President William Ruto has mounted his strongest defence yet of the controversial Ebola preparedness facility being established at Laikipia Air Base, dismissing criticism from opponents and insisting the project is a necessary investment in Kenya’s health security rather than a threat to the country.
Speaking during the North Eastern Media Roundtable shortly after the Madaraka Day celebrations in Wajir County, the President said the facility was part of a long-standing partnership between Kenya and the United States and was designed to strengthen the country’s ability to respond to future disease outbreaks.
The project has been at the centre of a heated national debate in recent weeks after reports emerged that Kenya had agreed to host a quarantine and emergency response facility linked to Ebola preparedness. The disclosure triggered protests, legal challenges and widespread public concern, with critics questioning why Kenya was hosting the project and whether the country had been exposed to unnecessary health risks.
For the first time since the controversy erupted, Ruto personally addressed the issue, revealing that the initiative followed discussions with the United States government and was anchored within broader bilateral cooperation agreements.
“When President Donald Trump asked the government of Kenya to support them by establishing a centre at Laikipia Air Base, I gave the go-ahead because it was part of an agreement and partnership with friends who have worked with Kenya for 30 to 40 years,” Ruto said.
He argued that the facility should not be viewed as a foreign project being imposed on Kenya but as a joint effort intended to strengthen preparedness against future outbreaks.
According to the President, Kenya has benefited from decades of American support in sectors such as healthcare, security, education and economic development, making the partnership a natural extension of existing cooperation between Nairobi and Washington.
Ruto insisted that the centre was not intended to import diseases into the country but to ensure Kenya is better prepared if a future outbreak emerges within its borders or the wider region.
“What the American government is doing is to work with us in partnership to build the capacity to make sure that if ever we needed a facility, that facility will be there to serve the people of Kenya and to serve our friends, including the Americans,” he said.
His remarks come just days after the High Court temporarily suspended the establishment of the facility and barred the arrival of any foreign patients pending the hearing of a petition filed by the Law Society of Kenya and Katiba Institute.
The legal challenge has intensified scrutiny of the project, with petitioners arguing that the agreement was reached without adequate public participation and raising concerns about transparency and safety protocols.
The controversy has also sparked demonstrations in Nanyuki, where residents have demanded the project be halted. Protesters have questioned why a facility linked to Ebola preparedness should be located in Kenya instead of countries currently battling outbreaks.
Some residents fear that workers and communities around the military installation could be exposed to health risks despite government assurances.
Ruto, however, dismissed those concerns and pointed to Kenya’s existing disease surveillance and containment infrastructure.
The President said the country already operates more than 20 specialised health facilities capable of screening, isolating and managing infectious diseases. He cited institutions including Kenyatta National Hospital, Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital, the Police Hospital, Alupe Hospital and facilities in Thika as part of the national preparedness network.
“These facilities are meant to make sure that there is proper screening and, if there is any positive identification of people who have Ebola, then immediately they are isolated and treated so that we avoid any spread of the disease,” he said.
The medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has warned that the rapid spread in DRC is deeply alarming.
The Head of State also linked the project to Kenya’s broader regional responsibilities, noting that Kenyan peacekeepers, health workers, businesspeople and humanitarian personnel regularly travel across East and Central Africa, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, where Ebola outbreaks have previously occurred.
“The fact that we could end up with a case is not far-fetched,” he warned.
Ruto compared the Laikipia facility to emergency measures adopted during the Covid-19 pandemic, when isolation and treatment centres were established to contain the spread of infections.
He maintained that governments have a responsibility to prepare for worst-case scenarios before crises occur rather than waiting until lives are at risk.
As political pressure continues to mount and court proceedings move forward, the President accused some critics of politicising a public health issue and spreading unnecessary alarm.
“We are a responsible government. We know what we are doing. People should relax. Politicians should avoid reckless, unnecessary talk that doesn’t mean anything,” he said.
The dispute comes at a time when East Africa remains on alert over Ebola outbreaks in neighbouring countries. While Kenya has not recorded any confirmed Ebola cases, health authorities continue to monitor developments in the region amid fears that increased cross-border movement could heighten the risk of transmission.
For now, the Laikipia project remains suspended by the courts, but Ruto’s intervention signals that the government is unlikely to back down. Instead, the administration appears determined to frame the facility as a strategic public health asset, even as questions persist over transparency, public participation and the full details of the agreement with the United States.
Kenya’s most explosive political feud tore through the gilded corridors of the African Union in Addis Ababa last Sunday in a dramatic confrontation that has rattled regional diplomats and sent shockwaves through the continent’s fragile peace architecture.
President William Ruto and his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta locked horns in a tense, behind-closed-doors meeting hosted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on the sidelines of the 39th AU Summit, with multiple aides and participants telling the media that the session degenerated into an electric exchange of accusations and counter-accusations that left the room stunned.
The fiery encounter was no accident of scheduling.
It was a carefully engineered intervention, sanctioned by Great Lakes presidents, specifically designed to force the two men into the same room and thaw their deep freeze of a relationship that, sources say, has directly sabotaged Kenya’s coveted role as mediator in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s catastrophic eastern conflict.
And it failed spectacularly.
The drama began, deceptively enough, with a photograph.
A group image showing PM Abiy Ahmed sandwiched between the two Kenyan leaders went viral almost the moment it was posted online, dissected frame by frame by an eager Kenyan public hungry for any signal of reconciliation between the country’s fourth and fifth presidents.
The image was shared by Uhuru’s camp after all parties had agreed to await Ahmed’s nod. But Ruto’s official handles never shared the photo at all. That single, glaring omission spoke louder than any statement either side would later issue.
Inside the room, it was anything but cordial.
“Aides recount a room electric with grievance,” a source close to the talks told the media. Ruto, who has long simmered over what his camp views as deliberate political sabotage by his predecessor, came to Addis prepared.
He confronted Uhuru with what he described as evidence of subversion against his Kenya Kwanza administration, presenting a case that his government’s difficulties, from the Gen Z revolts of 2024 to the resurgence of the opposition Azimio coalition, bore the fingerprints of his predecessor’s scheming.
Uhuru, characteristically composed but reportedly sharp in his rebuttal, denied it all.
He told the gathering he had not been undermining the Kenya Kwanza administration. But he did not pull his punches either, firing back that the government had failed to accord him the dignity and protocol owed to a former head of state.
Party leadership, he reportedly argued, cannot be equated to treason. Democratic participation cannot be dressed up as subversion.
THE DRC CRISIS NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT
Beneath the personal drama lay a far more alarming reality: Kenya’s internal feud had, in the blunt assessment of an AU secretariat investigation, been actively strangling peace efforts in the eastern DRC.
Uhuru serves as a linchpin on the AU-EAC-SADC facilitation panel tasked with mediating in the restive provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu, regions where M23 rebels and their backers have unleashed a humanitarian catastrophe on millions of Congolese civilians.
His role demands seamless communication with President Ruto’s government, passing on progress reports and flagging obstacles to AU headquarters.
Instead, the two camps have given each other cold shoulders so frosty that the diplomatic pipeline has effectively seized up.
AU presidents, alarmed at the glacial pace of progress in the DRC talks, commissioned an internal investigation.
Its conclusion was damning: the personal animosity between Kenya’s fourth and fifth presidents was the single biggest structural impediment to regional peace.
That finding is what dragged both men into a room with Abiy Ahmed, a leader who has cultivated personal rapport with both through years of shared Horn of Africa diplomacy and bilateral ties.
His pitch, sources say, was blunt: reconcile or watch DRC’s chaos swallow Kenya’s carefully built mediator reputation along with it.
The pitch did not land as planned.
THE BETRAYAL THAT REFUSES TO DIE
To understand why the room crackled with such barely suppressed rage, you have to understand a decade’s worth of broken promises.
Ruto served as Uhuru’s deputy for a full ten years, from 2013 to 2022, under the TNA-URP alliance and later the Jubilee Party banner.
Their partnership was sealed with what insiders describe as a solemn political covenant: Uhuru would serve two terms, then hand the baton to Ruto.
The now-infamous pledge, delivered in Kikuyu by Uhuru, was: “Mimi nitafanya zangu kumi, kisha kumi za William.” I will do my ten years, then hand over to William to do his ten.
Instead, Uhuru shook hands with Raila Odinga, threw the full weight of state machinery behind the opposition, and watched Ruto’s allies face raids, prosecutions, and frozen funding. Ruto won anyway in 2022, but the wounds have festered ever since.
Uhuru, far from retreating into the quiet golf courses of retirement, has weaponised his post-presidency. He has openly endorsed Wiper boss Kalonzo Musyoka and former Interior CS Fred Matiangi, both seen as serious presidential contenders for 2027. His Jubilee Party has been revived and restructured. Kalonzo has been installed as Azimio coalition party leader. Ruto’s camp views all of it as a coordinated political insurgency designed to end his presidency after one term.
The Addis meeting erupted just three weeks after Ruto hosted Uhuru’s younger brother Muhoho Kenyatta at State House in Nairobi, in what was seen as another backchannel reconciliation attempt. Muhoho, who publicly attended in his capacity as the International Council representative of the Duke of Edinburgh Award, is widely regarded as the family’s quiet power broker. The attempt, clearly, did not produce the desired effect.
Ruto told Ahmed in the meeting that he had done everything within his power to accommodate his predecessor in retirement. He cited his now-famous December 2024 visit to Ichaweri, Uhuru’s rural home in Gatundu South, where he arrived bearing 12 goats, a deeply symbolic gesture among the Kikuyu people. The visit was hailed as the most potent signal yet that the two men had buried the hatchet. Within weeks, Uhuru was at a Jubilee Party meeting openly attacking Ruto’s government, accusing it of erasing the gains of his own decade in power.
“Today, many of the past’s gains have been eroded,” Uhuru told the gathering that installed Matiangi as Jubilee’s new kingpin.
Twelve goats, it turned out, were not enough.
Neither side was willing to confirm the explosive details of what transpired in Addis, though neither could fully deny that the meeting happened.
State House spokesman Munyori Buku was carefully evasive, telling reporters: “I am not aware there was a mediation meeting. I know President Ruto and former President Uhuru Kenyatta met together with PM Abiy. I have no details of what transpired because it was a closed meeting.”
Uhuru’s spokesperson Kanze Dena was more colourful in her dismissal. “Aiii surely!! Wasisalimiane? Inakuwa analysis!! Acheni hizo,” she fired off, suggesting the entire controversy was a case of reading too much into two men saying hello.
Politicians from Uhuru’s orbit were less diplomatic.
Embakasi North MP James Gakuya, speaking to Kameme TV on Wednesday, said plainly that the retired president is not going anywhere near the government’s corner. “Uhuru has indicated that he is in the opposition, and this is a way of Ruto’s divide-and-rule tactic,” Gakuya said, adding that no amount of wooing would pull Uhuru out of the united opposition camp ahead of 2027.
The stakes of this feud extend far beyond the bruised egos of two men who once ruled Kenya together.
The DRC’s eastern provinces remain a theatre of catastrophe, with the M23 rebellion, backed by external actors, having seized territory and displaced millions. Kenya’s role as a neutral mediator, which Nairobi has carefully cultivated since the 1990s, is the product of decades of diplomatic investment.
