Kenya Insights

Category: Africa

  • Congo President Tshisekedi Accuses Rwanda Of Violating Peace Deal

    Congo President Tshisekedi Accuses Rwanda Of Violating Peace Deal

    KINSHASA, Dec 8 (Reuters) – Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi said on Monday that Rwanda is violating its commitments just days after attending a ceremony in Washington to sign deals that aimed to end years of conflict in the country’s mineral-rich east.

    Tshisekedi made the accusations in a speech to lawmakers. There was no immediate response from Rwanda.

    Deadly clashes have marred efforts to begin implementing the terms of U.S. and Qatar-brokered agreements signed in recent months between Congo, Rwanda, and the rebel group M23.

    Over the weekend, Rwanda-backed M23 rebels advanced in an area close to the border with Burundi, seizing the village of Luvungi, according to two local residents who spoke to Reuters and shared a video of the rebels holding a meeting there. Rwanda denies backing the rebels.

    Some Congolese soldiers fled the town and clashed with local Wazalendo defense forces on Sunday in the nearby town of Sange, local officials said.

    Sange was bombed or struck with grenades, and as many as 36 people were killed, a local official and other sources said on Monday. It was not immediately clear which party to the conflict had fired or which type of weapon had caused the deadly explosion.

    A civil society source shared photos of bodies of those killed, who appeared to be civilians wearing colorful, non-military clothing, covered in blood and lying at odd angles. Two bodies were small and appeared to belong to young children.

    The Congolese army did not immediately respond to a request for comment. M23 also did not respond to a request for comment.

    Last week, Rwanda and Congo reaffirmed their commitment to a U.S.-brokered deal signed in June and signed new agreements in Washington.

  • Benin Frees Hostage Officers After Failed Coup

    Benin Frees Hostage Officers After Failed Coup

    Two senior military officers in Benin who were taken captive during a coup attempt were freed early on Monday, just one day after the government announced it had prevented the takeover with assistance from Nigerian forces.

    Cotonou, the economic centre of Benin, appeared peaceful, and traffic began to return to normal after a group of soldiers declared on national television the previous day that they had deposed the president.

    In a television broadcast later on Sunday, President Patrice Talon reassured the nation that the situation was “completely under control.”

    Talon, 67, is set to relinquish power in April after serving two terms as leader of the West African nation, which has faced increasing insurgent activity in the northern regions in recent years.

    This coup attempt comes in the wake of a series of military takeovers across West Africa, including in Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, and, most recently, in Guinea-Bissau last month.

    The Beninese government quickly called for assistance from its neighbour, Nigeria, which announced late on Sunday that it had conducted military strikes in Cotonou and deployed troops to the country.

    The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also pledged military support for Benin and will convene in Abidjan on Monday. The bloc had threatened to intervene during the coup in Niger earlier in 2023, but ultimately chose not to act.

    According to two military sources, the two senior officers who were captured during the coup attempt were released overnight from Sunday to Monday. Chief of Army Staff Abou Issa and Colonel Faizou Gomina, the army chief, were freed near the National Guard’s base in Cotonou.

    As of Monday, it remained unclear how many individuals participated in the coup attempt or how many were still missing.

    In his address late Sunday, Talon said the country had “stood firm” and “cleared the last pockets of resistance”.

    “This treachery will not go unpunished,” he said, while military sources said that around a dozen soldiers had been arrested.

    Benin Frees Hostage Officers After Failed Coup
    Benin Frees Hostage Officers After Failed Coup

    A source familiar with the situation reported that the coup’s leader, Lieutenant Colonel Pascal Tigri, is currently at large.

    More military tanks were also spotted in various locations throughout Cotonou, and although several roads remained closed, others had reopened.

    The Economic Community of West African States announced that troops from Ghana, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone were being sent to Benin to assist the government in maintaining “constitutional order.” The regional body, along with the United Nations, former colonial power France, and the African Union, condemned the coup attempt.

    According to the constitution of Benin, Talon is ineligible to seek a third term, but his chosen successor, Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni, is viewed as the frontrunner for the upcoming presidential election in April.

    The main opposition party has been barred from the ballot because its candidate lacks sufficient sponsors.

    While Talon has been praised for fostering economic growth, critics denounce his authoritarian tendencies in a country once celebrated for its democratic vitality.

  • Tanzania Pushes Ahead With Major US Trade Deals Even as Rights Abuses Trigger Global Alarm

    Tanzania Pushes Ahead With Major US Trade Deals Even as Rights Abuses Trigger Global Alarm

    Tanzania and the United States are racing to seal multibillion-dollar investment deals, even as Washington and international rights bodies raise fresh concerns over the country’s democratic backsliding and heavy-handed security operations.

    President Samia Suluhu Hassan on Monday, December 8, 2025, hosted Acting US Ambassador Andrew Lentz at Chamwino State House for high-level talks that signalled what both sides framed as a deepening economic partnership.

    The meeting reviewed progress on three flagship projects: the USD 42 billion Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) project, the Tembo Nickel development, and the USD 300 million Mahenge Graphite project.

    Officials confirmed that negotiations for the LNG and Tembo Nickel agreements are in the final stretch, with signatures expected soon.

    Work on the Mahenge Graphite project is ongoing, part of Tanzania’s broader push to position itself as a key supplier of essential minerals for global clean-energy transitions.

    Ambassador Lentz said Washington wants a relationship built on “shared prosperity” rather than aid dependency.

    President Samia underscored Tanzania’s willingness to work with partners who “respect its sovereignty” and support long-term economic transformation.

    She noted that more than 400 American companies are currently operating in the country, a sign she said reflects investor confidence and Tanzania’s stability.

    Beyond trade, the discussions touched on political stability, regional security cooperation, governance reforms, health programmes, and private-sector development.

    Lentz praised Samia’s Vision 2050 blueprint and her 4R philosophy of Reconciliation, Resilience, Reforms and Rebuilding, saying the US was ready to back those ambitions.

    Massive economic stakes

    The LNG project remains Tanzania’s most significant investment prospect in decades, with analysts estimating it could inject thousands of jobs and billions in state revenue once operational.

    The Tembo Nickel project, valued at KSh121.8 billion, is at the centre of US interest in diversifying global supply chains for electric-vehicle batteries and other green-tech manufacturing.

    The Mahenge Graphite project also feeds into the same strategy, positioning Tanzania as a critical minerals hub.

    Rights concerns intensify

    But the budding partnership comes at a moment of deep unease over Tanzania’s human rights environment.

    On December 4, the US State Department issued a strongly worded statement flagging deteriorating conditions for religious freedom, free expression and political participation.

    The statement cited post-election violence following the disputed October 29 vote and warned that the escalating situation could endanger American citizens and destabilise the wider region.

    International scrutiny has sharpened ahead of Tanzania’s Independence Day celebrations on December 9.

    The UN Human Rights Office urged the government to allow peaceful assemblies and rein in security forces after reports of sweeping arrests and the use of force against protesters.

    Domestic rights groups say more than 2,000 people have been detained since the election unrest, a figure authorities have neither confirmed nor denied.

    The government has instead issued a nationwide advisory urging citizens to stay home for Independence Day “for their own safety,” while Prime Minister Mwigulu Nchemba said only those with essential duties should report to work.

    A delicate balancing act

    Analysts say Tanzania is walking a tightrope: courting record-breaking American investment while managing rising domestic dissent and growing international criticism.

    For President Samia, the coming weeks will test whether her administration can reassure global partners without widening the rift at home.

    The success of the US-Tanzania deals and the country’s global standing now hinge on how she navigates the dual pressures of economic ambition and human rights accountability.

  • US Using Tanzania Relations Review as ‘Propaganda Weapon’ to Destabilise the Country, Moroccan Politician Claims

    US Using Tanzania Relations Review as ‘Propaganda Weapon’ to Destabilise the Country, Moroccan Politician Claims

    DAR ES SALAAM — As Tanzania braces for what could be another explosive confrontation between protesters and security forces on Tuesday’s Independence Day, a Moroccan politician has ignited a diplomatic firestorm by accusing Washington of wielding its review of bilateral relations with Tanzania as a propaganda weapon designed to destabilize the East African nation.

    Said Bakkali, Head of International Relations for Morocco’s Party of Progress and Socialism, told Sputnik Africa that the United States announcement of a comprehensive review of its relations with Tanzania represents a clear intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation.

    His stark warning comes as the US State Department issued an extraordinary statement this week citing Tanzania’s repression of religious freedom, obstacles to American investment, and disturbing violence against civilians during the October 29 elections as grounds for reconsidering six decades of partnership.

    “The United States does not have the right to intervene and to impact the result of elections and the orientation of the voters in African country,” Bakkali stated, linking the timing of Washington’s announcement, just days before planned demonstrations on December 9, as an attempt to encourage disturbance and chaos.

    The allegations strike at the heart of a deepening crisis that has transformed Tanzania from one of East Africa’s most stable democracies into the epicenter of the region’s most serious political upheaval in decades.

    What began as protests against an election that saw President Samia Suluhu Hassan declared winner with 98 percent of the vote after opposition leaders were barred from running has morphed into an international diplomatic standoff with potentially seismic implications for US influence across Africa.

    The violence surrounding the October 29 election was unprecedented in Tanzanian history.

    Opposition party Chadema has documented between 1,000 and 2,000 deaths, while United Nations human rights experts report at least 700 people were killed.

    The government has refused to release official casualty figures, stating that doing so would be to “celebrate the deaths,” even as security forces allegedly transported bodies to undisclosed locations, leaving families desperately searching hospitals and police stations for missing loved ones.

    The government imposed a communications blackout, deployed military forces alongside police, and instituted a nationwide curfew that shut down transport, markets, the internet, and newspapers for the first time since independence.

    Gas stations closed, grocery shops remained shuttered, and streets in Dar es Salaam and Dodoma emptied as Tanzanians hunkered down amid reports of security forces firing live ammunition at demonstrators.

    Against this backdrop, the US State Department’s announcement carries extraordinary weight.

    Washington is Tanzania’s largest bilateral donor, having delivered an estimated $2.8 billion per year in tangible benefits to the Tanzanian economy between 2012 and 2022, according to research by AidData.

    The partnership encompasses health sector investments worth nearly $7 billion through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief since 2003, credited with saving an estimated 750,000 lives, as well as substantial support for democracy, governance, and private sector development.

