly K-Rep Bank, has long been a player in Kenya’s financial scene, serving small-to-medium enterprises and the urban poor since its founding in 1984. But its ownership saga reads like a corporate thriller.
In 2015, Centum Investment Company swooped in, acquiring a majority stake and rebranding it as Sidian in 2016. Fast forward to 2023, and the plot thickened: Centum offloaded a hefty 38.91 percent chunk to a consortium of local and UAE-based investors, reducing its hold to 44.52 percent through its subsidiary, Bakki Holdco Limited.
The deal, valued at Sh1.98 billion for Centum alone, saw Pioneer General Insurance Limited—backed by shadowy UAE firms like Abcon International LLC, Parkview Investments Limited, and Medillon Trading FZE—emerge as a key shareholder with a 20 percent stake.
The UAE connection raised eyebrows, but Gachagua’s allegations add a spicier twist: was this sale a front for a powerful Kenyan figure pulling strings behind the scenes? “The bank was bought by the said senior official through his proxies,” he claimed, leaving just enough ambiguity to dodge a lawsuit while fueling the fire.
Business Daily reported in April 2024 that the original founders and individual shareholders pocketed Sh841.66 million in the sell-off, with K-Rep Group and others cashing out entirely.
Sidian’s valuation then stood at Sh5.08 billion—a modest sum for a bank now allegedly sitting on a multibillion-shilling jackpot.
The SHA and Housing Levy Quagmire: A Scandal Waiting to Explode
Gachagua’s bombshell lands amid a storm of public outrage over the Housing Levy and SHIF—two flagship Ruto administration programs mired in controversy.
The Housing Levy, a 1.5 percent salary deduction aimed at funding affordable homes, has been a lightning rod since its inception under the Finance Act 2023.
Critics, including Gachagua himself, have called it “a deception disguised as job creation,” arguing it burdens salaried workers while offering little tangible benefit.
The High Court struck it down as unconstitutional in November 2023, citing its discriminatory targeting of formal-sector employees, only for the government to resurrect it via the Affordable Housing Act 2024—prompting fresh lawsuits from groups like the Kenya Human Rights Commission.
SHIF, its healthcare twin, fares no better. Replacing the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF), it demands 2.75 percent of monthly salaries, sparking accusations of inefficiency and opacity.
President Ruto has touted both as pillars of his Universal Health Coverage and housing agendas, but the rollout has been a mess—plagued by delays, corruption allegations, and public distrust.
The Federation of Kenya Employers warned in January 2025 that these deductions, combined with PAYE and other taxes, devour up to 45 percent of workers’ paychecks, leaving many with “less than one-third of their salary.”
Gachagua’s claim that nearly Sh100 billion from these schemes is parked in a single bank only deepens the suspicion of a grand heist.
Sidian’s Convenient Role: Coincidence or Conspiracy?
Here’s where the speculation gets juicy. Eagle-eyed Kenyans on X have unearthed past ads positioning Sidian Bank as a go-to for SHIF contributions—a detail that aligns eerily with Gachagua’s hints.
A past newspaper advertisement for Sidian Bank.
Mainstream chatter has long swirled about a senior state official strong-arming parastatals to channel funds into a favored bank, a rumor that’s gained traction since Centum’s partial exit from Sidian.
Posts on X from February 24, 2025, amplify the buzz: “Riggy G claims Ruto bought a bank for affordable housing and SHIF cash. KOX KOT say it’s Sidian. True?” Another quipped, “All the levies deposited to a bank owned by Kasongo—he’s trading with our money while supplying hardware too. Devil incarnate.”
Some of the comments following Rigathi’s claims on TV.
Sidian’s financials don’t scream “cash cow” on the surface— it posted a Sh447.96 million net loss in 2023—but its access to long-term financing from entities like the East African Development Bank and Dutch FMO suggests it’s well-positioned to handle big inflows.
Could it be the perfect vessel for a high-stakes money shuffle? Gachagua’s refusal to name the bank keeps the story legally slippery, but the breadcrumbs lead straight to Sidian’s door.