The EAC regional force that Kenya led into eastern DRC last year, and the Nairobi Process which Uhuru champions on the AU panel, are the twin pillars of that investment. Without coordination between the two Kenyan poles, that edifice is cracking.
The CSIS, in a detailed September 2025 report on Kenya-DRC relations, noted that domestic political dynamics in Kenya, specifically the conflict between Ruto and Uhuru, had directly impacted the DRC peace process from the very beginning, with the two camps not talking to each other even as Kenyan troops served in the region.
For Ruto, the personal calculus is no less urgent.
He heads into 2027 battered by the Gen Z uprisings of 2024, a stubborn economic crisis, a rebellion from former deputy Rigathi Gachagua in the Mt Kenya heartland, and now a resurgent opposition coalition that his predecessor appears to be personally bankrolling.
A unified opposition in 2027 could prove devastating for a sitting president who squeaked to victory in 2022 with 50.49 percent of the vote.
For Uhuru, the calculus is simpler: stay relevant, wield influence, and deny Ruto the coronation he believes was stolen from their pact.
PM Abiy Ahmed, who facilitated what was meant to be a quiet rapprochement, leaves Addis with a failed mediation on his hands and two Kenyan leaders whose cold war now risks becoming a continental liability.
One senior diplomat, briefed on the encounter and speaking strictly on condition of anonymity, put it most bleakly: “Africa cannot afford to have its most experienced mediating nation paralysed by a personal feud. The DRC is bleeding. Kenya is squabbling.”
As things stand, the squabble shows no sign of ending.
Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has dismissed claims that his administration has ceded key county functions to the National Government following a high-level meeting with President William Ruto at State House.
Speculation of a fresh deed of transfer, similar to the 2020 arrangement that birthed the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, gained traction this week after reports suggested that departments such as roads, garbage collection and water services had been handed over.
“There is no transfer of any functions,” Sakaja said on Wednesday morning, terming the reports false. In a subsequent social media post, he added: “Fake news. No functions or roles ceded.”
Despite the categorical denial, it has emerged that the governor, accompanied by all County Executive Committee members, met President Ruto at State House on Tuesday. No official communiqué was issued after the meeting, and the exact timing remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the discussions say the future of the capital dominated the agenda.
A senior City Hall official, who sought anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, said the President pressed the county leadership for progress reports in critical sectors, particularly roads and waste management.
Nairobi County received Sh2.1 billion in 2025 earmarked for road improvements. According to the source, the President sought clarity on delivery timelines and the scope of completed works.
The push for accelerated upgrades is understood to be linked to preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, which Kenya will co-host with Uganda and Tanzania.
The meeting is said to have resolved that both levels of government would continue working in tandem, with an ambitious proposal that each Member of County Assembly will see at least one kilometre of tarmac road constructed in their respective wards.
Waste management also featured prominently. Discussions reportedly touched on Green Nairobi Company Limited, an entity expected to play a central role in garbage collection and city cleanliness under a long-term arrangement believed to span 25 years.
Sakaja has previously defended the model as a structural overhaul of the city’s waste ecosystem. In an earlier television interview, he argued that the current system incentivises volume rather than cleanliness. He has also pledged the establishment of a 45-megawatt waste-to-energy plant in Dandora, saying the project would transform refuse management while generating electricity.
President Ruto and Sakaja in a past event.
President Ruto has in recent months intensified his public pronouncements on Nairobi’s transformation. In October last year, he declared that the capital “cannot continue to be a city in filth,” signalling imminent agreements with private sector players to modernise waste management. He has repeatedly pledged national resources to improve roads, lighting and drainage, framing Nairobi as central to Kenya’s global image.
In July, the President announced a 70-kilometre road construction plan within the city, promising completion of major stretches in Embakasi by year’s end. Earlier this month, he said the National Government, in collaboration with the county, would from April roll out structured garbage management services, alongside major investments in water supply, informal settlement upgrades and electricity connectivity.
The renewed coordination has revived memories of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, which in 2020 assumed control of four key county functions following a deed of transfer signed between former Governor Mike Sonko and the National Government. The arrangement, later wound up, fundamentally altered the governance structure of the capital and remains politically sensitive.
Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna questioned whether any constitutional process had been initiated this time. Under Article 187 of the Constitution, a transfer of functions between levels of government requires a formal agreement and approval by the relevant legislative bodies. “Constitutionally, there has to be a deed of transfer of functions. It has to be approved by the county assembly. I have seen neither,” Sifuna said.
While Sakaja maintains that no such process is underway, the optics of a full county cabinet meeting at State House and the deepening joint planning on roads, waste, water and housing underscore an increasingly central role for the National Government in shaping Nairobi’s trajectory.
With AFCON 2027 on the horizon and mounting public pressure over traffic congestion, garbage backlogs and infrastructure strain, the capital has become a test case for intergovernmental cooperation. Sakaja is expected to address the County Assembly later today, where attention will focus on whether he offers further details on what transpired behind closed doors at State House.
The government has waived the national identification card replacement fee to ensure no one is denied the opportunity to register as a voter.
This means that citizens will no longer pay to replace lost or damaged national IDs until after the 2027 General Elections, in an effort to ensure no eligible voter is disenfranchised.
Speaking during the Pentecostal Assemblies of God (PAG) centenary celebrations in Nyang’ori, Vihiga County, on Saturday, President Ruto said the government would temporarily suspend the Sh1,000 replacement fee, acknowledging that many Kenyans had been locked out of voter registration due to financial constraints.
“We will ensure that no one will be prevented from registering as a voter because of lacking an ID. For now, until after the 2027 elections, replacement of IDs will be free,” the President said.
The decision reverses a policy President Ruto himself defended, which his government had imposed a fee to discourage what he termed the culture of carelessness in handling identification documents.
“We said when you become lazy and lose your ID, to eradicate the culture of losing and replacing, we introduced a fee. But because you have requested a waiver, let me go and think about it or we waive it. You have put me in a dire situation, telling me to remove the replacement fee so that you can vote for me. That’s tempting,” he said.
The announcement is expected to ease pressure on millions of Kenyans, particularly the youth, who rely on national IDs to access government services, employment, and register as voters.
In March 2025, President Ruto, while touring Kibra slums in Nairobi, had earlier directed that all Kenyans be issued with national identity cards at no cost.
He also pledged to eliminate bureaucracy and bias that have long marred the registration process.
“Every Kenyan has a right to an identity. We will end the culture of favouritism and long delays in ID issuance,” he said at the time.
Kenyans were paying Sh300 for new ID applications, a fee that was initially set to rise to Sh1,000 before the government reversed a controversial gazette notice issued on November 7, 2023.
The same notice had proposed increasing the replacement fee to Sh2,000, later reduced to KSh1,000 following public outcry.
The move comes as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) intensifies its ongoing voter registration drive, which has already seen 7,048 new registrations and 259 voter transfers in just four days.
IEBC Chairperson Erastus Ethekon described the trend as encouraging, noting that the Commission was witnessing progressive growth in the exercise.
“Nairobi County has recorded the highest number of new voters with 1,597, followed by Mombasa (556), Kiambu (386), and Kisii (312),” Mr Ethekon said in a statement.
Jubilee Party Secretary General Jeremiah Kioni has sensationally claimed that former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is quietly working hand-in-hand with President William Ruto despite projecting himself as an outsider in government.
Speaking on Hot 96 on Sunday evening, Kioni alleged that Gachagua recently convened a closed-door meeting in Narok County with about 15 local leaders, including members of the clergy, where he defended the controversial move by the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) to deny Joshua Ole Kaputa a ticket for the upcoming Narok Town Ward by-election.
According to Kioni, Gachagua assured the gathering that Kaputa would be accommodated in future nominations as part of a wider deal he is striking with Ruto.
“Gachagua told them William Ruto has already sent emissaries and they had agreed to first put their houses in order before sitting down formally. He said by then he would have seven million votes from the mountain, one million from Kalonzo and 800,000 from Matiang’i. He boasted he would control more than half the cake and share some with the Maasai community,” Kioni alleged.
Kioni declined to provide further evidence of the secret pact but insisted, “He said it himself. I will give you the date and hour the minute I leave this studio.”
The Jubilee boss dismissed any possibility of his party collaborating with Gachagua, accusing him of cutting sinister backroom deals while pretending to be politically estranged.
“We would like to work with like-minded parties that actually believe in sending William Ruto home, not those advancing selfish ‘get your people and I get mine’ arrangements,” he charged.
Kioni used the platform to rally young Kenyans to register as voters as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) begins a fresh continuous registration exercise targeting 6.3 million new voters.
“You must register in numbers. It makes no sense to be an active critic of the government and fail to vote them out. Failing to register amounts to voting them back in,” he said.
The IEBC hopes to raise the number of registered voters from 22.1 million to 28 million ahead of the 2027 General Election.
Machakos, Kenya — Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga has clarified that the Orange Democratic Movement’s (ODM) political pact with President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA) will expire in 2027, dismissing claims that the agreement extends beyond the next general election.
Speaking on Sunday during an ODM parliamentary group meeting in Machakos County, Raila said the deal should not be misconstrued as a blanket endorsement of Ruto’s re-election bid, stressing that any decision on 2027 will be determined by ODM’s internal processes.
“Look at what we have signed. We must remain ODM. We signed and agreed that we will work together up to 2027,” Raila told the gathering, which brought together party legislators and top officials ahead of ODM’s 20th anniversary celebrations slated for October.
The veteran opposition leader faulted some members of his party for prematurely suggesting that ODM had already resolved to back Ruto’s second-term ambitions under the “Tutam” slogan championed by UDA loyalists.
“We have not passed any resolutions as a party to say how we are going to go into the elections of 2027,” Raila said, urging restraint among members. “Wherever you are, don’t commit the party to some things which have not been discussed. Let them be discussed first.”
His remarks were met with applause and cheers from the assembled lawmakers, signaling broad support within the party ranks for his insistence on internal consensus.
ODM’s working arrangement with the Ruto administration has fueled speculation about the party’s long-term strategy, especially as it seeks to reposition itself ahead of 2027.
Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga share a jovial moment with other members of the ODM party during the retreat on September 22, 2025 / ODM X
Raila insisted the pact was tactical and limited in scope, noting that ODM would chart its electoral path when the time comes.
“We shall give direction later on whether we will field a presidential candidate or not,” he added.
Raila’s clarification appears aimed at tamping down internal dissent while keeping ODM’s options open.
By stating that the deal with Ruto is strictly time-bound, he is seeking to reassure his supporters that ODM is not being absorbed into the ruling coalition.
For President Ruto, Raila’s remarks are a mixed signal.
On one hand, ODM’s cooperation until 2027 provides the government with legislative stability and a semblance of national unity.
On the other, Raila has now drawn a line in the sand, effectively warning UDA that ODM is not committed to backing his re-election bid.
Within ODM, the statement reflects the tension between pragmatists, who favor cooperation with Ruto to secure development gains, and loyalists, who see such an alliance as undermining the party’s independence.
Raila’s caution suggests he is aware of the risk of alienating ODM’s traditional base in Nyanza, Coast, and Western Kenya, which has long viewed him as the face of opposition politics.
Raila’s approach to political alliances has often followed a familiar pattern: short-term tactical deals, followed by an eventual reassertion of independence.
•2008 Grand Coalition with Mwai Kibaki: After the disputed 2007 elections, Raila entered a power-sharing deal with Kibaki under international mediation. While it stabilized the country, Raila later struggled with frustrations over being sidelined as Prime Minister, and ODM eventually drifted back into opposition.