    The statement from Principal Deputy Spokesperson Tommy Pigott pulled no punches.

    “These actions have put American citizens, tourists, and U.S. interests in Tanzania at risk, and threatened to undermine the mutual prosperity and security that have defined our partnership for decades,” the State Department declared, warning that “the future of our bilateral relationship with the Government of Tanzania will be based on its actions.”

    The European Parliament has also condemned post-election killings and called for new elections and investigations, while Ghana became the first African state to publicly demand a credible investigation into the violence.

    The Southern African Development Community and African Union election observers both declared the polls failed to meet electoral standards, citing intimidation, irregularities, and limited transparency.

    Yet Bakkali’s characterization of Washington’s pressure as a diplomatic weapon aimed at destabilization resonates with a broader narrative gaining traction across the continent.

    He argued that such actions exploit divisions among African nations, weaken mutual trust, and ultimately seek to control resources and decision-making processes.

    “Pressure with the US’ ‘diplomatic weapon’ aims to discredit the Tanzanian government and jeopardizes African sovereignty and stability,” he warned.

    The Moroccan politician pointed to what he described as a pattern of African governments diversifying their international partnerships, increasingly turning to Russia and China, which he attributed to growing skepticism about US neutrality.

    This shift reflects a broader realignment in African geopolitics, as nations across the continent recalibrate relationships amid competing great power interests.

    The crisis has also drawn sharp criticism from US senators.

    Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Jim Risch and Senator Jeanne Shaheen issued a blistering joint statement condemning elections they described as “marred by state-sponsored political repression, targeted abductions and manipulation,” warning that Tanzania’s pivot from democratic norms “demands a genuine assessment of the U.S. bilateral relationship.”

    President Hassan has attempted to contain the political fallout, announcing an inquiry commission to investigate the killings and calling for leniency for some protesters facing treason charges.

    “I am deeply saddened by the incident. I offer my condolences to all the families who lost their loved ones,” she told parliament, while earlier blaming foreigners for inciting the deadly protests.

    But with activists calling for nationwide demonstrations on Tuesday to mark Independence Day, and police declaring any such protests illegal, Tanzania stands on the precipice of potentially more bloodshed.

    The International Crisis Group has warned authorities must “desist from yet more wanton violence,” while UN human rights experts have urged Tanzania to protect the right to peaceful assembly.

    Tanzania’s trajectory represents a stunning reversal from the optimism that greeted Hassan when she assumed the presidency in 2021 following John Magufuli’s death.

    Initially, she restored licenses to banned newspapers, dropped terrorism charges against opposition leader Freeman Mbowe, and lifted restrictions on political rallies.

    The Council on Foreign Relations praised her opening moves, with diplomatic observers noting improved business climate and dialogue with opposition politicians.

    Yet that brief democratic thaw proved illusory. By mid-2024, Hassan’s government was systematically intensifying repression, with dozens of opposition officials disappearing, apparently at the hands of intelligence and security services.

    The barring of main opposition candidates from the October election slammed shut what little space remained for competitive politics, transforming Tanzania’s quasi-authoritarian system into what many now view as outright dictatorship.

    Trade statistics reveal the depth of economic entanglement at stake in the US review.

    Total goods and services trade between the two nations reached $1.4 billion in 2024, with US investments in Tanzania totaling over $1 billion. American companies operating across renewable energy, infrastructure, aviation, and environmental technology sectors now face uncertainty about their future.

    As Dar es Salaam residents flooded supermarkets over the weekend, stocking up on food and water ahead of Tuesday’s planned demonstrations, one thing became clear: whether viewed as legitimate concern or propaganda weapon, Washington’s review has dramatically raised the stakes in a crisis that has already shattered Tanzania’s longstanding reputation as an island of stability in a turbulent region.

    The question now is whether international pressure, American or otherwise, will compel Hassan’s government toward meaningful democratic reforms, or whether it will harden positions and deepen Tanzania’s authoritarian turn, potentially pushing the nation further into the embrace of alternative great power partners.

    With hundreds already dead and the prospect of more violence looming, the cost of getting that answer wrong could be measured in lives.

    Tuesday will tell whether Tanzania can navigate its gravest crisis since independence without yet more bloodshed, or whether the country’s democratic experiment has truly come to a violent end.

    Either way, the reverberations will be felt far beyond East Africa’s shores, shaping how the continent’s relationship with Washington, and the broader international community, evolves in an increasingly multipolar world.

  • One Hundred Abducted Schoolchildren Released in Nigeria

    One Hundred Abducted Schoolchildren Released in Nigeria

    About 100 children who were abducted from a Catholic school in central Nigeria last month have been freed, authorities say.

    Niger state’s police chief, Adamu Abdullahi Elleman, and Bishop Bulus Dauwa Yohanna, who is in charge of the school as the local leader of the Catholic community, both told the BBC that they had received confirmation of the students’ release.

    They said the news had been confirmed by the president’s national security advisor, but Bishop Yohanna said it was not clear when the children would be reunited with their parents.

    More than 250 students and 12 staff were kidnapped from St Mary’s Catholic school in Papiri, the latest in a wave of mass abductions.

    Bishop Yohanna said he presumed the authorities may need time to process the pupils and provide necessary support before announcing a formal handover. He added that he did not know the students’ current whereabouts.

    Details about their release remain unclear, including whether it was secured through negotiation or by force, and whether any ransoms were paid.

    The governor of neighbouring Nasarawa state, Abdullahi Sule, told local media that the federal government had played a key role in securing their release, adding that the behind-the-scenes efforts could not be disclosed for security reasons.

    Last week, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu visited Papiri and met a delegation led by Bishop Yohanna, assuring them the children would soon be rescued and reunited with their families.

    Schools and places of worship have increasingly been targeted in the latest wave of attacks in north and central Nigeria.

    The attack on St Mary’s, on 21 November, was preceded by mass kidnappings just days earlier: on 18 November, two people were killed and 38 abducted in an attack on the Christ Apostolic Church in Kwara state, and a day before that, two were killed and 25 Muslim students abducted from Government Girls’ Secondary School in Kebbi state.

    All those taken in the Kwara and Kebbi attacks have since been freed.

    Last week gunmen abducted at least 20 people in two separate attacks – at a newly established church in central Kogi state, where a pastor, his wife and some worshipers were taken, and in the mostly Muslim northern Sokoto state, where a bride and her bridesmaids were among those kidnapped.

    It is not clear who is behind these kidnappings – most analysts believe they are carried out by criminal gangs seeking ransom payments. However, a presidential spokesman earlier told the BBC that the government believes they are the work of jihadist groups.

    The paying of ransoms has been made illegal in Nigeria in an attempt to cut the supply of funds to the kidnap gangs but it is widely believed that in many cases money is still handed over.

    Nigeria’s security crisis attracted the international spotlight last month after US President Donald Trump threatened to send over troops if the government “continues to allow the killing of Christians”.

    Nigerian officials and analysts say that members of all faiths are victims of the violence and kidnappings and say it is not true that Christians are being targeted.

    (BBC)

  • Business Unusual: M-Pesa App Blocked in Ethiopia As Safaricom Struggles To Penetrate Its New Market Amid War With Ethio Telecom

    Business Unusual: M-Pesa App Blocked in Ethiopia As Safaricom Struggles To Penetrate Its New Market Amid War With Ethio Telecom

    ADDIS ABABA – In a move that has sent shockwaves through Ethiopia’s nascent digital economy, customers of M-PESA Ethiopia awoke on December 3 to a nightmare straight out of a corporate thriller: locked out of their own money.

    Just two days after the triumphant launch of the telco-agnostic M-PESA Lehulum app, billed as a game-changer for financial inclusion, state-owned giant Ethio Telecom slammed the digital door shut, blocking access via its mobile data networks.

    Users clutching Ethio SIM cards from Ethiopia’s dominant provider, which controls over 90 percent of the market, found themselves staring at error screens, unable to log in, transfer funds or even retrieve deposits they’d made in good faith.

    The betrayal stung deep.

    “People were suddenly locked out of their accounts. These are people who have already signed up and deposited money. They are calling us saying they are unable to access their money,” M-PESA Ethiopia lamented in a stark public statement issued on December 5, framing the disruption as a brazen assault on consumer choice and net neutrality.

    While Wi-Fi users could still navigate the app’s sleek interface for peer-to-peer transfers, bill payments and QR-code merchant scans, the mobile blockade left millions in limbo, underscoring the fragile fault lines in Africa’s second-most populous nation’s telecom turf war.

    This isn’t a mere technical glitch.

    It’s the latest salvo in a high-stakes battle royale between Kenya’s telecom titan Safaricom and Ethiopia’s entrenched incumbent, a war that has already cost the Kenyan giant hundreds of millions of dollars and threatens to turn its billion-dollar Ethiopian gamble into one of the most expensive mistakes in African telecommunications history.

    The Billion Dollar Bet Gone Wrong

    Safaricom Ethiopia, the audacious offspring of East Africa’s mobile money pioneer, shelled out a staggering 850 million dollars for its entry license in 2021, part of a one billion dollar plus investment blitz that promised to catapult the company toward 70 million group-wide subscribers by 2030.

    Visions of M-PESA revolutionizing Ethiopia’s cash-heavy economy, where over 95 percent of transactions still rely on notes and coins, danced in executives’ heads.

    Yet three years in, the dream is buckling under the weight of predatory pricing, infrastructure chokeholds and now, outright digital sabotage.

    The numbers tell a brutal story.

    Safaricom’s 2024 fiscal year epitomized the pain: 325 million dollars in losses on just 53.6 million dollars in revenue, barely covering the 66.7 million dollar annual license amortization.

    Even as recent half-year figures show a glimmer of hope, with losses halved to 103 million dollars through forex reforms and stabilizing security in Oromia and Tigray, the path to breakeven by 2027 feels like scaling Everest in flip-flops.

    The company has managed to attract only about 10 million subscribers compared to Ethio Telecom’s 83 million.

    The state enterprise registered close to 700 million dollars in revenues in fiscal year 2024, more than 12 times what Safaricom earned.

    Total capital expenditure has now exceeded 2.2 billion dollars, according to the World Bank, with little to show for it beyond mounting losses and regulatory frustration.