Ruto’s Shadow and Political Fallout
The unspoken target of Gachagua’s ire? President Ruto himself. Their fallout—culminating in Gachagua’s impeachment in October 2024—has turned the ex-deputy into a loose cannon, eager to spill tea on the administration he once helped lead.
His claim that the bank purchase coincided with their 2022 entry into office points to a calculated move by someone at the top.
Ruto’s defenders, including the man himself, have shrugged off such attacks, with the President embracing his “Zakayo” tax-collector nickname and vowing to push ahead with his agenda. “Even if they call me Zakayo, so long as I deliver, I have no problem,” he said in Busia on January 23, 2025.
Yet, the stakes are soaring. Kenya’s economy is reeling from inflation, debt, and a restive workforce fed up with shrinking payslips. Gachagua’s warning that “3.3 million taxpayers could sway the 2027 election” looms large, especially if voters connect the dots between their deductions and an alleged banking bonanza.
If Sidian—or any bank—is indeed a Ruto-linked piggy bank, the fallout could dwarf past scandals.
The Verdict: Smoke, Mirrors, and Billions
For now, Gachagua’s allegations remain just that—tantalizing hints wrapped in plausible deniability. Sidian Bank hasn’t commented, and Centum’s silence only thickens the intrigue.
But the pieces fit too neatly to dismiss: a bank with fresh UAE and local owners, a government desperate for cash, and a former insider crying foul.
Whether it’s Sidian or another player, one thing’s clear: the Housing Levy and SHIF scandals are far from over. Kenyans, already squeezed dry, deserve answers—and they’re watching closely.
As the rumor mill churns and lawsuits pile up, this saga promises more twists. Stay tuned—because if Gachagua’s right, the lid on this financial Pandora’s box is barely screwed on.
Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has said that President William Ruto stands to lose 2027 elections, even with Raila Odinga’s support, citing incompetence and loss of public support.
Sifuna said Ruto has failed to manage the country’s internal and international affairs, making the grounds for re-election severely slim.
Appearing on Citizen TV Thursday morning, Sifuna argued Ruto’s administration has destroyed lives, weakened the economy, and allowed the killing of people.
Sifuna, who douples up as Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Secretarty General, said the party will not support Ruto’s administration, as suggested by some party members.
He criticized a section of ODM MPs who pledged support for Ruto following the African Union Commission (AUC) election.
“As ODM, I’m telling you, and I’ve said it on this show, my position is that even if ODM supports Ruto, Ruto will still lose. I have said it here, and I repeat it. So, I want to make it very clear that, as a party, we do not support either the internal affairs or the external affairs of this country as they are being run,” Sifuna said.
The Secretary General emphasized that ODM is a party of order and hierarchy, and the decision on whom to support lies with its leader, Raila Odinga.
Sifuna urged ODM members to remain steadfast and wait for Raila’s directive upon his return.
He dismissed speculations that Ruto’s support for Raila during the AUC chairmanship race would influence ODM’s political direction.
“Are you telling me that if William Ruto had driven off and left Raila behind, there would have been no vehicle to take him to the venue? Let’s be serious as a party,” Sifuna said while commenting on Ruto’s move to share a ride on his official car with Raila.
This statement comes as the ODM party navigates a turbulent political storm, with internal divisions deepening over whether to support President Ruto’s government.
The debate arose after President Ruto showed immense support for ODM’s party leader during the AUC campaigning period and the election itself.
However, Raila lost the AUC seat to Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf in a fiercely contested race. Youssouf secured the two-thirds threshold with 33 votes in the seventh round of voting.
Youssouf’s victory marks Kenya’s second unsuccessful attempt to secure the AUC chairmanship, following a similar defeat in 2017 when Moussa Faki of Chad defeated Kenya’s candidate, Amina Mohamed.
Raila conceded defeat in the race, expressing gratitude to his supporters and emphasizing the importance of respecting democratic processes in Africa.
“I had offered myself as a candidate. Over the last few months, I have traveled across the continent, engaging with different leaders and canvassing for their votes. Today, they have expressed their will,” Odinga said.
“As it is, we did not succeed. We must strengthen democracy on the African continent, and I am therefore conceding defeat. I want us to use this as an example of how to reinforce democratic values across Africa.”