•2018 Handshake with Uhuru Kenyatta: The truce ended months of post-election turmoil and gave Raila influence over major state reforms, including the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI). But by 2022, ODM’s closeness to Uhuru hurt its outsider appeal and arguably weakened Raila’s presidential bid against Ruto.
•2023 Pact with Ruto: This latest arrangement appears designed to guarantee ODM space in the political mainstream while buying time until 2027. However, Raila’s insistence on its expiry date suggests he is wary of repeating past mistakes where tactical deals diluted ODM’s brand and cost him politically.
What It Means for 2027
By limiting the pact to 2027, Raila is signaling that ODM will not automatically back Ruto’s re-election.
This ambiguity keeps ODM’s options open: the party could field its own candidate, negotiate a broader opposition coalition, or strike a fresh deal depending on the political climate.
But the risk remains: if ODM appears too close to Ruto, it could alienate its grassroots. If it breaks away too sharply, it risks losing the benefits of government partnership.
For now, Raila’s careful positioning keeps ODM relevant but it also prolongs uncertainty over who will be the real challenger to Ruto in 2027.
A confirmation that has sparked heated political debate emerged Tuesday as Kenya Union of Post-Primary Education Teachers (KUPPET) National Chairman Omboko Milemba revealed that each of the 10,000 teachers who attended last Saturday’s State House meeting received Ksh10,000 as “transport reimbursement,” totaling a staggering Ksh100 million expenditure.
Speaking during a television interview on Citizen TV, the Emuhaya Member of Parliament defended the payments while emphasizing that the teachers’ visit to State House was not motivated by financial gain but rather by pressing educational concerns requiring presidential attention.
“Teachers never went to State House just for money. Teachers were going to look at their issues,” Milemba stated emphatically during the Tuesday morning show. “Transport reimbursement for teachers was Ksh10,000.”
The revelation comes amid growing scrutiny of President William Ruto’s frequent hosting of large delegations at State House, with critics questioning both the cost and effectiveness of such meetings in addressing substantive policy issues.
The meeting, which brought together representatives from major teacher unions including the Kenya National Union of Teachers (KNUT), KUPPET, the Kenya Primary Schools Heads Association (KEPSHA), and the Kenya Secondary Schools Heads Association (KESSHA), was initially presented as a consultative forum to address educator welfare and working conditions.
According to Milemba, the teachers achieved significant breakthroughs during their audience with the President.
Most notably, they secured an accelerated timeline for implementing their Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) with the Teachers Service Commission.
The agreement, initially valued at Ksh33.8 billion and scheduled for implementation over four years, will now be executed within two years following the presidential intervention.
“The CBA which was Ksh33.8 billion was to be paid in 4 years and after interaction with the President, we came to an agreement that it would be paid in 2 years,” the KUPPET chairman explained, highlighting what he described as a major victory for educators nationwide.
Additionally, the meeting addressed the employment freeze affecting P1 teachers, many of whom had been facing the prospect of retirement before securing employment opportunities.
Milemba confirmed that these teachers would begin receiving employment during the next financial year, ending a prolonged period of uncertainty that had left many qualified educators in limbo.
Kenya Union of Post Primary Education Teachers (KUPPET) Chairman Omboko Milemba
However, the meeting’s outcomes and conduct drew sharp criticism from opposition legislators, with Githunguri MP Gathoni Wamuchomba delivering a scathing rebuke of both the event’s purpose and its broader implications for democratic governance.
“What I saw in State House was a meeting to create a perception that the President has the support of teachers but the critical issues are never discussed,” Wamuchomba argued, questioning the substantive value of the highly publicized gathering.
The legislator expressed particular concern about what she characterized as executive overreach, arguing that the President was bypassing Parliament’s constitutional role in budget allocation and policy formulation.
Her criticism touched on fundamental questions about the separation of powers and democratic accountability.
“This report (CBA) was supposed to be discussed in Parliament. Budgets are allocated by the National Assembly so when the President says that they are going to review capitation, he is showing that he has taken the role of Parliament and has become a dictator,” Wamuchomba stated, using unusually strong language to describe the constitutional implications.
The MP’s criticism extended beyond procedural concerns to encompass what she viewed as a broader pattern of political theater that diminished the dignity of public service and democratic discourse.
“I am disappointed that teachers are being taken for a ride and can be paraded in State House just for a meal and dance,” she concluded, referencing the celebratory atmosphere that characterized much of the State House gathering.
The controversy reflects deeper tensions within Kenya’s political landscape, where President Ruto’s administration has faced increasing scrutiny over its handling of public finances amid economic challenges.
The Ksh100 million expenditure on transport reimbursements alone has raised questions about fiscal priorities at a time when many Kenyans are grappling with economic hardship.
The debate also highlights ongoing tensions between different approaches to governance, with supporters arguing that direct presidential engagement with key stakeholders demonstrates responsive leadership, while critics contend that such meetings circumvent established democratic processes and constitute expensive political theater.
For Kenya’s teaching community, the meeting represents both an opportunity and a dilemma.
While concrete gains in terms of employment opportunities and accelerated CBA implementation offer tangible benefits, questions remain about the broader implications of accepting such arrangements and their impact on professional dignity and independence.
The controversy is likely to continue reverberating through Kenya’s political discourse as stakeholders grapple with fundamental questions about governance, accountability, and the appropriate use of public resources in addressing national challenges.
As the debate unfolds, it serves as a revealing lens through which to examine the intersection of politics, public service, and democratic governance in contemporary Kenya.
Nyeri, Kenya, Sept 14 – Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has declared his intention to run for the presidency in 2027, insisting he is the only opposition candidate with the ability to unseat President William Ruto.
Speaking during a tour of Mt Kenya on Saturday, Gachagua said he had heeded calls from Kenyans to step forward and offer himself for the top seat. The former DP told residents that he had returned to his political backyard to seek their blessings before embarking on the campaign trail.
“I have come home to say that I have accepted to vie for the presidency of the Republic of Kenya. Kenyans have looked and said the only leader who has the ability to remove Ruto from office is Riggy G,” Gachagua said.
Gachagua, who was accompanied by a section of leaders allied to his Democratic Change Party (DCP), outlined a raft of priorities that he said would define his administration if elected. Among them is the revival of free education, a policy he credited to the late President Mwai Kibaki, which he argued has suffered setbacks under subsequent administrations.
“The first thing I will do if elected president is to ensure that our children truly access free education, as was introduced by the late Mwai Kibaki,” Gachagua noted, adding that many families are still struggling to meet school-related costs despite the government’s pledge of free basic education.
He further promised sweeping reforms in the health sector, including restoring free maternity services, which he said would ease financial pressures on families and improve maternal and child health outcomes.
The former DP also pledged to abolish the controversial housing levy introduced under the Ruto administration, saying it had become an unfair burden on Kenyans already grappling with tough economic times.
“These are the burdens we must lift from Kenyans if we want a nation where citizens thrive,” he said during roadside rallies.
Gachagua’s announcement comes as opposition leaders continue behind-the-scenes talks to settle on a single candidate to challenge Ruto in 2027. His declaration is expected to shake up the political landscape, especially in the Mt Kenya region, which remains a critical voting bloc.
Kisii Senator Richard Onyonka has sensationally claimed that President William Ruto is behind an alleged scheme to scrap Kenya’s constitutional term limits and extend his stay in power for decades.
Speaking during a podcast interview aired Friday, Onyonka alleged that Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei was being used as the face of a covert plan to alter the constitution in favor of indefinite presidential rule.
“First of all, it’s true, the thing has been under the table, and it was hidden from us until the gazette notice for the bill was tabled in the Senate when Cherargei began talking about it,” Onyonka said.
“I think the president wants to remove the term limits and rule Kenya, maybe for 30 years. To do that, he has to come out and tell MPs to bring the motion through the back door.”
The Kisii Senator further claimed that some governors were sympathetic to the push, arguing that if the presidency could go beyond two terms, then county bosses should equally not be restricted.
Onyonka suggested that the Kenya Kwanza administration, aware of its waning popularity, was eyeing a constitutional amendment not just to scrap term limits but also to extend the current presidential term by an additional two years.
“They want more time to clean up the mess they have created and guarantee themselves re-election,” he said.
The remarks come just days after the Senate dismissed reports of a presidential term extension bill.
In a statement issued earlier this week, the Senate leadership insisted no such proposal was scheduled for debate, stressing that an attempt to introduce the motion was quickly abandoned after encountering strong resistance.
“The so-called bill never saw the light of day,” the statement read.
“The Senate has no plans to alter the constitutional provisions on presidential term limits.”
Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei speaking during debate session.
Senator Cherargei, a close ally of President Ruto, has in the past publicly floated the idea of extending the presidential term limit, arguing it would provide continuity for government projects.
His remarks sparked outrage across the political divide, with civil society groups warning that tampering with term limits could destabilize the country’s democratic foundation.
President Ruto himself has not publicly addressed Onyonka’s fresh claims.
Onyonka’s allegations add to growing political tension as the country inches closer to the 2027 general elections.
Opposition leaders have consistently accused the Kenya Kwanza administration of harboring authoritarian ambitions, while ruling party loyalists dismiss such claims as fear-mongering.
For now, the debate over term limits remains politically charged, with the government under pressure to clarify its position amid a storm of suspicion.
President William Ruto has unveiled a comprehensive financial incentive package for Kenya’s national football team, the Harambee Stars, as they prepare for their debut in the TotalEnergies African Nations Championship (CHAN) 2025.
During a visit to the team’s training camp at the Moi International Sports Centre, Kasarani Annex, on July 16, 2025, Ruto unveiled a comprehensive bonus structure that includes KSh 1 million for each player per victory and KSh 500,000 per draw, alongside team bonuses of KSh 60 million for reaching the quarterfinals, KSh 70 million for the semifinals, and KSh 600 million if they win the tournament.
The announcement comes as Kenya, alongside co-hosts Uganda and Tanzania, prepares to host the biennial tournament from August 2-30, 2025. The Harambee Stars face a challenging Group A draw, competing against two-time champions Morocco, DR Congo, Angola, and Zambia in their first-ever CHAN appearance.
“I have come here as the President of Kenya to say that we trust and believe in you. You represent the hopes and dreams of over 55 million Kenyans,” Ruto told the players and coaching staff led by head coach Benni McCarthy.
“Win this tournament, and I will ensure a KSh 600 million bonus for the team. Each victory will earn every player KSh 1 million, while draws will bring KSh 500,000 per player. Reach the quarterfinals and the team gets KSh 60 million, make it to the semifinals for KSh 70 million.”
President William Ruto juggles the ball during a visit to the Harambee Stars’ training camp.
The presidential pledge builds on earlier commitments made during the same visit.
Ruto donated KSh 5 million to the team as immediate support, delivered that evening through Sports Cabinet Secretary Salim Mvurya.
This was supplemented by KSh 500,000 from Mvurya and KSh 200,000 from Football Kenya Federation (FKF) President Hussein Mohammed to boost team morale entering residential training.
The Confederation of African Football (CAF) has announced a record KSh 1.34 billion prize pool for CHAN 2025, representing a 32% increase from the 2023 edition.