    A Taste Of Their Own Medicine

    Enter the irony, as sharp as a double-edged blade. Back in Kenya, Safaricom built its near-monolithic empire, commanding 90.8 percent of the mobile money market as of the first quarter of 2025, through tactics now haunting its Ethiopian foray: exclusive agent networks, on-net pricing favoritism that penalized rivals’ calls, deliberate delays in USSD access for competitors, and relentless lobbying to sidestep stringent oversight.

    Interoperability mandates arrived too late, entrenching M-PESA’s dominance before Airtel Money or Telkom Kenya could mount a credible challenge.

    By the time regulators enforced true competition, M-PESA was already too entrenched for competitors like Airtel Money or Telkom T-Kash to catch up.

    Today, the tables have flipped with ruthless efficiency.

    Ethio Telecom, bolstered by government favoritism and vertical integration into everything from digital payments to person-to-government transactions, mirrors those very plays: cheaper intra-network calls that bleed Safaricom 1.58 million dollars monthly on off-net traffic, bundled Telebirr discounts that lock in users, sky-high infrastructure leasing fees where Safaricom forks over three million dollars annually just for tower access, and crucially, this app blockade that reeks of calculated retaliation.

    Whispers on Ethiopia’s vibrant social media ecosystem amplify the outrage and schadenfreude. “Safaricom should get a taste of their own medicine,” one user quipped, nodding to Kenya’s interoperability scars, while others decry Ethio’s move as necessary protection for domestic interests.

    The World Bank Exposes The Rot

    The World Bank’s scathing October 2025 Ethiopia Telecom Market Assessment lays bare the rot, painting a picture of a liberalization facade crumbling under monopoly muscle.

    Ethio Telecom, deemed to hold significant market power in six key segments, prices voice calls below the regulator’s 0.22 birr per minute termination rate, forcing Safaricom to swallow losses on every cross-network dial.

    Data tariffs, slashed to an unsustainable 16 US cents per gigabyte post-devaluation, come with club effect perks via Telebirr, luring customers away from rivals while most African operators hover above 25 cents.

    The report accuses Ethio of predatory practices that violate fair competition principles, warning that without robust regulatory enforcement, Ethiopia’s Digital 2030 ambitions risk evaporating.

    “Practices such as predatory pricing, bundling of services, and charging elevated rates for access to essential facilities act as deterrents for new players,” the study reads, warning that these behaviors risk violating fair competition principles, especially in the absence of a robust regulatory regime.

    The assessment highlighted additional barriers to telecom investment, including limited infrastructure sharing with no independent tower companies, asymmetric licensing conditions where Safaricom paid 850 million dollars while Ethio Telecom paid nothing for comparable access, low average revenue per user, and constrained spectrum allocations.

    Perhaps most damning, the World Bank revealed that Ethio Telecom has recently blocked access to Safaricom apps, including its flagship mobile money platform M-Pesa, and alleged possible preferential arrangements for state-owned enterprises in handling government mobile money transactions.

    “These asymmetries jeopardize the long-term viability of the sector, which could unwind all the progress made to date,” the report warns ominously.

    Fighting Back

    Safaricom’s brass hasn’t minced words. CEO Wim Vanhelleputte, in a November 2024 plea that now rings prophetic, decried monopoly as a contradiction to liberalization, urging policymakers to level the field for Ethiopia’s 32 banks and fintech swarm to unleash true digital acceleration.

    “Monopoly is a contradiction to liberalization. We have 32 banks, we have multiple fintech financial institutions, all of them should be able to offer digital payments. So, we ask policymakers, if we really want to accelerate Digital Ethiopia, we should try to get all the financial institutions equal access to offer digital payments,” Vanhelleputte said.

    In its statement about the M-PESA Lehulum blockage, the company was equally forceful.

    “The restrictions limit consumer choice, undermine net neutrality, and interfere with legally approved onboarding processes under the financial institution’s license framework,” M-PESA Ethiopia stated, positioning the fight as one about fundamental rights rather than corporate rivalry.

    The World Bank echoes these concerns, calling for seismic shifts: cost-oriented infrastructure access, renegotiated interconnections, greater operational independence for Ethio Telecom, enforcement against discriminatory pricing and anti-competitive behavior, and even class licenses for low-earth orbit satellites like Starlink to pierce rural connectivity black holes. Bridging infrastructure gaps would require deploying 10,000 to 15,000 additional telecom towers, at least 15,000 4G or 5G capable radio sites, and expanding the national fiber optic backbone.

    Absent these reforms, the assessment grimly forecasts a sector unwinding all progress made, with Safaricom’s 2.2 billion dollar capital expenditure war chest yielding diminishing returns amid asymmetric spectrum squeezes and infrastructure monopolies.

    The Regulatory Roulette

    The Ethiopian government has made some positive gestures. In May 2025, the Ministry of Finance issued a directive requiring all federal public institutions to accept payments from any licensed payment service provider, a regulation aimed at promoting fair competition and strengthening consumer protection.

    However, the blocking of apps goes beyond the legal scope of that directive. It is a matter that requires intervention from both the National Bank of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Communications Authority, neither of which has publicly commented on the M-PESA Lehulum blockage.

    Ethio Telecom, predictably stone-silent when approached for comment, has long defended its low tariffs as a public good for low-income masses. CEO Frehiwot Tamru raised the issue during the company’s annual performance report in late July, saying the operator has deliberately kept tariffs low, even at the cost of profitability.

    She underlined the contradictory pressures facing the company: once criticized for high tariffs, Ethio Telecom is now accused of keeping prices too low for rivals to compete.

    “Our pricing is designed to remain affordable for low-income customers, even if this means the company does not maximize profit,” she said, characterizing the operator as an institution of impact rather than a profit-driven business.

    Only 202 of Ethio Telecom’s 354 products and services had seen price changes since reforms began in 2018, while fixed broadband tariffs had been cut by up to 94 percent, she noted.

    Kenya’s Lesson Unlearned

    In Kenya, mobile network operators such as Telkom, Safaricom and Airtel eventually achieved interoperability across their platforms after years of regulatory pressure, enabling seamless mobile money payments to any merchant till number, regardless of operator.

    This boosted the adoption and convenience of cashless payments and is widely credited with driving Kenya’s status as a global mobile money leader, even though Safaricom’s dominance was already cemented by the time these reforms arrived.

    But in Ethiopia, such cooperation remains a distant dream.

    The contrast is stark and painful for Safaricom, which benefited enormously from being first to market in Kenya but now finds itself on the wrong side of that same dynamic in Ethiopia.

    The company’s chief technology officer James Maitai had spoken optimistically in August about targeting major growth in Ethiopia over the next five years, driven by the move to digital payments.

    “In the next five years we should be able to talk of over 70 million subscribers, because it’s a big country. Cash is over 95 percent cash usage which means there is a huge opportunity to offer M-Pesa for payment and other financial services,” he said, though the company later clarified those subscriber targets were group-wide projections, not Ethiopia-specific.

    Now, with the M-PESA Lehulum app blocked and customers unable to access their funds, those projections seem increasingly optimistic, if not outright fanciful.

    The Stakes Couldn’t Be Higher

    As regulators convene and keyboards blaze with accusations, this M-PESA melee exposes the brutal underbelly of Africa’s telecom gold rush: innovation thrives on open fields, but incumbents with state sinews fight dirty to till them alone.

    Safaricom Ethiopia, ever the diplomat, insists it’s rallying the Ethiopian Communications Authority and National Bank for swift resolution, emphasizing collaboration’s role in financial inclusion.

    The company says it is engaging regulators to restore access and framing the disruption as a matter affecting consumer choice and service continuity.

    For Safaricom, the one billion dollar Ethiopian gamble, once hailed as the last frontier in African telecommunications, now teeters on the razor’s edge of regulatory roulette.

    The Global Partnership for Ethiopia consortium, which includes Safaricom, Vodafone and Japan’s Sumitomo Corporation, bet big on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s liberalization promises when they entered in 2021.

    That bet is looking increasingly precarious.

    Will Addis Ababa summon the will to enforce fair play, or will Ethio Telecom’s shadow eclipse the dawn of a truly connected Horn of Africa? For investors who have poured billions into Safaricom’s Ethiopian dream, for innovators betting on digital payments to transform the economy, and for everyday customers now locked out of their own money, the answer to that question couldn’t matter more.

    As one thing becomes crystal clear in this unfolding saga: in the brutal arena of African telecommunications, what goes around truly does come around.

    Safaricom built an empire in Kenya using tactics that crushed competition.

    Now, facing those same tactics in Ethiopia, the telecom giant is learning the hard way that being on the receiving end of monopolistic practices is a very different, and far more painful, experience.

    The stakes, for everyone involved, couldn’t be higher.

  • Benin Coup Attempt Foiled By Loyalist Troops, Interior Minister Says

    Benin Coup Attempt Foiled By Loyalist Troops, Interior Minister Says

    Benin’s interior minister has appeared on national TV to announce that an attempted coup in the West Africa nation has been thwarted.

    Earlier, a group of soldiers, led by Lt-Col Pascal Tigri, had made a broadcast saying they had ousted President Patrice Talon and suspended the constitution.

    In social media posts, the French embassy in Benin said gunfire had been reported near the residence of the president in the main city of Cotonou, which is the seat of government. Eyewitnesses told the BBC that they had heard gunshots and some journalists working for the state broadcaster were held hostage.

    A presidential adviser has since told the BBC that the president is safe and is at the French embassy.

    “Early on Sunday morning, 7 December 2025, a small group of soldiers launched a mutiny aimed at destabilising the state and its institutions,” Interior Minister Alassane Seidou said

    “Faced with this situation, the Beninese armed forces and their leadership, true to their oath, remained committed to the republic. Their response allowed them to retain control of the situation and foil the attempt,” he said.

    “The government therefore urges the population to go about their activities as normal.”

    Helicopters have been seen flying over Cotonou and roads are blocked with a heavy military presence on several streets in the city.

    Benin, a former French colony, has been regarded as one of Africa’s more stable democracies.

    It is one of the continent’s largest cotton producers, but ranks among the world’s poorest countries.

    The French and Russian embassies have urged their citizens to stay indoors for their safety.

    The US embassy’s advice was to stay away from Cotonou, especially the area around the presidential compound.