Odinga congratulated Youssouf and wished him success in his new role.
“I want to wish my competitor, Ali Youssouf, all the best and success in his new role. I also want to thank all the member states who voted for me—and those who did not—because, in doing so, they exercised their democratic rights. This is how democracy should work,” he added.
Kenya has responded to threats issued by Sudan’s military junta, which warned of “unknown consequences” for allowing the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to hold a convention in Nairobi.
In a diplomatically nuanced statement issued on Wednesday, Kenya clarified its role in the Sudan peace talks, emphasizing its history of conflict mediation and reaffirming its commitment to providing a neutral platform for all parties involved.
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi stated that Kenya remains dedicated to collaborating with regional bodies, including the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), to support Sudanese-led efforts toward stability.
“Kenya has a long history of providing platforms for peace negotiations without taking sides,” said Mudavadi. “We strongly believe the crisis in Sudan can only be resolved through dialogue, not military force.”
Kenya also reaffirmed its alignment with the AU Charter on the Unconstitutional Change of Government, supporting the AU’s October 2021 decision to suspend Sudan from its activities.
The government highlighted that Sudanese groups have previously sought solutions through regional partners, including a January 2024 meeting in a neighboring country where stakeholders discussed the return to civilian rule.
Mudavadi noted that the recent presentation of a roadmap by the RSF and Sudanese civilian groups in Nairobi aligns with Kenya’s role in facilitating dialogue.
“We continue to offer a non-partisan space for conflicting parties to find common ground,” Mudavadi said. “Kenya stands in solidarity with the Sudanese people as they determine their future governance through inclusive discussions.”
He urged all stakeholders to engage in constructive dialogue to safeguard Sudan’s security and regional stability, adding that Kenya remains ready, both individually and through regional mechanisms, to support any agreed-upon efforts to restore peace.
Sudan’s Accusations Against Kenya
On Wednesday, February 19, Sudan condemned Kenya for allowing opposition forces to gather at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre (KICC) in Nairobi to discuss forming a parallel government. This came hours after RSF deputy leader Major General Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo postponed plans to establish a “peace government” until Friday.
In a strongly worded statement, Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Kenya of dishonoring agreements and supporting the RSF’s alleged war crimes and human rights violations.
“Hosting leaders of the terrorist RSF militia and allowing them to conduct political and propaganda activities—while they continue to perpetrate genocide, massacre civilians on an ethnic basis, attack IDP camps, and commit acts of rape—constitutes an endorsement of and complicity in these heinous crimes,” the ministry said.
Sudan’s top army general Abdel Fattah al- Burhan
The Sudanese government further accused Kenya of violating regional diplomatic principles and breaching pledges made at the highest levels to prevent hostile activities against Sudan on Kenyan soil.
“This act by the Kenyan government is not only a violation of good neighborliness but also amounts to hostility against the Sudanese people,” the ministry added.
Sudan also accused Kenya of undermining African state sovereignty and interfering in its internal affairs. It urged the international community to condemn Kenya’s actions and vowed to take necessary measures to “redress the balance.”
RSF Meeting in Nairobi
On Wednesday, RSF supporters gathered at the KICC in Nairobi, singing, dancing, and chanting slogans in praise of their leaders. RSF leader Mohamed Dagalo, also known as “Hemedti,” was absent, but his brother and deputy attended. The meeting, intended to establish a parallel government, was postponed to Friday for the second time.
This development comes weeks after Sudanese Foreign Minister Ali al-Sadiq visited Kenya in January, claiming that Nairobi had revised its stance on the Sudan conflict.
“Nairobi has reconsidered its position towards Sudan based on new developments in the war. The idea of the RSF taking power in the country is over,” al-Sadiq said at the time.
Strained Diplomatic Ties
Since Sudan’s 2021 coup, diplomatic relations between the two East African nations have been tense. In 2023, Sudan’s military leader, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, rejected the nomination of Kenyan President William Ruto as a peace mediator, instead favoring South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. Burhan has accused Nairobi of sympathizing with the RSF.