Even a last-place finish in their group would guarantee the Harambee Stars KSh 25.8 million, while tournament champions will receive KSh 452.2 million.
Coach Benni McCarthy, former Manchester United assistant coach, recently made strategic squad adjustments ahead of the opening match against DR Congo on August 3 at Kasarani.
He brought in Police FC midfielder Marvin Nabwire, Bandari goalkeeper Byrne Omondi, Shabana FC’s Brian Michira, Tusker FC’s Chrispin Errambo, and Sofapaka forward Edward Omondi to replace players ruled out due to injuries or contract ineligibility.
Former Harambee Stars coach Jacob ‘Ghost’ Mulee emphasized the tournament’s significance for Kenya’s domestic league. “This is where we gauge how strong our FKF Premier League is. These players have a chance to showcase their talent and earn consideration for bigger international assignments, like AFCON 2027,” Mulee said.
The tournament offers local talent a platform to attract scouts from top African and European clubs, raising the stakes for the Stars beyond financial incentives.
Despite the presidential support, the FKF faces significant financial challenges, including over KSh 600 million in debts and ongoing legal disputes. Former coach Engin Firat recently highlighted issues with unpaid salaries and logistical shortcomings that could affect team preparations.
“This is not just about pride; it’s about investing in our players and giving them a reason to dream big,” said Sports CS Mvurya.
As Kenya prepares to host the CHAN final, Ruto’s bold promises and national support signal high expectations for the Harambee Stars. With the weight of a nation’s aspirations and the prospect of historic financial rewards, the team is positioned to chase both glory and a significant payday in their inaugural CHAN appearance.
In a symbolic display of statesmanship and reconciliation, President William Ruto on Friday hosted his predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta for a personal tour of the renovated State House, Nairobi, following the conclusion of a landmark joint EAC-SADC summit on peace and stability in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The gesture, which Ruto described as showing his “good old friend” around, marked Kenyatta’s first return to the house on the hill since handing over power on September 13, 2022.
“I had the pleasure of conducting my old good friend, Retired President Uhuru Kenyatta, on a tour around State House after the joint EAC-SADC meeting on the restoration of peace and stability in the DRC,” President Ruto shared on his X platform, highlighting both the personal and diplomatic significance of the moment.
The images released from the tour showed the two leaders sharing warm embraces and walking side-by-side through the corridors of power in what appeared to be a genuine moment of reconciliation.
The tour offered Kenyatta a glimpse of the extensive renovations currently transforming the iconic residence.
From interior modifications to the dramatic facade changes featuring a new flat roof design, the revamped State House showcases significant infrastructural upgrades. Photos from the visit revealed that some areas remain under active construction, with loose cabro blocks and scaffolding still supporting ongoing work by contractors.
The timing of this personal gesture was particularly poignant, coming immediately after both leaders had participated in a high-stakes diplomatic summit addressing one of Africa’s most pressing security challenges.
The joint EAC-SADC meeting, co-chaired by President Ruto in his capacity as current EAC chairman and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa as SADC Chairperson, brought together distinguished African leaders to forge a unified approach to the protracted conflict in eastern DRC.
The summit featured an impressive panel of African statespeople, including Kenyatta himself, Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo, Ethiopia’s Sahle-Work Zewde, Botswana’s Mokgweetsi Masisi, and former Central African Republic President Catherine Samba-Panza. This distinguished group has been tasked with leading a consolidated mediation process that merges the EAC’s Nairobi Process with the SADC-backed Luanda Process into a single African-led peace initiative.
The relationship between Ruto and Kenyatta has been one of Kenya’s most compelling political narratives over the past decade.
Once dubbed “UhuRuto” for their seemingly unbreakable alliance, the pair rose to power together in 2013 under the Jubilee Coalition, with Kenyatta as president and Ruto as his deputy.
Their partnership secured electoral victories in both 2013 and 2017, but cracks began to show during Kenyatta’s second term.
The turning point came in 2018 with Kenyatta’s famous “Handshake” reconciliation with opposition leader Raila Odinga, a move that effectively sidelined Ruto and altered the political landscape.
The relationship deteriorated further when Kenyatta endorsed Odinga over his own deputy in the 2022 presidential election, leading to public disagreements and accusations of betrayal that dominated the campaign period.
Since assuming the presidency in September 2022, Ruto has faced significant governance challenges, including widespread public protests over tax policies and the controversial impeachment of his deputy, Rigathi Gachagua, in October 2024.
The latter move particularly alienated sections of the Mt Kenya region, Kenyatta’s political stronghold and a crucial voting bloc for any successful presidential campaign.
Recent months have seen deliberate efforts at reconciliation between the former allies.
In December 2024, Ruto made a surprise visit to Kenyatta’s Ichaweri home, marking their first significant private engagement since the bitter 2022 election campaign.
This was followed by Ruto’s strategic appointment of several Kenyatta allies to key cabinet positions, moves widely interpreted as attempts to rebuild bridges with the Mt Kenya region.
“This meeting demonstrates remarkable political maturity from both leaders,” observed political analyst Herman Manyora. “While they’re addressing serious regional security concerns, the personal reconciliation sends a powerful message about putting national and continental interests above individual political differences.”
The diplomatic context of their reunion adds another layer of significance.
Kenyatta emphasized during the summit that the new unified approach to DRC peace processes represents strengthening rather than replacement of existing efforts.
“This is not about replacing one process with another, but fusing our efforts to make them stronger,” he stated, reflecting a philosophy that could equally apply to their personal relationship.
The joint communique from the summit outlined ambitious resolutions including the formation of a Joint Secretariat under the African Union Commission in Addis Ababa, unified terms of reference for all facilitators, and a comprehensive Resource Mobilisation Framework to support peacebuilding and humanitarian assistance in the DRC.
“This is about charting an African path to peace. We must harmonise our strengths and speak with one voice,” the communique declared.
For Ruto’s administration, the collaboration with his predecessor serves multiple strategic purposes.
It projects an image of inclusivity and national unity at a time when his government faces domestic political pressures.
The gesture also potentially helps rehabilitate his standing in Central Kenya, where Gachagua’s impeachment created significant political fallout.
Public reaction to the State House tour was notably positive, with many Kenyans expressing satisfaction at seeing their current and former presidents working together.
Social media responses praised both leaders for demonstrating that political differences need not permanently damage personal relationships or derail important national and continental responsibilities.
The summit’s timing also addresses growing tensions within the East African Community, where disputes between member states have threatened regional unity.
Kenya’s role as host, combined with the visible cooperation between Ruto and Kenyatta, demonstrated the country’s continued commitment to regional leadership and dialogue.
As the two leaders concluded their tour of the renovated State House, their rare public reunion offered more than just diplomatic symbolism. Walking together through the same corridors where their partnership once flourished and later fractured, they embodied the possibility of reconciliation and renewed cooperation in service of broader goals.
The State House tour stands as a testament to the evolution of Kenya’s political landscape, where former adversaries can find common ground in shared responsibilities.
As both leaders continue to shape Kenya’s domestic and international trajectory, their renewed collaboration suggests that personal reconciliation and professional cooperation need not be mutually exclusive.
The success of their joint efforts in regional peace processes, combined with the symbolism of their State House reunion, offers hope for both Kenya’s political stability and Africa’s capacity to deliver homegrown solutions to continental challenges.
In a continent often marked by political divisions and personal animosities, the Ruto-Kenyatta reconciliation provides a model for how leaders can transcend past differences in service of greater national and regional interests.
In a significant diplomatic engagement, President William Ruto welcomed his predecessor, former President Uhuru Kenyatta, to State House, Nairobi, for a high-level meeting focused on advancing peace efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The encounter between the two leaders, their first public appearance together since December 9, 2024, when Ruto paid Kenyatta a courtesy call at his Ichaweri home in Gatundu, underscored Kenya’s pivotal role in regional stability and marked a moment of collaboration on critical continental issues.
The meeting was part of a joint summit of the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) co-chairs with the Panel of Facilitators for the DRC Peace Process.
Co-chaired by President Ruto, who serves as the EAC chairman, and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the SADC chairman, the closed-door summit aimed to address ongoing conflicts in the DRC.
Former President Kenyatta attended in his capacity as the African Union-Kenya Peace Envoy and facilitator of the EAC-led Nairobi Peace Process, a role he has held since President Ruto appointed him immediately after his swearing-in on September 13, 2022.
The State House meeting comes against the backdrop of a politically strained but mutually respectful relationship between Ruto and Kenyatta.
President William Ruto welcomes former President Uhuru Kenyatta at the joint EAC-SADC Co-Chairs’ meeting with the Panel of Facilitators for the DRC Peace Process at State House, Nairobi.
The two leaders, once allies under the Jubilee Party, experienced a public fallout following the 2022 elections, when Kenyatta, then in power, endorsed Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader Raila Odinga as his preferred successor, openly campaigning against Ruto—his deputy at the time.
Ruto went on to defeat Raila at the ballot and succeeded Kenyatta as Kenya’s fifth president.
A statement from State House highlighted the leaders’ discussions on “issues of national and regional importance,” emphasizing Kenya’s leadership in promoting peace and security in East Africa.
During their December meeting, President Ruto had taken the opportunity to “reiterate his appreciation and commendation of His Excellency President Kenyatta’s statesmanship in overseeing the peaceful transfer of power after the 2022 elections,” and thanked Kenyatta “for the goodwill the former president has continued to demonstrate toward his fellow leaders and his support for Kenya’s ongoing progress and development.”
The reunion comes nearly eight months after their last public meeting and demonstrates President Ruto’s consistent approach toward former rivals.
During his inauguration at Kasarani Stadium, Ruto had publicly stated: “I have committed that the government of Kenya will support those initiatives that will be chaired by President Uhuru Kenyatta. I want to thank you Uhuru Kenyatta for agreeing to support us and to help me in those interventions.”
When questioned about retaining Kenyatta in the peace mediation role despite their 2022 political differences, Ruto told Al Jazeera in September 2022: “I’m the President of Kenya, I’m the big brother now and it’s in my place to work with him.”
Political analysts view the State House summit as part of Ruto’s broader strategy of unifying former rivals in the national interest, portraying him as a leader above grudges.
A day after their December meeting, while addressing a public rally in Wajir, President Ruto had elaborated on the importance of unity: “As leaders, we must continually build bridges instead of creating barriers at a time the country needs collective input to address its challenges.” The imagery of their reunion sends a clear political message that institutional stability takes precedence over personal rivalry.
President William Ruto welcomes Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa at State House, Nairobi for a meeting of EAC -SADC Co-Chairs with a panel of facilitators for DRC peace process.
The summit also highlighted Kenya’s growing diplomatic clout. President Mnangagwa’s presence underscored the collaborative efforts between EAC and SADC to address the DRC’s complex security challenges, including conflicts involving rebel groups and resource disputes.
The facilitators, led by Kenyatta, are tasked with mediating dialogue to restore peace and foster stability in the volatile region.
While Kenyatta has remained largely silent on domestic politics since leaving office, his role in the DRC peace process gives him continued relevance in the regional arena.
His presence at State House demonstrates that the business of state can, at times, override political bitterness.
However, it remains to be seen whether this renewed cooperation will endure as Kenya gears up for the 2027 elections, with the charged electioneering season barely two years away.
In a country where political wounds often fester long past elections, Friday’s image of former adversaries sharing a table and shaking hands offers hope that institutional stability can transcend personal rivalry.