    The soldiers leading the attempted coup justified their actions by criticising President Talon’s management of the country.

    “The army solemnly commits to give the Beninese people the hope of a truly new era, where fraternity, justice and work prevail,” said a statement read by one of the soldiers.

    Talon, who is 67 and regarded as a close ally of the West, is due to step down next year after completing his second term in office, with elections scheduled for April.

    A businessman known as the “king of cotton”, he first came to power in an election in 2016. He promised not to seek a third term and has endorsed Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni as his successor.

    Talon has been praised by supporters for overseeing economic development, but his government has also come in for criticism for suppressing dissenting voices.

    In October the electoral commission barred the main opposition candidate from standing on the grounds that he did not have enough sponsors.

    Last month, several constitutional amendments were passed by MPs, including the creation of a second parliamentary chamber, the Senate.

    Terms of office for elected officials were extended from five to seven years, but the presidential two-term limit remained in place.

    President Patrice Talon, a businessman known as the "king of cotton", has said he intends step down next year after two terms in office
    President Patrice Talon, a businessman known as the “king of cotton”, has said he intends step down next year after two terms in office

    This coup attempt in Benin comes just over a week after Umaro Sissoco Embaló was overthrown as president in nearby Guinea-Bissau.

    In recent years, there have been several coups in West Africa, including in Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Niger, heightening fears that the security of the region could worsen.

    Russia has strengthened its ties with these Sahel countries over recent years – and Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have left the West African regional bloc Ecowas to form their own group, the Alliance of Sahel States.

    According to BBC Monitoring, news of the coup attempt was hailed by several pro-Russian influencer accounts on social media.

    Benin has seen a rise in jihadist activity in recent years, as groups linked to Islamic State and al-Qaeda spread to the south.

    Ecowas and the African Union (AU) have condemned the latest coup attempt in Benin.

    AU Commission chair Mahmoud Ali Yousouf reiterated the pan-African organisation’s “zero tolerance stance toward any unconstitutional change of government, regardless of context or justification”.

    “He warns that these trends erode citizens’ trust in public institutions, weaken state authority, and endanger collective security,” the AU statement said.

    (BBC)

  • Explainer: Why S. Africa-U.S. Ties Have Soured?

    Explainer: Why S. Africa-U.S. Ties Have Soured?

    JOHANNESBURG, Dec. 7 (Xinhua) — The United States and South Africa have been trading barbs, especially after President Donald Trump announced in November that Washington would not send a delegation to the Group of 20 (G20) summit held in Johannesburg, publicly boycotting the host nation.

    Tensions further escalated as U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and South African International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ronald Lamola issued pointed open letters on Wednesday and Thursday, highlighting the deepening diplomatic rift.

    NEW ROUND OF WAR OF WORDS

    The latest round of rhetorical clashes began when Washington openly boycotted the G20 summit hosted by South Africa.

    On Nov. 7, Trump wrote on social media that U.S. officials would not attend the summit in Johannesburg and again accused the South African government of discriminating against the white minority. In response, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said the U.S. absence was “their loss” and that a boycott would only backfire.

    In the days before the summit, the United States formally notified Pretoria that it would not take part and opposed issuing any G20 outcome document based on consensus without Washington’s consent. South Africa countered that the U.S. boycott had cost Washington its voice at the meeting and that Pretoria would not bow to American pressure.

    The G20 summit opened in Johannesburg on Nov. 22 as scheduled and, for the first time, adopted a joint declaration on the opening day. Because the United States insisted on sending only its charge d’affaires to the handover ceremony for the rotating presidency, South African officials called Washington’s failure to send a representative of the appropriate rank “unacceptable” and refused to hold the handover at the summit venue.

    The handover was instead held in a low-key manner on Nov. 25. The next day, Trump said South Africa would not be invited to next year’s G20 summit in Miami. Pretoria called the decision “regrettable” and said it was based on false information about South Africa.

    On Dec. 3, Rubio issued a statement again attacking South Africa’s domestic policies and its leadership of the G20, and threatened to replace South Africa with Poland in the grouping.

    Ramaphosa said on Dec. 4 that although media reports claimed South Africa had been excluded from the Miami summit, Pretoria had received no formal written notice.

    “We are yet to receive anything formally, and we will deal with that when it comes,” he said, adding that South Africa would not try to rally other countries to boycott the U.S.-hosted summit next year.

    DETERIORATION OF RELATIONS

    Since Trump began his second term this year, relations between the United States and South Africa have deteriorated rapidly. Analysts note that South Africa’s positions on major international issues have diverged from Washington’s, including Pretoria’s 2023 case at the International Court of Justice accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza and its close ties with Iran.

    In February, Trump denounced South Africa’s new land law, accusing the government of seizing land in a way that discriminated against white citizens, and issued an executive order cutting off U.S. aid. He later expelled South Africa’s ambassador to the United States after the envoy publicly criticized him.

    On May 21, during Ramaphosa’s visit to the White House, Trump suddenly showed videos and newspaper clippings alleging a “white genocide” in South Africa. Ramaphosa rejected the claims, saying the assertion that white South Africans were fleeing violence and racist laws was unfounded.

    In August, the U.S. State Department’s 2024 human rights report said South Africa’s human rights situation had “significantly worsened,” arguing that the new land law marked a “worrying step” toward expropriating white-owned land and further harming minority rights. South African officials dismissed the accusations as baseless and inaccurate.

    Beginning Aug. 7, the United States imposed a 30 percent tariff on South African exports, making South Africa the sub-Saharan African country facing the highest U.S. tariff rate.

    WILL RELATIONS WORSEN FURTHER

    Looking ahead, South Africa may be largely absent from major G20 activities during the U.S. presidency. In the near term, relations between the two governments are likely to feature both political confrontation and limited cooperation in specific areas.

    Washington’s hostile posture toward the South African government is unlikely to change soon, and further political bullying or economic coercion cannot be ruled out. Pretoria is expected to continue relying on Global South forums and BRICS to counter U.S. pressure. The two countries are unlikely to restore ambassador-level relations in the short term.

    At the same time, the two sides share interests in areas such as HIV/AIDS prevention, counterterrorism intelligence, combating transnational crime and developing mineral resources. Cooperation in these fields can help prevent ties from spiraling out of control.

    Both countries also have incentives to continue working together on global agendas such as food security, climate change and public health, making a complete “decoupling” unlikely.

    Next year’s U.S. midterm elections and South Africa’s local elections may also influence policy adjustments. The Trump administration may ease tariffs on South African agricultural and automotive products to win support from U.S. voters, while maintaining a manageable relationship with Washington remains essential for stability within South Africa’s governing coalition.

    Relations between the two countries are likely to worsen to some degree, with political confrontation forming the core of the relationship. Even so, cooperation in certain areas will continue to cushion the impact.

  • Questions As Kenya Strangely Increases Gold Exports To Dubai Worth Over Sh43 Billion in Just 9 Months

    Questions As Kenya Strangely Increases Gold Exports To Dubai Worth Over Sh43 Billion in Just 9 Months

    Unregulated mining and cross-border trails put Kenya at centre of gold trade concerns

    Kenya has found itself at the heart of a booming but controversial gold trade that has seen exports to the United Arab Emirates surge to unprecedented levels, raising serious questions about the true origins of the precious metal passing through the country’s borders.

    In the first nine months of 2025, Kenya shipped a staggering 42.1 tonnes of gold to Dubai, more than triple the 13.8 tonnes recorded during the same period in 2024.

    The exports, valued at Sh43 billion, have catapulted the UAE past traditional markets like Uganda and India to become Kenya’s third-largest export destination, trailing only the Netherlands and Pakistan.

    The 26 percent growth in trade with the Emirates has been driven almost entirely by gold, which now accounts for nearly 68 percent of all Kenyan exports to the Gulf state.

    This represents a dramatic shift from previous years when tea, flowers and agricultural products dominated the export basket.

    But behind the glittering statistics lies a murky reality that has attracted the attention of international watchdogs, civil society groups and opposition lawmakers.

    The explosive growth in Kenya’s gold exports does not match the country’s known mining capacity, raising uncomfortable questions about whether Kenya has become a massive laundering operation for conflict gold from across East and Central Africa.

    The numbers tell a troubling story.

    While Kenya officially reported exporting just 672 kilogrammes of gold in 2023, import records from the United Arab Emirates showed 9.65 tonnes of gold declared as having originated from Kenya the same year.

    That discrepancy alone represents over 8,000 kilogrammes of gold worth approximately Sh112 billion moving through Kenya illicitly in a single year.

    International investigators have documented Kenya’s role as a critical transit hub for blood gold flowing from conflict zones in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan and parts of Ethiopia.

    The Swiss development charity SwissAid estimates that illicit gold outflows from Kenya likely exceed two tonnes annually, yet only a fraction appears in official export records.

    The routing is well established and operates with stunning efficiency.

    Gold from mining sites scattered across Western Kenya in Migori, Kakamega, Siaya, Narok and Vihiga counties makes its way to Eastleigh in Nairobi, where a web of middlemen and shadow refineries operate beyond government oversight.

    From there, the gold is smuggled out through Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, sometimes disguised as legitimate cargo, before landing in Dubai’s sprawling refinery system where its origins are scrubbed clean.

    Harry Kimtai, Principal Secretary for the State Department for Mining, has attempted to explain the surge with references to sector reforms and soaring global gold prices, which jumped more than 50 percent in the review period.

    He points to the formalization of artisanal mining cooperatives and investor liquidation of gold holdings as drivers of the export boom.

    But even Kimtai cannot entirely sidestep the elephant in the room.

    In a carefully worded acknowledgment, he admits that Kenya is a transit country for gold from neighbouring countries and there may be instances where gold originating from neighbours is declared as originating from Kenya.

    The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime estimated in a 2023 report that between 100 and 200 kilogrammes of Congolese gold enters Kenya every month, translating to about 2.4 tonnes a year valued at 140 million US dollars.

    Traders use Nairobi and Mombasa as re-export points to Dubai, creating a pipeline that has operated for years with minimal interference.

    The involvement of high-ranking officials is an open secret within the industry.

    Experts consulted by SwissAid stressed that smuggling networks shipping gold out of the country enjoy the backing of politicians.

    In one particularly audacious incident, a consignment of over 3,000 kilogrammes of gold from the DRC worth about Sh43 billion mysteriously vanished at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.