In a fiery interview on Citizen TV’s panel discussion hosted by Trevor Ombija, Willis Otieno, the Deputy Leader of the Safina Party, launched a scathing attack on President William Ruto, accusing him of orchestrating Raila Odinga’s failure to secure the African Union Commission (AUC) Chairmanship.
Otieno, a vocal political analyst and lawyer, argued that Ruto’s personal interests and diplomatic missteps cost Kenya the prestigious continental position, which he believed was Raila’s for the taking.
Ruto’s Diplomatic Missteps and the SADC Factor
Otieno pointed to Kenya’s strained relations with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as a critical factor in Raila’s loss. He claimed that Kenya’s controversial stance on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which contradicted SADC’s position, alienated key regional allies. “We lost this election the moment we lost SADC,” Otieno asserted. “And we lost SADC purely because Kenya had taken a position in the DRC that was contrary to the SADC position.”
He placed the blame squarely on President Ruto, stating, “The person who must take ultimate political responsibility for the failure of the Kenyan state is William Ruto. What went wrong is William Ruto failed the people of Kenya in terms of his diplomatic maneuvers and his personal interests.”
Ruto’s Calculated Campaign Against Raila
Otieno went further, alleging that Ruto actively worked to undermine Raila’s continental influence. He claimed that Ruto orchestrated a calculated campaign within the African Union to diminish Raila’s diplomatic stature, including lobbying against his continued tenure as the AU High Representative for Infrastructure. “In a decisive maneuver, he formally petitioned the AU to rescind Raila’s appointment as the High Representative for Infrastructure, a role he had occupied since 2018,” Otieno revealed.
This move, according to Otieno, was not just a political maneuver but a clear indication of Ruto’s determination to curtail Raila’s influence beyond Kenya’s borders. “Actively working to have Raila removed from an international role underscores the lingering political rivalry between them, despite their public gestures of reconciliation,” he said.
Personal Interests Over National Interests
Otieno accused Ruto of prioritizing his personal interests over Kenya’s national interests. He argued that Ruto saw Raila’s potential AU victory as a threat to his local political support base. “William Ruto saw this as an opportunity to pursue personal interests, and the personal interest was that if Raila were to win in the AU, he would be able to bring himself to get his local political support base,” Otieno explained.
He painted a vivid picture of Ruto’s hypothetical reaction to a Raila victory: “I do believe that if Raila were declared the winner, William Ruto’s presidential jet would have landed at Kisumu Airport, he would have done a rally at Kondele to just create a national wave that would help him gain that constituency.”
A Rejection of Ruto’s Leadership
Otieno also criticized Ruto’s leadership style, suggesting that the AU bid was more about Ruto than Raila. “I do not take it that this was a Raila election; the person who was on the ballot at the AU was William Ruto,” he said. “We had in the municipal realm rejected him, he took himself to the continent hiding behind Raila Odinga, and the continent also rejected him.”
He called for a shake-up in Kenya’s diplomatic leadership, particularly targeting Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi. “Musalia Mudavadi needs to be fired. The gaps that we have had in the Foreign Ministry are not serving the interests of this nation at all. There should be a change in the leadership at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” Otieno declared.
Otieno’s remarks raise broader questions about Kenya’s diplomatic positioning within the AU. Was Ruto’s opposition to Raila driven purely by local political calculations, or was he aligning with other regional interests? Otieno suggested that Ruto’s actions signaled a perception of Raila not just as a domestic competitor but as a figure whose influence needed to be neutralized at a continental level.
Ultimately, Otieno’s narrative paints a picture of a missed opportunity for Kenya, one that was squandered by internal political rivalries and diplomatic missteps.
President William Ruto has called on the African Union (AU) to formally recognize Haiti as part of Africa’s Sixth Region. Speaking at the 38th Ordinary Assembly of the AU in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, President Ruto proposed the adoption of a Draft Declaration on AU Solidarity with Haiti.
The proposal, announced by State House Spokesman Hussein Mohammed, seeks to affirm Haiti’s historical and cultural ties to Africa and ensure sustained support for the Caribbean nation, which is grappling with a devastating security and humanitarian crisis.
The Draft Declaration, also advocates for the transition of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti into a full-fledged United Nations Peacekeeping Operation.