The Political Chess Game That Could Reshape Kenya’s Leadership
In the intricate web of Kenyan politics, few stories capture the imagination quite like the meteoric rise of Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga. As the political machinery for 2027 begins to churn, a compelling narrative is emerging: Could the ODM chairperson be positioning herself or being positioned as President William Ruto’s running mate for his re-election bid?
The question isn’t merely speculative gossip.
It represents a confluence of political pragmatism, gender dynamics, and strategic alliance-building that could fundamentally alter Kenya’s leadership landscape.
The Foundation: From Opposition Stalwart to Unlikely Ally
Wanga’s political journey reads like a masterclass in strategic positioning.
Having served as Homa Bay Woman Representative from 2013 to 2022 before ascending to the governor’s mansion, she has consistently demonstrated both grassroots appeal and administrative competence.
But it’s her recent elevation to ODM national chairperson that has set tongues wagging in political circles.
The timing is hardly coincidental.
Her appointment came as President Ruto was bringing key opposition figures into his broad-based government, a move that has fundamentally redrawn Kenya’s political map.
In a landscape where yesterday’s enemies become today’s allies, Wanga represents something potent: legitimacy within the opposition combined with pragmatic cooperation with the ruling administration.
Wanga has been unequivocal in her support for Ruto’s agenda, stating that ODM fully supports the President’s development initiatives.
This isn’t merely political theater—it’s a strategic recalibration that positions her as a bridge between two historically antagonistic political traditions.
The Broad-Based Government: More Than Political Window Dressing
The March 8 UDA-ODM deal that brought Orange Party figures into Cabinet positions wasn’t just about sharing power, it was about reshaping electoral mathematics for 2027.
For Ruto, the inclusion of ODM heavyweights serves multiple purposes: it neutralizes potential opposition, brings crucial regional representation, and provides options for his running mate selection.
Wanga’s role in this arrangement is particularly intriguing.
Unlike other ODM figures who joined government as Cabinet Secretaries, she has maintained her gubernatorial position while ascending within the party hierarchy.
This dual positioning as both a successful county executive and national party leader, creates a unique political profile that could prove invaluable in a national campaign.
The Gender Factor: Kenya’s Overdue Political Revolution
Gladys Wanga and William Ruto during a function in Homa Bay County.
Perhaps the most compelling argument for Wanga’s deputy presidency candidacy lies in Kenya’s long-overdue reckoning with gender representation.
Despite comprising over 50% of the population, women remain dramatically underrepresented in Kenya’s highest offices.
The country has never had a female president or deputy president, a statistic that becomes more glaring with each electoral cycle.
The demand for female leadership isn’t just coming from women’s rights activists.
Women movements are making a strong case that Kenya is “ripe for a woman Deputy President”, and this sentiment is gaining traction across political divides.
Ruto himself has previously hinted at the possibility of selecting a female running mate, suggesting that the gender factor isn’t just wishful thinking, it’s a serious political consideration.
Caren Oloo of Maendeleo Ya Wanawake captured this sentiment perfectly: “Kenya is ripe to get a woman leader at the top. For too long, we have been underrepresented in positions of power.”
This isn’t just about representation, it’s about recognizing that excluding half the population from top leadership positions is both morally indefensible and politically shortsighted.
The Kindiki Conundrum: Why Change Might Be Inevitable
Current Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s position, while seemingly secure, faces several structural challenges that could make a change inevitable.
Recent analysis suggests it may be impossible for Ruto to retain Kindiki as his running mate in 2027, though the deputy president has been actively campaigning for the ticket through nationwide tours.
The challenge for Kindiki isn’t personal competence—he’s widely regarded as capable and loyal.
Rather, it’s about electoral mathematics and political coalition-building.
As Ruto seeks to broaden his base beyond the Kenya Kwanza coalition, the running mate slot becomes a crucial tool for cementing new alliances and appealing to previously hostile constituencies.
Regional Dynamics: The Luo Factor in National Politics
Wanga’s potential candidacy takes on added significance when viewed through the lens of regional politics.
Should Raila Odinga indeed exit active politics as many expect, the Luo community—Kenya’s third-largest ethnic group—would need new national leadership.
Wanga, with her proven track record and national profile, could emerge as the natural successor to Odinga’s political legacy.
This transition wouldn’t just be symbolic.
The Luo community has historically played a pivotal role in Kenyan politics, and their support could prove decisive in 2027.
By selecting Wanga as his running mate, Ruto would effectively secure not just individual loyalty but potentially an entire regional bloc that has traditionally been in opposition.
The Competition: Waiguru and the UDA Dilemma
Wanga isn’t the only female politician being mentioned for the deputy presidency.
Kirinyaga Governor Anne Waiguru, a UDA stalwart serving her second and final term, remains a strong contender.
The choice between Wanga and Waiguru represents more than just individual preferences, it’s about the kind of coalition Ruto wants to build for 2027.
Waiguru offers continuity and loyalty from within the current ruling coalition.
She’s proven her ability to work within the UDA structure and has maintained strong ties with Central Kenya politics.
However, her selection would represent an inward-looking choice—rewarding existing allies rather than expanding the coalition.
Wanga, conversely, represents bold expansion. Her selection would signal Ruto’s commitment to transcending traditional political boundaries and building a truly national coalition.
It would also fulfill his implicit promise to elevate women to the highest levels of government.
The Raila Factor: Blessing or Burden?
Gladys Wanga and Raila Odinga during a football match in the past.
One of the most intriguing aspects of Wanga’s potential candidacy is her relationship with Raila Odinga.
While his backing has been crucial to her rise within ODM, it could also become a liability if perceived as excessive male influence on her candidacy.
As Caren Oloo warned: “Right now, we know Raila is behind Wanga. Should he walk away from the Broad-Based Government, her dreams could be shattered.”
This observation highlights a crucial tension, while Odinga’s support is valuable, Wanga must establish herself as an independent political force to be truly viable as a national leader.
The key for Wanga will be demonstrating that her political strength derives from her own achievements and appeal, rather than merely from being Odinga’s preferred successor.
Her track record as governor and her grassroots mobilization skills suggest she has the foundation to make this transition successfully.
Electoral Mathematics: Building the Winning Coalition
Politics, ultimately, is about numbers, and the 2027 electoral mathematics are complex.
Ruto’s victory in 2022 was built on a carefully constructed coalition that combined his Rift Valley base with crucial support from Central Kenya and other regions.
For 2027, he needs to maintain this coalition while potentially expanding it to ensure decisive victory.
A Wanga candidacy would bring several electoral advantages.
First, it would likely secure significant support from Nyanza, traditionally an opposition stronghold.
Second, it would appeal to women voters across ethnic lines, a demographic that constitutes over 50% of the electorate. Third, it would position Ruto as a progressive leader willing to break traditional barriers.
However, this strategy isn’t without risks.
Some traditional Ruto supporters might view the selection of an ODM figure as betrayal, potentially depressing turnout in his core constituencies. The challenge will be managing this transition without alienating existing supporters while attracting new ones.
The Opposition Factor: Neutralizing Future Threats
From a strategic perspective, bringing Wanga onto the ticket would serve another crucial purpose: neutralizing potential opposition coalitions.
If she becomes Ruto’s running mate, it would be significantly more difficult for any opposition alliance to present a credible challenge from Nyanza or to build a broad-based anti-Ruto coalition.
This isn’t just about 2027—it’s about fundamentally altering Kenya’s political landscape for years to come.
By absorbing key opposition figures into his coalition, Ruto could create a dominant political formation that mirrors the kind of hegemonic arrangements that characterized earlier periods of Kenyan politics.
Kenya’s GlobalImage
Kenya’s international partners have increasingly emphasized the importance of gender equality and women’s empowerment.
A female deputy president would send a powerful signal about Kenya’s commitment to these values, potentially enhancing the country’s standing in international forums and with development partners.
This consideration shouldn’t be underestimated in an era where Kenya seeks to position itself as a regional leader and global partner.
Having a woman in the second-highest office would represent significant progress and could yield tangible benefits in terms of international relationships and development cooperation.
Challenges and Obstacles
Despite the compelling case for Wanga’s candidacy, several obstacles remain.
First, there’s the question of whether ODM will demand formal pre-election agreements that could complicate the arrangement.
Political marriages of convenience are notoriously fragile, and the terms of any such alliance would need careful negotiation.
Second, there’s the challenge of managing internal UDA dynamics.
Long-time Ruto allies might resist what they perceive as excessive accommodation of former opponents.
The art of political leadership often lies in managing these internal tensions while pursuing broader strategic objectives.
Third, there’s the question of Wanga’s own political calculations.
While the deputy presidency would represent a significant elevation, it would also mean subordinating herself to Ruto’s leadership and agenda.
For a politician who has built her career in opposition, this transition requires careful consideration of long-term implications.
The Verdict: Grooming or Genuine Partnership?
Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga.
So, is Gladys Wanga being “groomed” to be Ruto’s deputy in 2027?
The evidence suggests something more complex than simple grooming—it appears to be a case of mutual political advantage creating conditions for potential partnership.
Wanga brings undeniable assets to any potential ticket: proven leadership ability, gender representation, regional appeal, and the capacity to bridge traditional political divides.
For Ruto, her selection would represent bold coalition-building that could secure his re-election while positioning his administration as progressive and inclusive.
The question isn’t whether she’s qualified—her track record speaks for itself.
Rather, it’s whether the political stars will align to make this partnership beneficial for all parties involved.
In a political environment where today’s allies can become tomorrow’s opponents, such calculations are never simple.
The Making of History
Whether or not Gladys Wanga becomes William Ruto’s running mate in 2027, her emergence as a serious candidate represents something significant in Kenyan politics.
It signals the maturation of women’s political leadership and the gradual breakdown of traditional barriers that have long excluded half the population from the highest offices.
For Kenya, the prospect of its first female deputy president—regardless of who ultimately gets the nod—represents long-overdue progress.
For Wanga personally, it represents the culmination of a political journey that began in the opposition trenches and could end in the corridors of State House.
The 2027 election remains more than two years away, and much can change in that time. Political alliances will shift, new crises will emerge, and electoral dynamics will evolve.
But one thing seems certain: Gladys Wanga has positioned herself as a serious player in Kenya’s political future, and her influence on the country’s trajectory is only beginning to be felt.
As Kenya stands at this political crossroads, the question isn’t just about individual ambitions or party calculations—it’s about the kind of leadership the country needs for its next chapter.
In Gladys Wanga, voters may well see not just a potential deputy president, but a symbol of the change they’ve long been promised but rarely delivered.
The game is afoot, the players are positioning themselves, and history waits to be written.
President William Ruto has signed into law sweeping anti-corruption legislation that significantly strengthens the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission’s powers to pursue unexplained wealth among public servants across all arms of government.
The Conflict of Interest Act, 2025, which received presidential assent at State House on Wednesday, consolidates all conflict of interest laws while repealing the Public Officer Ethics Act, creating what officials describe as a game-changing framework in Kenya’s fight against corruption.
Under the new legislation, the EACC now has unprecedented authority to institute forfeiture proceedings against public officers who cannot adequately explain the source of their assets. This marks a significant departure from previous laws that limited such powers and excluded senior officials in the judiciary and legislature from comprehensive wealth scrutiny.