    Such large volumes of precious metal rarely disappear without the complicity of powerful figures with access to airport security and customs operations.

    Kenya’s artisanal mining sector provides the perfect camouflage for these smuggling operations.

    The sector employs over 250,000 miners and supports the livelihoods of approximately 800,000 to one million people.

    A 2019 baseline survey estimated annual artisanal and small-scale mining production at 6.9 tonnes, dwarfing the roughly 410 kilogrammes produced by Kenya’s two licensed industrial mines.

    Gold bars.
    Gold bars.

    Yet even that substantial artisanal output cannot account for the volumes showing up in UAE import statistics.

    Private gold refineries have proliferated in recent years, further muddying the waters between legitimate and illicit trade.

    Companies such as Afrik Gold Testers, Gulf Refinery and Emirates Refinery Ltd have sprung up in Nairobi and Western Kenya, reportedly backed by Dubai-based investors.

    These operations process gold with minimal oversight, asking few questions about provenance.

    The timing of Kenya’s gold export boom coincides suspiciously with other developments.

    In February 2025, Cabinet Secretary for Mining Hassan Joho presided over the opening of the largest gold souk in East and Central Africa at BBS Mall in Eastleigh.

    Touted as a game changer for legitimate trade, critics worry the facility could instead become another node in the smuggling network, providing additional cover for illicit gold flows.

    The controversy has not gone unnoticed by Kenya’s civic and political leaders.

    Senator Okiya Omtatah filed a petition in the High Court last month demanding full disclosure of beneficiation records, arguing that Kenya risks becoming a laundering conduit for conflict gold.

    The Law Society of Kenya has echoed these concerns, pointing to weak chain of custody mechanisms in neighbouring countries.

    The human cost of this trade extends far beyond Kenya’s borders.

    Reports have surfaced of secret gold transactions involving Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, with Sudanese gold reportedly transported through Nairobi’s Jomo Kenyatta International Airport en route to Dubai.

    Revenue from gold smuggling fuels armed groups, finances terrorism and undermines regional stability, creating a direct link between luxury gold markets in Dubai and violence in Africa’s conflict zones.

    Government reform efforts have produced more rhetoric than results.

    Legislation was introduced in 2023 to formalize small-scale mining and reduce the illegal gold trade, but has not yet become law.

    Kenya has announced plans to establish a specialized Mining Police Unit and push for regional certification of gems and minerals.

    The Mining Ministry has also promised to roll out blockchain-based traceability software by March 2026 in partnership with Dubai Multi Commodities Centre.

    But without addressing the systemic corruption that enables smuggling at the highest levels, such measures risk becoming window dressing rather than meaningful reform.

    The discrepancies between Kenya’s official export data and trading partner import records have persisted for over a decade.

    The mismatch between 2014 and 2023 added up to over 33.5 tonnes worth about 1.68 billion US dollars, according to SwissAid’s analysis.

    As Kenya celebrates record gold export earnings and the Kenya Revenue Authority reports collections of Sh4.7 billion from gold export levies, the uncomfortable truth lurks beneath the surface.

    The country has become a crucial cog in a transnational smuggling machine that siphons mineral wealth from Africa’s poorest and most conflict-ridden regions, enriching criminal networks, corrupt officials and Dubai refineries while leaving local communities mired in poverty and violence.

    The Sh43 billion in official exports for the first nine months of 2025 may represent only a small fraction of the gold actually moving through Kenya.

    Until authorities confront the full scope of the smuggling operations and the powerful interests that protect them, Kenya’s gold boom will remain built on questionable foundations, casting a long shadow over what government officials are celebrating as an economic windfall.

    The United Arab Emirates’ President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan arrives in Kazan, Russia, on October 23, 2024, amid concerns that a UAE conflict gold hub relies heavily on African supply chains linked to smuggling and weak oversight. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov/Pool.
    The United Arab Emirates’ President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan arrives in Kazan, Russia, on October 23, 2024, amid concerns that a UAE conflict gold hub relies heavily on African supply chains linked to smuggling and weak oversight. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov/Pool.
  • Tanzania’s Police Say Any December 9 Protests Would Be Unlawful

    Tanzania’s Police Say Any December 9 Protests Would Be Unlawful

    Tanzania’s police said on Friday that nationwide demonstrations expected next week would be illegal, setting the stage for possible renewed clashes after bloodshed during protests over elections last month.

    President Samia Suluhu Hassan was declared the landslide winner of the October election after her main challengers were excluded, prompting protests that were partly driven by what activists said was a wider crackdown on dissent.

    Rights groups, opposition parties and the United Nations have said hundreds of people were likely killed in clashes between the protesters and security forces. The government denies suppressing dissent and disputes those figures as exaggerated.

    Tanzanian riot police officers walk, following a protest a day after a general election marred by violent demonstrations over the exclusion of two leading opposition candidates at the Namanga One-Post Border crossing point between Kenya and Tanzania, October 30, 2025.Photo credit: REUTERS
    Tanzanian riot police officers walk, following a protest a day after a general election marred by violent demonstrations over the exclusion of two leading opposition candidates at the Namanga One-Post Border crossing point between Kenya and Tanzania, October 30, 2025.
    Photo credit: REUTERS

    Police Spokesperson David Misime said they were yet to receive any formal notifications from anyone wishing to hold demonstrations, after social media posts circulated calling for protests on December 9.

    “The Police Force is banning these demonstrations, which have been given the name of ‘unlimited peaceful protests’, from taking place,” he said in a statement.

    Misime said those mobilising for protest were, among other things, urging participants to seize property, disrupt services at hospitals and to stay on the streets for an unlimited time to paralyse economic activity.

    On Wednesday, a United Nations human rights experts group urged Tanzanian authorities and security forces to protect people’s right to assembly and prevent any more violations ahead of the planned demonstrations.

    Hassan has promised to investigate the election violence and offered condolences to bereaved families, her most public acknowledgement of the turmoil, which has led to the country’s biggest political crisis in decades.

    “We hear there is another one planned … whenever they come, we are prepared,” Hassan told a meeting of elders in Dar es Salaam on Tuesday, referring to the planned demonstrations.

    The United States said on Thursday it was reviewing its relationship with Tanzania due to concerns over religious freedom, free speech, obstacles to U.S. investment and violence against civilians.

    Tanzania’s foreign ministry said on Friday it had noted with concern separate statements by the European Union delegation, the U.N. Human Rights Council and several countries including the United States, Ghana, Belgium, Canada and Denmark.

    “Tanzania remains committed to constructive international cooperation for peace and development and respectfully calls upon all stakeholders to allow national mechanisms to implement steps and measures taken by the government,” it said in a statement.

  • British Soldiers Accused of More Abuses in Kenya: What We Know

    British Soldiers Accused of More Abuses in Kenya: What We Know

    A Kenyan parliamentary report has accused British troops training in the country of widespread killings, sexual abuse and human rights and environmental abuses, following years of accumulated complaints from local communities.

    The report, published on Wednesday, found that serious misconduct by British soldiers caused them to be viewed as something of an “occupying force” by local people.

    For the past 60 years, British soldiers in the British Army Training Unit in Kenya (BATUK) have routinely trained in the East African nation, favoured for its temperate weather and realistic combat scenarios. However, they have attracted rising numbers of accusations of gross violations, ranging from killings to neglectful disposal of military grade chemicals. The most notorious case was the murder of a 21-year-old Kenyan woman, Agnes Wanjiru, which gained international media attention.

    Community activists who have for years sought redress in Kenyan courts told Al Jazeera the report’s publication represented an “enormous victory” not just for Kenya, but for other African countries which host foreign military bases on their territory, but are wary of regulating them.

    “The Kenyan parliament has demonstrated that the British Army is not above the law,” said James Mwangi, founder of the grassroots advocacy group, Africa Centre for Corrective and Preventive Action (ACCPA), which has been at the forefront of bringing community grievances to Kenyan courts, and which advised lawmakers during their investigation.

    “The impunity that has been perpetrated by these forces has been appalling. The world has seen that African parliaments can take measures to combat injustices by these forces, and Kenya has become the first country in Africa to do such a thing,” he added.

    Here’s what we know about the report, the most serious allegations against the British troops, and what will happen next:

    Soldiers are seen during a training session under the British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK), at a camp in Laikipia, Kenya, September 30, 2018 [File: Thomas Mukoya/Reuters]
    Soldiers are seen during a training session under the British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK), at a camp in Laikipia, Kenya, September 30, 2018 [File: Thomas Mukoya/Reuters]

    What is BATUK?

    BATUK (British Army Training Unit in Kenya) is a permanent training force based in Nanyuki, central Kenya. It has been stationed there since Kenyan independence from the UK in 1963 and has about 100 permanent staff and some 280 rotating short-term troops from the United Kingdom.

    The unit trains British troops and provides anti-terrorism training for Kenyan troops fighting the al-Shabab armed group, as agreed in the UK-Kenya Defence Cooperation Agreement, which, since 2015, allows both armies to share intelligence and training.

    In 2022, the UK government reported that BATUK had contributed more than 5.8 billion Kenyan shillings ($45m) to the local economies in which its garrisons are based, and that it employed more than 550 local staff. Local businesses close to BATUK training sites also benefit from the unit’s presence, it said.

    However, there have been numerous complaints from local people about the conduct of the troops. They say mishandling of dangerous training material and unexploded bombs left in the ground have caused serious injuries, and they have complained about how British soldiers behave towards Kenyan women in the area.

    Many Kenyan women say they have been left to care for children alone after British soldiers they began relationships with left the country at the end of their training.

    There has been no mechanism within the UK or Kenyan justice systems to hold British soldiers under BATUK to account. On that basis, the UK government initially pushed back against Kenyan authorities’ attempts to investigate the troops’ behaviour.

    In April 2024, therefore, the Kenyan parliament voted to amend the defence agreement with the UK to allow for local prosecutions of British soldiers.

    What does the new report say?

    The 94-page inquiry into the conduct of BATUK troops was released following a one-and-a-half-year investigation by the Kenyan parliament’s defence, intelligence and foreign relations committee.