This proposal comes as Kenya prepares to lead the MSS mission, deploying 1,000 police officers to Haiti in a bid to restore order and combat the rampant gang violence that has paralyzed the nation.
Haiti’s Crisis:
Haiti’s turmoil has intensified since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021. The power vacuum has been exploited by armed gangs, leading to widespread violence and lawlessness.
As of October 2024, gangs controlled approximately 80% of Port-au-Prince, the nation’s capital, resulting in over 3,661 deaths and displacing around 700,000 people within the year.
The Haitian National Police, undermined by limited resources and support, have struggled to combat these well-armed groups effectively.
Kenya’s Role in Haiti
In response to international calls for assistance, Kenya has taken a leading role in the MSS Mission in Haiti. The United Nations Security Council authorized this mission in October 2023, aiming to assist Haitian authorities in restoring law and order.
Kenya’s commitment has been substantial; by January 2025, it had deployed over 600 police officers to Haiti, working alongside personnel from countries such as Jamaica, Guatemala, and El Salvador.
Despite these efforts, the mission has faced challenges, including insufficient funding and equipment, which have hindered its overall effectiveness.
A new contingent of 144 Kenyan police officers was sent to Port-au-Prince, Haiti in January to join the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission aimed at combating gang violence in the Caribbean nation.
President Ruto’s call for Haiti’s inclusion in the AU’s Sixth Region underscores a broader vision of pan-African solidarity.
By integrating Haiti more closely with African institutions, there is potential for enhanced cultural, economic, and political ties.
This move could also pave the way for more robust support mechanisms to address the ongoing crisis in Haiti, leveraging the collective resources and influence of the African continent.
President Ruto has framed Kenya’s involvement as a moral obligation, citing Haiti’s historical ties to Africa. “Haiti is the daughter of the African continent,” Ruto stated during a recent address. “Their struggle is our struggle, and their freedom is our freedom.”
The proposal to declare Haiti as Africa’s Sixth Region is seen as an extension of this sentiment.
The concept of a “Sixth Region” refers to the African diaspora, which the AU has long sought to engage as part of its broader vision for continental unity and development.
Haiti, with its predominantly African-descended population and rich cultural heritage, holds a special place in this narrative.
Historical Ties: Haiti and Africa
Haiti’s connection to Africa dates back to the transatlantic slave trade, which brought millions of Africans to the Caribbean.
The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), led by figures like Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, was a defining moment in the fight against colonialism and slavery.
The revolution not only established Haiti as an independent nation but also inspired liberation movements across Africa and the Americas.
In recent years, Haiti has sought closer ties with the AU, becoming a full member in 2016. However, the country’s inclusion as part of Africa’s Sixth Region would mark a significant symbolic and political shift, potentially unlocking new avenues for support and collaboration.
Challenges
While President Ruto’s proposal has been welcomed by some as a bold and visionary move, it has also raised questions about its feasibility and implications. Critics argue that the AU, which already faces numerous challenges across the continent, may lack the resources and political will to take on Haiti’s complex crisis.
Additionally, the MSS mission itself has been criticized for its lack of clarity and potential risks. Human rights groups have warned that foreign interventions in Haiti have historically failed to address the root causes of instability and, in some cases, exacerbated the crisis.
Moreover, the legal framework for Kenya’s involvement has been contentious. Earlier, Kenya’s High Court had ruled against the deployment, citing constitutional issues, only for the government to navigate around these through bilateral agreements. This has sparked debates on sovereignty and the international legal precedents being set.
Looking Forward
President Ruto’s vision for Haiti involves not only security but also economic and political stabilization, potentially setting a precedent for how African nations can contribute to global peace efforts.
The proposal at the AU Assembly could lead to a formal declaration, enhancing Haiti’s access to African support mechanisms, from peacekeeping to economic aid and cultural exchanges.
However, the success of this initiative will hinge on several factors: the reception by both AU member states and the Haitian populace, the effective transition of the mission to UN oversight, and the genuine improvement in Haiti’s security and governance.
As the world watches, the unfolding of these events will not only define Haiti’s immediate future but also set a tone for international cooperation in crises across continents.