The law mandates that all state and public officers, including previously exempt positions such as the Chief Justice, Cabinet members, and Members of County Assemblies, must file biennial declarations detailing their income, assets, and liabilities, extending these requirements to their spouses and dependents.
“We are making it much more difficult for people to take advantage of the offices they occupy,” President Ruto declared during the signing ceremony, emphasizing that the EACC now possesses the necessary tools to protect Kenya’s public resources and hold every officer accountable.
The legislation introduces stringent prohibitions against public officers awarding contracts to entities they have connections with, accepting gifts that could influence their decisions, or engaging in secondary employment that might compromise their objectivity. Violation of these provisions constitutes an offense under the new law.
Deputy President Kithure Kindiki highlighted that the law closes loopholes that corrupt officials have exploited to steal from public coffers, making it considerably more difficult for them to use proxies to advance corruption schemes.
A notable feature of the new framework is the establishment of a 90-day deadline for conflict-of-interest investigations, preventing concurrent probes by different authorities and providing clear structures for citizens to lodge complaints against public officials.
The EACC’s enhanced mandate extends beyond the executive branch, encompassing all three arms of government in wealth declaration oversight. This comprehensive approach represents the most significant expansion of anti-corruption enforcement powers in Kenya’s recent history.
The law’s passage followed a complex legislative journey involving multiple rounds of consideration and mediation between the National Assembly and the Senate, with final approval achieved after accommodating presidential concerns through amendments passed in June and July 2025.
As Kenya grapples with persistent corruption challenges, this legislation signals the government’s commitment to institutional accountability and transparent governance, potentially serving as a deterrent to public officials who might consider exploiting their positions for personal gain.
The new law takes effect immediately, setting the stage for intensified scrutiny of public wealth accumulation and marking what President Ruto described as “a very consequential moment in Kenya.“
NAROK, Kenya, Jul 24 – President William Ruto on Thursday launched the 2025 Great Wildebeest Migration global live coverage at the Masai Mara, in partnership with China Media Group Africa, as part of efforts to showcase Kenya’s tourism offerings to the world.
The President said the broadcast of the annual spectacle, often referred to as the eighth wonder of the world, was part of a broader campaign to boost international tourist arrivals, with a target of five million visitors by 2027.
“This historic broadcast is a powerful reminder of what is possible when vision meets partnership,” Ruto said.
“It is also a call to the world to travel with purpose, to preserve what is precious, and to pass on a healthier planet to future generations.”
Ruto noted that the Masai Mara, which receives more than 400,000 visitors annually, is the crown jewel of Kenya’s tourism and a global symbol of conservation success, adding that the migration offers a rare life-and-death spectacle as wildebeests cross the crocodile-infested Mara River.
The President said the government is diversifying tourism beyond wildlife and beaches to include digital innovation, sports and conference tourism, and cultural experiences, positioning Kenya as the home of human origin and a top global travel destination.
He hailed partnerships such as those with China under the Belt and Road Initiative, saying they go beyond infrastructure to foster shared responsibility for protecting the planet.
President William Ruto enjoys a game drive at the Masai Mara National Reserve
In 2024, Kenya welcomed 2.4 million international visitors, a 15 percent increase from 2023, which Ruto described as a sign of growing global confidence in the country’s destinations.
He invited local and international tourists to experience the migration and other attractions, describing Kenya as “open, radiant, and ready to share her soul with the world.”
Tourism Cabinet Secretary Rebecca Miano and Narok Governor Patrick Ntutu were among officials present at the launch.
Orange Democratic Movement Secretary General Edwin Sifuna has dramatically declared the Memorandum of Understanding between his party and the ruling United Democratic Alliance null and void, citing the recent death of teacher and blogger Albert Ojwang in police custody as the final straw that broke the political détente.
In a hard-hitting interview on a local television Tuesday night, the outspoken Nairobi Senator delivered what amounts to a political obituary for the March 7 agreement signed between President William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre.
The pact, originally designed to calm political tensions and address Kenya’s socio-economic challenges, has become a casualty of what Sifuna describes as the government’s continued bad faith.
“On the day that Albert Ojwang dies in a police cell, to me this agreement is dead. Because it doesn’t matter what else you do, Albert will not be able to enjoy that,” Sifuna stated with characteristic bluntness.
The ODM Secretary General revealed that his opposition to the agreement ran deeper than recent events, admitting he had been a vocal dissenter from the very beginning.
He painted a picture of internal party tensions, describing how he had warned his colleagues against entering into what he saw as a fundamentally flawed arrangement with an untrustworthy partner.
“I am on record having advised the party against doing this MoU with UDA, and we still went ahead and entered that MoU, but the beauty is that we’re proven right every day,” Sifuna explained.
His critique of the Ruto administration went beyond mere policy disagreements, touching on what he characterized as a cynical public relations exercise.
According to Sifuna, the Kenya Kwanza government was never genuinely interested in the substantive provisions of the agreement, viewing it instead as a convenient prop for political theater.
“They wanted a document that they could then go and run a PR campaign around and say we’re together,” he observed, describing how the government had deliberately misrepresented the nature of the agreement to suggest a coalition between the two parties when no such arrangement existed.
The Senator’s analysis of the MoU’s failure centered on two fundamental pillars that he said had justified the original agreement.
The first was the preservation of human life, particularly in the wake of the deadly Gen Z protests that had rocked the country.
The second was the sustenance of Kenya’s democratic institutions, ensuring political stability through to the 2027 elections.
While acknowledging that democratic processes remain intact, Sifuna argued that the continued loss of life had fatally undermined the moral foundation of the agreement. His assessment was stark in its simplicity: President Ruto was receiving his end of the bargain through political stability, but ordinary Kenyans continued to pay with their lives.
The practical implications of Sifuna’s declaration became clear when he revealed his refusal to participate in a recently proposed ODM committee tasked with reviewing the MoU’s implementation. His reasoning was characteristically direct and tinged with dark humor.
“Recently, we had another meeting and there was a proposal to have a team to review the implementation of this MoU. I have asked respectfully that I be left out of that team because I have already declared this MoU dead. I am not a mortician,” he stated, drawing a line between political negotiation and what he saw as futile attempts to revive a corpse.
The death of Albert Ojwang appears to have crystallized long-simmering frustrations within ODM about the agreement’s effectiveness. For Sifuna, it represented not just another casualty of state violence, but a symbol of the government’s fundamental inability or unwillingness to honor its commitments to protecting citizens’ lives.
His pronouncement comes at a delicate time for Kenyan politics, with the country still grappling with the aftermath of widespread protests and ongoing tensions between civil society and state security forces. The original MoU had included provisions for compensating protest victims and granting amnesty to those charged during peaceful demonstrations, commitments that Sifuna now views as hollow promises.
The broader implications of Sifuna’s stance extend beyond the immediate political theater to questions about the nature of political agreements in Kenya’s fractured democracy. His critique suggests a fundamental skepticism about whether formal political pacts can survive the realities of governance when trust between parties has eroded.
As one of ODM’s most prominent voices and a skilled political communicator, Sifuna’s declaration carries weight beyond his individual opinion. It signals potential fractures within the opposition movement and raises questions about the sustainability of any political cooperation between ODM and the ruling party.
The challenge now facing both parties is whether the MoU can survive such pointed criticism from within ODM’s own ranks, or whether Sifuna’s dramatic pronouncement will become a self-fulfilling prophecy, marking the end of what was already a fragile political arrangement born out of necessity rather than genuine partnership.
A controversial solar power project linked to Harun Aydin, the Turkish businessman who was deported from Kenya in 2021 but maintains close ties to President William Ruto, is raising serious questions about transparency and due diligence in the country’s renewable energy sector.
Unit 2HA Investment Energy Africa, a company where Aydin is listed as director and shareholder, has secured environmental approval to develop a 50-megawatt solar plant in Laikipia County despite glaring inconsistencies in its project proposal.
The firm’s estimated budget of Sh155.47 million for the project appears woefully inadequate, representing less than three percent of what similar projects typically cost.
Industry standards suggest that solar plants cost approximately $1 million per megawatt to construct, which would put Aydin’s project at around Sh6.4 billion rather than the declared Sh155 million.
This massive discrepancy becomes even more puzzling when compared to other solar initiatives in Kenya, where 40MW plants have required budgets exceeding Sh6 billion.
The project’s land requirements also defy conventional wisdom. While most solar installations in Kenya operate on 300 to 600 acres, Aydin’s venture proposes using 3,000 acres for a 50MW plant.
A cancelled project of similar scope in the same Rumuruti location was planned for just 300 acres at a cost of Sh6.7 billion.
Aydin’s return to prominence in Kenya’s business landscape marks a remarkable rehabilitation for someone who was detained and deported over allegations of terrorism financing and money laundering.
His deportation came during a period of political tension between then-President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto, with the Turkish businessman caught in the crossfire of their deteriorating relationship.
The businessman’s fortunes changed dramatically following Ruto’s ascension to the presidency in August 2022.
Aydin has since been linked to significant government contracts, including participation in Kenya’s affordable housing program through his company MHOA Africa Limited, which is part of a joint venture tasked with building over 100,000 homes.
What makes the solar project particularly concerning is the apparent disconnect between regulatory oversight and project implementation.
While the National Environment Management Authority has approved the project, the Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority confirmed it has yet to receive any permit application from the company.
The timing and circumstances surrounding this project highlight broader questions about governance and the influence of personal relationships in awarding government contracts.
Aydin’s presence at State House functions and his companies’ success in securing major deals despite his controversial past suggests a level of access that bypasses normal vetting processes.
Kenya’s push toward renewable energy is commendable, with solar power currently contributing 3.6 percent of the country’s electricity generation.
However, the integrity of this transition depends on transparent procurement processes and realistic project proposals that can actually deliver the promised outcomes.
As the country grapples with energy security and the need for sustainable power generation, projects like Aydin’s solar venture serve as a test case for whether Kenya can balance its development needs with proper governance standards.
The discrepancies in this proposal demand thorough investigation before any further approvals are granted.
The energy sector’s credibility hinges on ensuring that all players, regardless of their political connections, meet the same rigorous standards for project viability and transparency.
In the annals of Kenyan political history, few interventions have been as consequential yet as quietly orchestrated as the one that unfolded in the aftermath of the devastating Gen Z protests of June 2024.
As Parliament buildings burned and military deployment loomed ominously over the nation, it was an unlikely phone call from across the Atlantic that would ultimately save President William Ruto’s administration from collapse.
The revelation, made public by ODM leader Raila Odinga during a candid interview at his Karen home on Sunday, pulls back the curtain on one of the most critical moments in Kenya’s recent political trajectory—a moment when the country teetered on the precipice of military intervention.
Brink of military takeover
By June 25, 2024, Kenya had reached a dangerous inflection point.
The Gen Z-led protests against the controversial Finance Bill had escalated beyond anyone’s expectations.
Parliament had been stormed, and in response, President Ruto had deployed military forces a move that historically signals the beginning of the end for civilian governments across Africa.
“There was a danger that ultimately, the military would come and take over,” Raila disclosed, his words carrying the weight of someone who understood how quickly democratic institutions can crumble.
“We were almost at the brink of that happening, and there were speculations on what was going to happen next. We had seen what had happened in other countries in a similar situation.”
The parallels were unmistakable.
Across the continent, similar scenarios had played out with predictable outcomes: civilian governments falling, military juntas taking control, and democratic progress being set back by decades.