    The report examined complaints from residents in Laikipia and Samburu counties in central Kenya, close to where the BATUK camp is. Lawmakers began conducting public hearings to hear evidence in June 2024, with victims detailing harrowing accounts of mistreatment by BATUK soldiers. BATUK did not cooperate with the parliamentary investigation, the committee noted.

    The report found that BATUK soldiers showed a “disturbing trend” of sexual misconduct, including rape, assault and the neglect of children fathered by the troops.

    It found that an internal inquiry by BATUK in 2003 had mishandled evidence and failed to provide justice for women who brought complaints.

    BATUK, which the report said does not conduct environmental impact assessments for its field exercises, has also caused serious environmental damage. In at least one case, a major fire killed livestock and destroyed 4,900 hectares (12,000 acres) of vegetation. BATUK also illegally dumped military waste and toxic materials openly, breaking Kenyan environmental law, the report concluded.

    Additionally, the Kenyan parliament said British troops showed “gross negligence” in the way they handled unexploded ordnance during their training and that their neglect had led to multiple deaths and injuries.

    Communities were routinely not informed about loud training drills, leading to shock, injury or trauma in some cases.

    Kenyan workers hired to clean up ammunition debris were not provided with protective gear in line with Kenyan labour laws, the report added.

    Complainants who brought claims of injuries to BATUK were not fairly compensated, the report found.

    A British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK) signage stands next to the road, as Kenya’s parliament accuse British soldiers of decades of sexual abuse, killings, human rights violations and environmental destruction while training in the country, in Nanyuki, Laikipia County, Kenya, December 4, 2025 [Monicah Mwangi/Reuters]
    A British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK) signage stands next to the road, as Kenya’s parliament accuse British soldiers of decades of sexual abuse, killings, human rights violations and environmental destruction while training in the country, in Nanyuki, Laikipia County, Kenya, December 4, 2025 [Monicah Mwangi/Reuters]

    What other abuses is BATUK accused of?

    Thousands of serious allegations against BATUK members have been made by locals. At the public hearings which parliament conducted, the mother of a young woman testified in June 2024 that her daughter had been the victim of a hit-and-run incident involving a BATUK truck, which left her wheelchair-bound. BATUK paid for the daughter’s hospital bills for two years, but did not compensate the family beyond that, she said.

    Another mother, who attended a hearing holding her five-year-old daughter, narrated how she had been abandoned by a British soldier with whom she had been in a consensual relationship when he discovered she was pregnant. The soldier is believed to have since left Kenya. The woman said she needed child support.

    Survivors of a huge March 2021 wildfire, which started at the privately-owned Lolldaiga Conservancy nature reserve in Laikipia, where BATUK carries out trainings, also brought complaints. The nature reserve houses wildlife like elephants, buffalo, lions, and the endangered Grevy zebra.

    The blaze, which raged for four days, is believed to have started after BATUK used white phosphorus, a lethal chemical, during a training exercise. The resulting fire ripped through the nature reserve’s grounds, burning 4,900 hectares (12,000 acres). It killed livestock and pushed fleeing wild animals to swaths of farm land further afield. Community members said the smoke was so heavy that it lingered for days and caused eye and breathing problems.

    One man named Linus Murangiri was crushed by a moving vehicle as he rushed to help put out the fire, the BBC reported.

    In 2022, the UK’s Ministry of Defence claimed that the fire was likely caused by a camp stove that had been knocked over during an exercise.

    In August 2025, the UK agreed to pay what it called a “generous” settlement to the 7,723 claimants who sued BATUK over the incident with the help of organisations like ACCPA. The BBC reported that compensation amounted to just 2.9 million pounds ($3.9m).

    The British government has also supported the restoration of burned areas on the conservancy where BATUK exercises continue to be held.

    What happened to Agnes Wanjiru?

    Agnes Wanjiru’s killing in March 2012, allegedly by a British soldier, was the most high-profile BATUK case.

    Wanjiru, the mother of a five-month-old girl, disappeared on the night of March 31, after last being seen with British soldiers at the Lion Court Hotel bar in Nanyuki. Her naked body was found two months later in a septic tank on the hotel grounds, close to the room where the BATUK soldiers had been staying. The group of soldiers had left Kenya by the time her body was discovered.

    A post-mortem determined Wanjiru had been stabbed in the chest and abdomen, had a collapsed lung, and had suffered from blunt force injury to her chest. She had been beaten and was likely still alive when she was placed in the tank, it said. It was not clear whether she had been sexually assaulted.

    In June 2012, the Kenyan police asked that nine soldiers be questioned by the British Royal Military Police, but say they did not receive a response. Wanjiru’s family attempted to sue BATUK in Kenya, but the UK government argued the Kenyan court had no jurisdiction over UK troops.

    Wanjiru’s murder case resurfaced in October 2021 after a Sunday Times investigation revealed that a British soldier had murdered her, and that BATUK bosses knew about the involvement of the soldier in her killing, but tried to cover it up.

    One soldier who went to top officials after hearing a colleague, identified at the time as Soldier X, confess to the killings was told to “shut up”. The soldier said Soldier X took him to the septic tank and showed him Wanjiru’s body. Soldier X, who was not among the nine soldiers the Kenyan police initially identified, also poked fun at the murdered woman in Facebook posts, the Times reported.

    The revelation brought renewed attention to the case and, this time, UK government officials agreed to cooperate with a new investigation.

    In September 2025, a Kenyan court ordered the arrestand extradition of a British national, and in November, the UK government arrested a 38-year-old suspect, Robert Purkiss. The case could mark the first time a former or current British soldier will be extradited to face trial in a foreign country, according to the UK’s Guardian newspaper.

    Purkiss served as a medic in the Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment, an Infantry Regiment based in the northwest of England, and was in Kenya for a six-week training exercise at the time of Wanjiru’s death.

    He appeared in a Westminster court on November 7, where a prosecutor alleged that Purkiss and others had regularly paid local women for sex and that they had been “drinking heavily” the night of Wanjiru’s murder, The Guardian reported.

    Friends of Wanjiru, a hairdresser, reported that she had told them she was going out to “hustle” (earn extra money) for her daughter, prosecutors told the UK court.

    The court also heard that Purkiss confessed to a colleague that he murdered Wanjiru over “sex that went wrong”.

    Purkiss denied the allegations. His next hearing is set for December 9.

    Rose Wanyua Wanjiku, elder sister to Agnes Wanjiru, 20, holds photographs of Agnes at Rose’s house in the Majengo informal settlement in Nanyuki, Kenya, November 4, 2021 [File: Brian Inganga/AP]
    Rose Wanyua Wanjiku, elder sister to Agnes Wanjiru, 20, holds photographs of Agnes at Rose’s house in the Majengo informal settlement in Nanyuki, Kenya, November 4, 2021 [File: Brian Inganga/AP]

    How has the UK government responded to the report?

    The British High Commission in Kenya responded in a statement on Wednesday, claiming that BATUK had not been sufficiently represented during the parliamentary hearings.

    The commission said it had submitted written statements which were not taken into consideration in the report, and added that it was ready to investigate new allegations against BATUK “once evidence is provided”.

    “While we deeply regret the challenges which have arisen in relation to our defence presence in Kenya, we are disappointed our submission to the Committee was not incorporated into the report’s conclusions,” the statement said.

    What will happen next?

    The parliamentary report recommended that Kenya’s Attorney General should immediately work with the UK government to extradite Purkiss to Kenya for the ongoing trial of Wanjiru’s murder. It also ordered inquiries into other deaths of local people suspected to have involved BATUK soldiers.

    Negotiations should begin with the UK within three months to hold ex-BATUK soldiers who have neglected their children to account, the report said, and compensation and psychosocial support should be provided to victims of sexual offences committed by BATUK soldiers.

    More broadly, the parliamentary report also recommended that government agencies should have more direct oversight over foreign troops stationed in the country by developing a code of conduct highlighting zero tolerance of gender-based violence and environmental degradation.

    Kenya similarly hosts two US military bases with fluctuating numbers of personnel. The country often hosts US-Africa military drills along with several other African countries.

    Mwangi of ACCPA told Al Jazeera that the parliament’s move was a step forward for communities which have to deal with foreign militaries in Kenya and elsewhere. Injustices committed by BATUK towards local communities, he said, dated back to Kenya’s colonial history with the UK, but officials have historically been wary of interrogating soldiers due to fears that development aid from the UK government could be affected.

    Kenya is a top recipient of British aid, which mostly supports healthcare and humanitarian efforts. The country was also allocated a 24.6-million-pound ($33m) development budget in 2023.

    (Al Jazeera)

  • Trump, Rwanda and DR Congo Leaders Sign Deal Despite Fresh Violence

    Trump, Rwanda and DR Congo Leaders Sign Deal Despite Fresh Violence

    US President Donald Trump and the leaders of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo signed a peace deal Thursday, even as fresh violence raised questions about the accord to end one of Africa’s longest wars.

    Trump said the United States was also signing deals on critical minerals with the two countries as he hosted Paul Kagame, the longtime president of Rwanda, and Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi in Washington.

    “I think it’s going to be a great miracle,” Trump said after the signing — held in a peace institute which his administration has just renamed after him.

    Speaking of the two leaders, he added: “They spent a lot of time killing each other, and now they are going to spend a lot of time hugging, holding hands and taking advantage of the United States of America economically, like every other country does.”

    But the African leaders both took a more cautious tone, as fighting raged in eastern DRC where the M23 armed group — which the UN says is backed by Rwanda — has been gaining ground in recent weeks against Kinshasa’s forces.

    “There will be ups and downs on the road ahead, there is no doubt about it,” said Kagame, whose allies have taken a decisive edge on the ground against his country’s turbulent neighbor.

    The DRC’s Tshisekedi called it the “beginning of a new path, a demanding path.”

    – ‘A lot of money’ –

    Trump has boasted that the eastern DRC conflict, where hundreds of thousands of people have died over several decades, is among eight wars he has ended since he returned to office in January.

    The US president has made no secret of his desire to win the Nobel Peace Prize.

    Trump said the agreement will pave the way for the United States to gain access to critical minerals in both countries. The violence-torn eastern DRC in particular has reserves of many of the key ingredients in modern technologies such as electric cars.

    It is the latest in a series of deals in which the billionaire Republican has negotiated a stake for US firms to extract rare earth minerals, including in Ukraine.

    “We’re going take out some of the rare earth,” Trump said. “And everybody’s going to make a lot of money.”