Kenya, despite its relatively stable democratic trajectory since 2010, was not immune to such possibilities.
Transatlantic intervention
It was at this critical juncture that former President Uhuru Kenyatta, monitoring events from the United States, made what may go down as one of the most important phone calls in Kenya’s political history.
Despite the well-documented animosity between himself and his former deputy, and the equally strained relationship between Raila and Ruto, Kenyatta recognized that the moment demanded statesmanship above personal grievances.
“In that charged environment, one of my colleagues, former President Uhuru Kenyatta, called me,” Raila recounted.
“He was in the US and suggested that although he knows I don’t want to talk to Ruto, in the interest of the country, I need to find a way of talking to him.”
The significance of this intervention cannot be overstated.
Kenyatta, who had spent his final years in office in an increasingly bitter political divorce from Ruto, was essentially asking his political ally Raila to save the administration of the man who had publicly humiliated him and dismantled his political legacy.
Unlikely Rescue Mission
What followed was a political choreography that few could have predicted.
Rather than Raila having to seek out the embattled president, it was Ruto who reached out first—a telling indication of just how precarious his position had become.
“I did not even have to look for Ruto; he asked to come and see me and we agreed that we should talk,” Raila revealed, highlighting the role reversal that the crisis had precipitated.
The discussions that followed were brutally honest.
Raila confronted Ruto with the fundamental cause of the crisis: his administration’s failure to implement the recommendations of the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO) that had been established to address previous political tensions.
“When we had discussions, I told him that these issues had come because he did not implement the NADCO report, and under these circumstances, we must have a broader conversation to bring people together,” Raila explained.
Initially reluctant, Ruto eventually acquiesced to the broader engagement that would ultimately evolve into the broad-based government we see today.
Price of salvation
The rescue of Ruto’s administration came at a significant political cost—primarily to Raila himself.
The ODM leader faced fierce resistance from within his own Azimio coalition, many of whom viewed any collaboration with the Kenya Kwanza government as a betrayal of their opposition mandate.
“We tried to consult among ourselves as Azimio if we could find a way of participating in a broad-based government. I myself was against it, and my other colleagues also,” Raila admitted with characteristic candor.
However, pragmatism ultimately prevailed over political purity.
The ODM party leadership concluded that sending technocrats to help stabilize the government was preferable to allowing the country to descend into chaos or military rule.
The result was the appointment of ODM-affiliated Cabinet Secretaries Hassan Joho, Wycliffe Oparanya, Opiyo Wandayi, John Mbadi, and Beatrice Askul—individuals Raila described as “experts” who could “help steady the ship and come up with new ideas to deal with issues in contention.”
Perhaps most significantly, Raila has been careful to characterize this political collaboration as temporary and issue-based rather than a permanent realignment.
The March 2025 Memorandum of Understanding between ODM and UDA focuses on specific deliverables: full implementation of the NADCO report, addressing youth unemployment, and implementing the two-thirds gender rule.
“We have said that we are in the broad-based government until 2027. We did not say that we are going to work with UDA beyond 2027,” Raila emphasized, drawing a clear line between crisis management and long-term political partnership.
The events of June 2024 and their aftermath represent a pivotal moment in Kenya’s democratic evolution.
They demonstrate both the fragility and resilience of the country’s political institutions.
While the Gen Z protests exposed deep-seated grievances and the potential for democratic breakdown, the response by the political leadership orchestrated by Uhuru from afar showed that maturity and statesmanship can still triumph over personal ambition.
For Ruto, the intervention represents both salvation and humiliation.
His administration was saved, but only through the magnanimity of the two men he had spent years politically marginalizing.
For Raila, it represents perhaps his most significant act of statesmanship choosing country over party politics at considerable personal political cost.
For Uhuru, operating from the sidelines in the United States, it was a masterclass in behind-the-scenes political influence, demonstrating that his political relevance extends far beyond his physical presence in the country.
## Looking Ahead
As Kenya approaches the 2027 general elections, the broad-based government experiment continues to evolve. While it has undoubtedly provided the stability that Ruto’s administration desperately needed after the Gen Z protests, questions remain about its long-term sustainability and electoral implications.
The arrangement has given Ruto breathing room to address the fundamental governance issues that sparked the protests in the first place. However, it has also complicated the political landscape for 2027, creating new dynamics and alliances that will shape the next electoral cycle.
What remains clear is that the events of June 2024 represented a crossroads for Kenyan democracy—and the choice made by the key political actors, orchestrated by an unexpected phone call from across the Atlantic, may have prevented the country from sliding into the kind of political chaos that has plagued other parts of the continent.
In saving Ruto’s administration, Uhuru and Raila may well have saved Kenya’s democratic trajectory itself.
As a global economic publication, The Economist is no stranger to robust opinion. But its recent editorial choices regarding Kenya raise troubling questions not about policy or performance but about editorial integrity and selective disclosure.
On July 16th, The Economistpublished a letter from Kenya’s State House Spokesperson, Hussein Mohamed, in response to its earlier assertion that President William Ruto is steering Kenya into “dangerous” territory.
The magazine presented it as a right of reply. In reality, it was a heavily redacted response that excluded critical macroeconomic data, investor milestones, and structural reforms—facts that, if included, would have complicated its pessimistic narrative.
The original response which has since been made public (read the full text at the end of the article) by State House was a detailed and quantitative counterargument.
It laid out how, since 2022, Kenya has posted an average GDP growth of 5%, outperforming the global and Sub-Saharan averages.
The IMF projects GDP will reach $132bn in 2025, making Kenya the largest economy in East and Central Africa.
Inflation has dropped from 9.6% to 3.8%, foreign exchange reserves have risen to $11.8bn, and the shilling has appreciated 20% against the dollar.
These are not abstract figures. They speak to real stability in a turbulent region. Yet none of this was printed.
Nor were major structural developments such as the registration of 24 million citizens under a new universal healthcare regime, or the delivery of affordable housing for families previously living in informal settlements.
A credit revolution via the Hustler Fund, 400,000 new jobs via climate and construction programs, and increased agricultural earnings all were omitted.
Critique of political leadership is both legitimate and essential.
But when a publication requests a government response and then deletes large sections of its substance without acknowledgment it invites accusations of bias.
No one expects The Economist to adopt the Ruto administration’s line.
But a publication with such reach must avoid the appearance of shaping African narratives through selective editing.
The problem here isn’t that the magazine published criticism, it’s that it declined to publish the facts used to rebut it.
The Economist’s suggestion that President Ruto’s image is “tainted” and that he should consider stepping aside from a second term strays into political editorializing.
That decision lies with Kenyan voters, not with editors in London.
This episode is not isolated.
African governments particularly those attempting reform within a volatile post-COVID, debt-constrained landscape have long struggled to get balanced treatment from Western press.
Strong reform efforts are often dismissed as cosmetic, instability is assumed even when resilience is evident.
It is worth asking, had a European prime minister posted 5% growth, halved inflation, and appreciated the local currency 20% would their response to criticism have been edited so aggressively?
Kenya is not immune to challenges.
The Ruto administration faces legitimate scrutiny, particularly around youth unrest and the handling of public protests.
But critique must be met with an equal willingness to publish countervailing evidence especially when it arrives in structured, well-documented form.
What The Economist published was not a true right of reply. It was a curated excerpt that stripped out inconvenient truths.
For Kenya, and for the wider African continent, global credibility depends not just on reform at home but also on fair and complete representation abroad.
(Letter to The Economist by State House Spokesperson)
RIGHT OF REPLY: WILLIAM RUTO IS MAKING THE HARD CHOICES OTHERS FEARED, AND RESHAPING KENYA
In response to the recent article claiming that President William Ruto is leading Kenya to a “dangerous place,” this piece offers a fact-based counterview: Ruto is, in fact, making the hard choices others feared, and reshaping Kenya’s future through bold, necessary reforms.
To claim that Kenya has enjoyed political and economic stability for the past two decades, yet fail to acknowledge the overwhelming macro-economic indicators showing Kenya performing better than ever now, is not only disingenuous, but borders on willful ignorance, deliberate distortion, or outright malice.
For a platform as reputable as The Economist, such omissions are alarming. This response seeks to offer the facts that appear to have been either inadvertently overlooked or deliberately ignored.
President Ruto was elected on a platform of economic transformation and inclusion, promising to leave no one behind. Since independence, the majority of Kenyans, especially the poor, have been underserved by government policies and development programmes. The Kenya Kwanza administration’s agenda gives priority to agricultural productivity, affordable housing, universal healthcare, micro, small and medium enterprise reforms, access to affordable credit, broadband connectivity through the 100,000km digital superhighway roll-out, and the growth of the creative economy.
At the heart of all these interventions is job creation—an urgent need for the nearly one million youth who graduate annually, 80% of whom remain unemployed.
Two years into his administration, and despite global headwinds, including a post-COVID economic environment, a historic drought, a rising Federal Reserve interest rate, and a crippling debt crisis, the Kenyan economy has shown remarkable resilience and recovery—one that reflects the strength and effectiveness of President Ruto’s bold economic reforms.
Since August 2022, Kenya has recorded an average annual GDP growth rate of 5%, outperforming the global average of 3.3% and the regional average of 3.8%. In May 2025, the International Monetary Fund projected that Kenya’s GDP would reach $132 billion (KSh 17 trillion), making it the largest economy in East and Central Africa and the sixth-largest on the continent.
Inflation, which stood at 9.6% in October 2022, fell sharply to 3.8% by May 2025, well below Kenya Central Bank’s 5% target, bringing relief to millions of households.
The Kenyan shilling appreciated by nearly 20% against the US dollar (from KSh 162 to KSh 129), placing it among the best-performing currencies globally. The Central Bank Rate dropped from 13% to 9.75%, reducing borrowing costs and spurring private sector growth.
Meanwhile, foreign exchange reserves have grown to $11.8 billion, extending the import cover from 2.5 to 5 months.
These are not abstract figures; they represent real, tangible progress. To dismiss such indicators with a sweeping, pessimistic statement like “Kenya is facing a bleak future” is not only unfounded, but also a disservice to the truth and to the millions of Kenyans working hard every day to transform their country.
In May 2025, President Ruto handed over keys to over 1,000 families formerly living in Nairobi’s informal settlements, who now reside in the newly built Mukuru Estate developed under the Affordable Housing Programme. This initiative, ongoing in 42 of Kenya’s 47 counties, is set to deliver 150,000 housing units, while also creating more than 320,000 jobs in the housing value chain. For the first time in Kenya’s post-independence history, the long-promised dream of affordable housing is being realised.
Similarly, universal healthcare—another promise made and repeatedly broken over decades—is now taking shape under President Ruto’s administration. The Social Health Authority (SHA), launched in October 2024, has already registered 24 million Kenyans, up from just 7 million under a previous ineffective model that served only a privileged few. The SHA now delivers free primary healthcare, critical and chronic illness management, emergency care, and insured secondary healthcare.
In agriculture, targeted support and sectoral reforms have increased food production by 50%. Milk prices have risen from KSh35 to KSh50 a litre. Coffee farmers now earn up to KSh150 a kilo from KSh65. Tea earnings grew from KSh138 billion in 2022 to KSh215 billion in 2024. Sugar production jumped from 490,000 to 815,000 metric tonnes in just one year, reducing sugar imports by 70% and boosting farmer earnings from KSh50 billion to KSh90 billion.
Financial inclusion has expanded through the Hustler Fund, launched within three months of Ruto’s presidency, as promised. Over 25 million Kenyans have accessed loans totalling KSh70 billion, and the fund has mobilised KSh4.5 billion in savings. For the first time, millions previously excluded from formal credit systems are accessing financing through a revolutionary credit-rating model that does not rely on collateral like payslips or title deeds.
To address the urgent need to create opportunities for the hundreds of thousands of young men and women entering the labour market annually, President Ruto’s policies have significantly expanded employment opportunities. Over 320,000 jobs have been created through the Affordable Housing Programme, while the Climate Worx Programme—an ambitious initiative aimed at engaging youth across Kenya, particularly in informal settlements—has created an additional 110,000 jobs. This programme focuses on delivering essential public goods such as road construction, tree planting, and environmental sanitation.
Beyond domestic efforts, the government has also implemented strategies to facilitate labour mobility by securing job opportunities abroad. As a result, more than 400,000 Kenyans have been placed in international positions across healthcare, agriculture, construction, and other sectors. These efforts reflect a deliberate, structured approach to youth employment, grounded in practical interventions, policy foresight, and global engagement.
Additionally, Special Economic Zones and Export Processing Zones have attracted 80 companies and created over 14,000 jobs. Kenya has become a hub for major global tech companies, including Microsoft, Amazon Web Services, and Apple. Just last week, during President Ruto’s visit to the United Kingdom, BUPA Global, Africa Speciality Risk, Lloyd’s, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development announced plans to establish their Africa offices in Nairobi.
Given these clear achievements, the statement that “several global companies have already left or scaled back operations in Kenya” begs scrutiny. Which companies? On what basis? Surely, a reputable publication like The Economist should not rely on vague generalities.
Now, turning to the second core argument in the article: The recent Gen Z protests.
Kenya remains a robust and functioning democracy, guided by the rule of law and the Constitution. The right to protest is enshrined in law, and President Ruto has never stopped any citizen from exercising that right.
It is true, and deeply tragic, that lives have been lost in recent demonstrations, and the government has acknowledged these painful events. The case of Albert Ojwang is particularly heartbreaking and regrettable, and it too has been formally acknowledged by the government. Investigations are ongoing, and several police officers have already been charged in court, with active prosecution underway. No democracy can flourish without accountability, and the administration remains firmly committed to upholding justice.
That said, it is important to clarify that while many protests have been peaceful, some have unfortunately degenerated into violence, including attacks on police stations and private property. The Constitution guarantees the right to protest, but also mandates that this right must not infringe on the rights of others. In any functioning democracy, a difficult balance must always be struck.
The article further makes the claim that these protests are now “not divided along ethnic lines.” One must ask, when were constitutional protests in Kenya ever organised along ethnic lines? It is both unnecessary and harmful to inject ethnic narratives into what has been, by and large, issue-based civic action.
Last year’s Gen Z-led protests were sparked by the Finance Bill 2024. President Ruto listened. He withdrew the Bill. He also invited the youth to a national dialogue, a move that underscores responsiveness to public sentiment. This year’s protests, while partly marking that anniversary, were also triggered by the death of a young Kenyan, Albert Ojwang, in police custody—a case the government has not ignored.
Finally, the article concludes with an astonishing suggestion that President Ruto’s “tainted image” means he should not seek re-election. What exactly constitutes “tainted”? What is the standard, the benchmark? If the argument is to be made, it should be made with facts and fairness. In any case, shouldn’t the voters, not The Economist, make that decision at the ballot at the next elections?
To claim that President Ruto is “taking Kenya to a dangerous place” is not only misleading but also ignores the bold, transformative reforms that are stabilising the economy, expanding opportunity, and restoring national dignity. This is not danger; it is decisive leadership in difficult times.
Kenya is a democracy. Those seeking to challenge the President or his policies are free to do so, peacefully, legally, and constitutionally. As President Ruto himself has said:
“For those who want power, the Constitution is clear: Elections will come. Formulate a better plan, convince the people of Kenya, and win fairly. That is how change happens in a democracy.”
Hussein Mohamed, MBS State House Spokesperson July 9, 2025
A Political Chess Move That Could Fragment the Opposition and Secure Another Term
NAIROBI, Kenya — When former Chief Justice David Maraga announced his 2027 presidential bid in June, many Kenyans saw it as the entry of a clean, principled leader into the murky waters of politics.
But beneath the surface of this seemingly independent campaign lies a sophisticated political calculation that could inadvertently — or perhaps deliberately — hand President William Ruto another term in office.
The question isn’t whether Maraga can win the presidency.
The question is whether his candidacy serves as the perfect spoiler to fragment opposition votes and neutralize the growing anti-establishment sentiment that threatens Ruto’s re-election prospects.
The perfect spoiler candidate
Maraga declared on June 18, 2024, that he would run for the presidency in 2027, pledging to crowdfund his campaign rather than depend on political financiers or wealthy backers.
This anti-establishment messaging positions him perfectly to attract disaffected voters who might otherwise support opposition candidates.
Political analysts suggest that Maraga’s entry into the race serves multiple strategic purposes for the ruling establishment.
First, it fragments the crucial Kisii voting bloc, which historically has been a stronghold for opposition candidates.
The Kisii and Nyamira counties had 637,010 and 323,283 registered voters respectively in the last election, with these counties largely supporting opposition candidate Raila Odinga.
With former Interior Cabinet Secretary Dr. Fred Matiang’i already signaling his intention to contest the presidency in 2027 with a tour in Kisii and Nyamira counties, Maraga’s candidacy creates a three-way split that could significantly reduce the opposition’s consolidated vote share from this region.
The Gen Z dilemma
Perhaps more strategically important is Maraga’s appeal to the Gen Z demographic — a voting bloc that has emerged as President Ruto’s biggest political threat. Gen Z, who staged historic nationwide protests against the Finance Bill in June last year, have become an attractive voting bloc for politicians seeking the highest office.
Gen Z voters represent 65% of the electorate, providing potential for significant disruption to historic voting patterns and preferences, being very liberal with different appeals to politics and policies.
This demographic’s disillusionment with traditional politics and their demand for accountability makes them natural opponents of any incumbent administration.
By positioning himself as the “Gen Z candidate” who understands their frustrations with police brutality and corruption, Maraga could effectively siphon away young voters who might otherwise unite behind a single opposition candidate.
Maraga is positioning himself as an outsider candidate backed by youth and reformists seeking a clean break from Kenya’s entrenched political elite.
The state project theory
President William Ruto.
The most compelling evidence for Maraga being a strategic asset to Ruto lies in their recent professional relationship.
In December 2022, President Ruto appointed Maraga to chair the Police Reforms Taskforce, a role he held for nearly a year.
While the taskforce was later ruled unconstitutional by the courts, this appointment demonstrates a level of trust and collaboration between the two figures.
There’s growing suspicion in some political quarters that Maraga’s clean image may be conveniently co-opted by power brokers aiming to split critical voting blocs, particularly the Kisii vote and the increasingly influential Gen Z electorate.
A senior political strategist, speaking on condition of anonymity, explained: “In Kenyan politics, no one runs for president without substantial backing. Maraga’s insistence on crowdfunding is either remarkably naive or brilliantly deceptive. If you want to neutralize the opposition without appearing to do so, you back a candidate who embodies their values but can’t realistically win.”
The Mathematics of victory
Kenya’s electoral system requires a candidate to win both the popular vote and meet regional distribution requirements.
For Ruto to win in 2027, he doesn’t necessarily need to increase his vote share — he just needs to ensure the opposition vote is sufficiently fragmented.
With figures like David Maraga, Martha Karua, and Kalonzo Musyoka hinting at their ambitions, the 2027 presidential race is already shaping up to be a fierce battle.
This multi-candidate field benefits the incumbent, as opposition votes get distributed across multiple candidates rather than consolidated behind a single challenger.
For the opposition to win in 2027, they need to be bigger than the sum of their regional components and engineer a wave election.
Maraga’s candidacy makes this coalition-building infinitely more difficult.
The authenticity question
The most troubling aspect of the Maraga candidacy is that it may be entirely genuine.
The former Chief Justice’s moral convictions and desire to serve Kenya are not in question. However, authentic motivations don’t preclude strategic manipulation by savvy political operators.
The 74-year-old retired jurist said his decision came after extensive consultations and deep reflection on the country’s current trajectory, particularly the government’s handling of youth-led protests.
These consultations, while well-intentioned, may have included voices that saw political opportunity in his candidacy.
The historical precedent
Kenya has a history of “project” candidates who emerge at crucial moments to serve specific political interests.
The classic example is the 2002 election when multiple candidates from different regions helped fragment the opposition vote, though in that case, it ultimately backfired on the incumbent KANU party.
Lawyer Miguna Miguna has thrown his weight behind former Chief Justice David Maraga as his preferred presidential candidate, demonstrating that Maraga’s appeal crosses traditional political lines.
This broad-based support, while validating his credentials, also makes him the perfect candidate to attract voters from across the political spectrum.
The unintended consequence
The irony of Maraga’s candidacy is that it could achieve the opposite of what he intends.
By fragmenting opposition votes and neutralizing anti-establishment sentiment, his campaign could enable the continuation of the very system he seeks to reform.
The voter of 2027 will be very progressive and forward-looking besides being sophisticated politically, with years of civic education and political engagement yielding a discernable electorate.
Yet this sophistication may be rendered irrelevant if their votes are split across multiple candidates who share similar reform agendas.
From President Ruto’s perspective, the Maraga candidacy represents a low-risk, high-reward scenario.
If Maraga fails to gain significant traction, no harm is done. If he succeeds in attracting substantial support, he likely draws it from opposition candidates rather than from Ruto’s base.
The beauty of this strategy is its deniability. Ruto can maintain plausible distance from Maraga’s campaign while benefiting from its fragmenting effect on the opposition.
The former Chief Justice’s impeccable reputation provides perfect cover for what may be a sophisticated political operation.
This analysis raises uncomfortable questions about the health of Kenya’s democracy.
While multiple candidates and diverse political choices are hallmarks of democratic societies, the strategic manipulation of electoral mathematics threatens the principle of majority rule.
The challenge for Kenyan voters in 2027 will be distinguishing between genuine political diversity and engineered fragmentation.
Maraga’s candidacy embodies this dilemma — a principled leader whose campaign may serve unprincipled political ends.
David Maraga’s 2027 presidential campaign represents the perfect storm for President Ruto’s re-election strategy.
It appeals to the right demographics, fragments crucial opposition strongholds, and provides moral legitimacy to what may be a calculated political maneuver.
Whether Maraga is a willing participant in this strategy or an unwitting pawn is ultimately irrelevant.
What matters is the effect his candidacy will have on Kenya’s electoral landscape.
In a country where elections are often decided by narrow margins, the entry of a credible candidate who appeals to opposition voters could be the difference between victory and defeat for the incumbent.
The real question facing Kenyan voters is not whether David Maraga is qualified to be president — his credentials are impeccable.
The question is whether his candidacy serves the democratic interests of the Kenyan people or the political interests of those who benefit from a fragmented opposition.
As the 2027 election approaches, this distinction may prove to be the most important factor in determining Kenya’s political future.