    The signing comes more than five months after the countries’ foreign ministers also met Trump and announced another deal to end the conflict.

    The long-simmering conflict exploded in late January as the M23 captured the major cities of Goma and Bukavu.

    After the June agreement, the M23 — which denies links to Rwanda — and the Kinshasa government pledged a ceasefire following mediation by US partner Qatar, but both sides have since accused the other of violations.

    – ‘Many dead’ –

    Violence continued on the ground even on the day of the signing.

    An AFP journalist at the scene heard weapon fire ring out on the outskirts of Kamanyola, an M23-controlled town in South Kivu province near the borders with Rwanda and Burundi.

    “Many houses have been bombed, and there are many dead,” said Rene Chubaka Kalembire, an administrative official in Kaziba, a town also under M23 control, on the eve of the signing.

    After several days of clashes around Kaziba, fighter jets bombarded the town again on Thursday morning, a local civil society representative who requested anonymity told AFP.

    Explosions could also be heard coming from the Bugarama border post in Rwanda across the border in neighboring Burundi, with Rwandan police temporarily shutting the frontier post on Thursday.

    AFP was unable to obtain a verifiable toll from the fighting from independent sources.

    Local sources reported a massive build-up of M23 reinforcements, accompanied by armored cars, in the high plateau of South Kivu.

    Passage through the mountainous region would allow its troops to encircle Uvira, the last major town in South Kivu to evade the M23’s capture.

    The Trump-brokered deal meanwhile comes as both countries are in talks with his administration on its priority of taking in migrants amid the president’s sweeping deportation drive.

    (AFP)

  • Tanzanian Activist Blocked From Instagram After Mobilising Election Protests

    Tanzanian Activist Blocked From Instagram After Mobilising Election Protests

    Prominent Tanzanian activist Mange Kimambi has accused the government of instigating the removal of her social media accounts that she has been using to mobilise Tanzanians against the government.

    The former fashion model-turned-activist, who is based in the US, is an outspoken critic of President Samia Suluhu Hassan and had nearly three million followers on Instagram.

    She has been accused of inciting the recent deadly election protests, sparking calls for her arrest.

    A Meta spokesperson told the BBC that her Instagram accounts had been “removed for violating our recidivism policy”. Tanzania government spokesman Gerson Msigwa told the BBC that she should “provide proof of her claims”.

    “We don’t allow people to create new accounts that are similar to those we’ve previously removed for violating our Community Standards,” said Meta, the parent parent company of Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp.

    In what is believed to be a reference to Kimambi last month, Tanzania’s Attorney-General Hamza Johari said it was “impossible” how “one person outside the country” was directing people through social media.

    “[She is] just telling people to do such things [protest] and they actually go and do it and she starts boasting… We must arrest her,” he said.

    Widespread protests followed the disputed 29 October elections, which Samia won with about 98% after her key opponents were unable to contest the poll – Tundu Lissu is detained on treason charges, while Luhaga Mpina was barred on technical grounds

    The opposition and rights groups believe hundreds of people were killed in the crackdown by security officers in the aftermath. The government has not released any casualty figures.

    Despite widespread international condemnation, Samia has since defended the use of force as “necessary” against protesters who “were ready to overthrow the government”.

    On Monday, Samia said her government was ready to confront protesters in the fresh protests planned for Tuesday next week.

    Kimambi noted that on the same day her accounts were removed, those of another prominent Tanzanian activist, Maria Sarungi, were restricted.

    “I believe this provides further evidence that Meta may have been pressured by the Tanzanian government to silence voices speaking out for the people,” she wrote on her X account, which is still available.

    She also asked US President Donald Trump to urge Meta to reinstate her pages.

    “For months, I used my platforms to highlight these issues and consistently encouraged PEACEFUL protests, as many Tanzanians feel there is no safe alternative for expressing dissent,” she said.

    Popularly known as dada wa taifa (sister of the nation), Kimambi built her influence primarily through her social media platforms and began her campaign against the Tanzanian government during the presidency of the late John Magufuli in 2016.

    Two years later, she unsuccessfully attempted to mobilise nationwide protests against his government.

    In 2021, she publicly switched her stance and backed Samia when she took office after Magufuli’s death, even though they are both from the CCM party that has governed Tanzania since independence. Kimambi even attended Samia’s first official visit to the US, where the two were photographed together.

    However, that relationship later deteriorated, and Kimambi now uses the same platform to sharply criticise President Samia and her administration.

    Her critics dismiss her political activism and accuse her of using offensive language when criticising the president and other top government officials.

    Kimambi already faces charges of economic sabotage, which came up in court in Dar es Salaam on Thursday. The case was postponed to 28 January, with state prosecutors saying the matter was still under investigation.

    She faces one count of money laundering in the case involving over $56,000 (£42,000) alleged to be proceeds of crime obtained about three years ago.

    It is alleged that she acquired the money by working as a journalist without accreditation, and obtained payment through intimidation. The case was initially filed on 28 August, alleging that she had obtained the money in 2022.

    In a post on her Instagram page before it became unavailable, she dismissed the case as “cooked”, adding that it “won’t change her views about the president”.

    She said the case was linked to her account with a Tanzanian bank that held $40,000. She claimed her last transaction in the account was in 2023 and that it was frozen last year.

    The government has not responded to the accusations that the charges are politically motivated and previously told the BBC to refer to the court case.

    In many of her recent posts on Instagram, Kimambi has called on Tanzanians to resist the administration and turn up for protests, including the one planned for 9 December. She also shared images of the aftermath of the election protests.

    The removal of Kimambi’s accounts come as the US says it is reviewing its relationship with Tanzania, citing growing concerns over democratic backsliding and human rights.

    In a statement issued on Thursday by the Department of State, Washington accuses the Tanzanian government of repressing religious freedom and free speech, blocking US investment, and failing to prevent violence before and after the 29 October elections.

    It says these actions have put American citizens, tourists, and US interests at risk and threaten decades of security and development cooperation.

    “The future of our bilateral relationship will be based on the government’s actions,” says the statement.

    The Tanzanian authorities have not yet responded.

    (BBC)

  • US Reviews Ties With Tanzania After Deadly Post-Election Crackdown

    US Reviews Ties With Tanzania After Deadly Post-Election Crackdown

    The United States has launched a sweeping review of its relationship with Tanzania following a violent post-election crackdown that has drawn international outrage and cast a shadow over President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s overwhelming victory in the October 29 polls.

    In a sharply worded statement issued on Thursday, the US government said it was “comprehensively reviewing” its dealings with Dodoma, citing killings and excessive use of force by security agencies against protesters who took to the streets after the election. Washington warned that the actions “raise grave concerns about the direction of our bilateral relationship and the reliability of the Tanzanian Government as a partner.”

    The State Department pointed to a growing list of concerns, including repression of free speech and religious freedom, barriers facing American investors, and what it described as disturbing violence before and after the vote.

    “These actions have put American citizens, tourists, and US interests in Tanzania at risk, and threatened to undermine the mutual prosperity and security that have defined our partnership for decades,” the statement said. “The United States cannot overlook actions that jeopardise the safety of our citizens, or the security and stability of the region.”

    The review deals a political blow to President Samia, who had spent much of her first term repairing ties with Washington after years of friction under her predecessor, the late John Pombe Magufuli. Her government had succeeded in reopening dialogue with US agencies, attracting back tourists and restoring the interest of the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which had frozen engagement during the Magufuli years.

    But her landslide win, secured with 97.66 percent of the vote, has been overshadowed by allegations of repression, disqualifications of opposition candidates, and a hard-line response to demonstrations. African election observers have also criticised the security forces’ conduct, warning of a shrinking civic space in a country long seen as one of the region’s more stable democracies.

    Just two days before Washington’s announcement, President Samia doubled down on her defence of the crackdown. Speaking to elders in Dar es Salaam, she repeated claims that foreign actors were working with opposition figures to engineer a regime change — accusations her administration has frequently made without offering evidence.

    “Our youth were manipulated, becoming mere parrots, singing songs and attempting to recreate what happened in Madagascar so that it would occur here,” she said. She dismissed accusations of excessive force and argued that the security services responded to a real threat, asking, “What would constitute appropriate force?”

    The government has offered no comprehensive casualty figures, even as opposition groups claim the toll runs into the thousands — a figure authorities dispute but have not addressed with transparency.

    A CNN investigation found that security forces fired at unarmed protesters and buried victims in unmarked graves, intensifying calls for an independent inquiry.

    The run-up to the election was marked by sweeping restrictions on the opposition. Chadema, Tanzania’s main opposition party, was barred from fielding any candidates months before the vote, and its leader Tundu Lissu was charged with treason, a capital offence. ACT-Wazalendo, another leading party, also saw its presidential hopeful disqualified despite a court order directing the electoral commission to reinstate him.

    With Washington now signalling that future cooperation will depend on the government’s actions, Tanzania faces rising diplomatic pressure at a moment when its domestic politics are under the microscope. The coming weeks are expected to determine whether Dodoma can de-escalate tensions or whether the US will take further steps that could reshape a partnership stretching back decades.

    Screenshot
  • Outspoken Samia Critic Mange Kimambi Hit With Money-Laundering Charges In Tanzania

    Outspoken Samia Critic Mange Kimambi Hit With Money-Laundering Charges In Tanzania

    Prominent Tanzanian social media activist Mange Kimambi, a vocal critic of President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s administration who resides in the United States, has been charged in her home country with economic sabotage.

    She faces one count of money laundering involving Tsh138.5 million.

    The case is scheduled for mention on December 4 this year before Senior Resident Magistrate Hassan Makube at the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court in Dar es Salaam. The matter was filed by the prosecution on August 28 this year.

    On the morning of December 2, 2025, Mange appeared in a widely circulated video on social media, confirming that she had been informed of the charges, claiming that the Tanzanian Government intends to bring her back to the country.

    In Criminal Case No. 000021172 of 2025, the alleged offence falls under Sections 12(1)(d) and 13(a) of the Anti-Money Laundering Act, Cap 423 of 2019, read together with the Economic and Organised Crime Control Act.

    According to the charge sheet, the prosecution alleges that between March 1 and March 31, 2022, at various locations in Dar es Salaam, she obtained Tsh138.5 million knowing that the money was proceeds of crime.

    The Tanzanian prosecutors further alleged that Mange acquired the money by working as a journalist without accreditation and by demanding the money through intimidation.

  • Was It Coup Or Was It A ‘Sham’? Behind Guinea-Bissau’s Military Takeover

    Was It Coup Or Was It A ‘Sham’? Behind Guinea-Bissau’s Military Takeover

    Military takeovers are nothing new in Guinea-Bissau.

    The West African country has experienced at least nine attempted and successful coups since gaining independence from Portugal in 1974.

    But when military officers announced they had seized control of the country last Wednesday, some analysts and political figures were sceptical.

    All the typical ingredients for a coup were there: gunfire was heard near the presidential palace, the President – Umaro Sissoco Embaló – was arrested and soldiers gave an address on state television.

    Still, other circumstances of the incident have been called into question, with Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan joining a chorus of voices who believe the takeover was masterminded by Embaló.

    And to complicate matters further, the military insisted to the BBC that it had taken over the country, but condemned the use of the word “coup”.

    The junta leaders said they were acting to thwart a plot by unnamed politicians who had “the support of a well-known drug baron” to destabilise the country, which has become known as a drug-trafficking hub.

    What happened in the lead-up to the coup?

     

    Just three days before the military takeover, Bissau-Guineans voted in a presidential election.

    Embaló, 53, was running for a second term and his closest challenger was Fernando Dias da Costa.

    Dias had been backed by former Prime Minister Domingos Pereira, who was initially supposed to run for president on behalf of the main opposition party, PAIGC.

    However, Pereira had been disqualified from the contest after the authorities said he filed his papers late.

    The election results were supposed to have been released on Thursday, the day after the coup took place.

    What happened on the day of the coup?

     

    After gunfire was heard in capital, Bissau, Embaló told French news site Jeune Afrique that he had been arrested by men in uniform in the presidential palace.

    Military officers then appeared on state television, announcing they had deposed the president in order to thwart a plot to destabilise the country.

    The military suspended the electoral process and blocked the release of the poll results.

    In a brief phone call, Embaló told France 24: “I have been deposed.”

    Others were also detained, including Pereira, Interior Minister Botché Candé and army chief Gen Biague Na N’tan.

    The headquarters of the electoral commission came under attack and an official has since revealed that armed men wearing balaclavas destroyed paperwork and the main computer server that stored the results – meaning the election results cannot be published.

    Why is there scepticism surrounding the coup?

     

    The opposition, civil society organisations and politicians from fellow West African nations have cast doubt on the military’s announcement.

    Embaló flew to neighbouring Senegal on a Senegalese military flight after being released from custody on Thursday – a detail that PAIGC official Flávio Baticã Ferreira finds suspicious.

    “The way he left Guinea-Bissau, escorted like a tourist with his family and luggage, without any obstacle or resistance… all of this shows that it was not a coup, because we all know how a coup works,” Ferreira, who was formerly a member of parliament, told the BBC.

    In the series of coups that have occurred in Africa over the last five years, no deposed leaders have been allowed to leave the country as quickly as Embaló did.

    However, a couple of analysts told the BBC that Guinea-Bissau’s military may have felt that letting Embaló fly out as soon as possible would make for a smooth transition.

    Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria’s former president, also questioned the coup, saying a head of state would not normally be allowed to talk to foreign media on the phone during a military takeover.

    “What happened in Guinea-Bissau was not a coup… for want of a better word, I would say it was a ceremonial coup,” the ex-president, who was part of a team observing the elections in Guinea-Bissau, told reporters.

    Jonathan is right, deposed leaders are not usually known to make contact with the outside world while under arrest.

    But there are exceptions – Gabon’s former president filmed a video urging his “friends all over the world” for support after being ousted in 2023.

    The appointment of Gen Horta N’Tam as Guinea-Bissau’s new military leader has also raised suspicions, as the general was considered to be a close ally of Embaló’s.

    Embaló has not responded to allegations that he orchestrated the coup.

    Why would someone fake a coup?

     

    Critics have long-accused Embaló of fabricating coup attempts in order to crack down on dissent – charges the former leader denies.

    He said he has survived three attempted takeovers overall.

    In December 2023, after one such coup plot, Embaló dissolved the opposition-dominated parliament. Since then, Guinea-Bissau has not had a sitting legislature.

    Some civil society organisations have accused Embaló of orchestrating last week’s coup in order to prevent any unfavourable election results from being published.

    Political analyst Ryan Cummings said the president’s previous actions – such as postponing the elections for a year – had fuelled such suspicions.

    However, it is also “highly plausible” that the armed forces acted independently to prevent a political stalemate, as both Embaló and Dias were claiming they had won this election, Mr Cummings told the BBC.

    Beverly Ochieng, West Africa analyst at the intelligence firm Control Risks, also acknowledged the scepticism surrounding the coup.

    However, she said that tensions within the political elite, combined with the decision to ban Pereira from the presidential race, “likely contributed to a military intervention”.

    Who is in charge of Guinea-Bissau now?

    Gen N’Tam, formerly the army’s chief of staff, has been sworn in as president and is due to stay in power for a transition period of one year.

    The general has appointed a new cabinet, comprising 23 ministers and five secretaries of state.

    Embaló, on the other hand, has left Senegal for Congo-Brazzaville. According to sources in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, he departed as he was upset that Senegal’s prime minister had called the coup a “sham”.

    Dias, who said he evaded arrest on the day of the coup, has been granted asylum by Nigeria.

    How have Bissau-Guineans reacted?

     

    On Saturday, hundreds of protesters took to the streets, demanding that Pereira be released.

    They also called on the authorities to publish the election results.

    Additionally, three civil society groups have called for a general strike and a civil disobedience campaign in order to restore “electoral truth”.

    But reactions have been mixed, with some residents praising the army and hoping for an orderly transition.

    “I am not against the military regime as long as they improve the living conditions in the country,” Suncar Gassama told the BBC.

    Ex-MP Ferreira described the atmosphere in the country as “tense”.

    “Nobody knows what the future of Guinea-Bissau holds,” he said.

  • Predators of South Sudan: Young “Guardians” Loot Billions

    Predators of South Sudan: Young “Guardians” Loot Billions

    South Sudan’s promise of prosperity has long rested on the black gold beneath its soil. Oil was meant to fund schools, hospitals, and roads after decades of war.

    Instead, more than a decade after independence, the country’s wealth has been captured by a powerful elite that treats national resources as private property while millions remain hungry, displaced, and trapped in poverty.

    A September 2025 report by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan detailed the scale of systemic looting, revealing that more than 25 billion dollars in oil revenue since 2011 cannot be traced to public services.

    The report painted a picture of a country where corruption has hollowed out institutions, crippled basic services and deepened food insecurity.

    Investigators found that entire revenue systems had been hijacked by politically connected networks that siphoned money through opaque deals, inflated contracts and foreign-registered companies.

    Nearly half the population now faces acute hunger, a crisis the UN and humanitarian agencies attribute directly to the diversion of state resources.

    One of the most alarming examples is the Oil for Roads programme.

    It was launched to convert oil wealth into much-needed transport infrastructure but ended up as another private feeding trough.

    Between 2021 and 2024, 2.2 billion dollars meant for roads was diverted, with 1.7 billion dollars allegedly channelled to firms linked to then–Vice President Benjamin Bol Mel.

    Less than a quarter of the planned infrastructure materialised.

    In November 2025, after intelligence briefings, President Salva Kiir dismissed Bol Mel and placed him under house arrest, an extraordinary fall for one of the most influential power brokers in the country.

    But as the old guard fell, a younger generation of elites stepped in to claim the spoils.

    A network of young South Sudanese men, all born in 1991 and holding British citizenship, has quietly built a web of companies registered in London while operating aggressively inside Juba.

    They include Deng Daniel, Garang Mayom Malek, Ariec Wol Mayar and Dinnall Bateman Kurtis Nathaniel.

    Their firms, including Capital Pay Ltd, Capital Pay Software Solutions Ltd, ECitizen and Crawford Capital, emerged in 2025 and rapidly positioned themselves within critical revenue streams.

    Business owners in Juba describe being confronted by these men or their agents, who present themselves as official revenue collectors acting with high-level authority.

    Companies receive invoices for non-existent taxes or demands framed as “patriotic contributions.” Those who resist face intimidation.

    The young group’s political cover is strengthened by figures like Ariec Wol Mayar, who serves as Director of Media at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs while allegedly profiting from the same private networks.

    Their public display of wealth stands in painful contrast to the country’s suffering.

    Social media is filled with images of their luxury cars, imported designer clothes, private jets and parties in Dubai, Monaco and Kampala.

    They flaunt the kind of opulence that South Sudan’s oil wealth should have delivered to its people but instead finances the lifestyles of a privileged few.

    The UN report warns that such networks, old and new, operate with impunity. Corruption is so deeply entrenched that entire institutions have collapsed.

    Hospitals lack medicine, schools operate without pay for teachers, justice systems barely function and civil servants often go months without salaries.

    As oil production declines and revenues shrink due to regional instability, basic survival has become harder for millions of citizens while the elite expand their reach into remaining income streams.

    South Sudan’s leadership insists reforms are under way.

    Kiir’s recent purge of senior officials, including Bol Mel and several revenue and central bank bosses, signalled an attempt to curb the rot.

    But civil society groups say the shake-up appears to have created a vacuum now filled by younger, more aggressive profiteers.

    Without full transparency and independent prosecution of economic crimes, they warn, the cycle of plunder will simply repeat.

    South Sudan’s wealth was meant to uplift a nation emerging from conflict.

    Instead it has enriched a small circle of self-proclaimed guardians who claim to defend the nation while draining it of its future.

    As the country braces for worsening hunger and economic decline, the biggest question remains whether these predators will continue to rise or whether South Sudan will finally break the cycle that has robbed generations of their promise.

  • Zambian-American Influencer Sentenced To 18 Months For Hate Speech

    Zambian-American Influencer Sentenced To 18 Months For Hate Speech

    A Zambian-American influencer and political vlogger has been sentenced to 18 months in prison for hate speech for making insulting remarks about Zambia’s President Hakainde Hichilema.

    Zambian-born Ethel Chisono Edwards, who also holds US citizenship and works as an estate agent in New York, has a large following across various social media accounts. Known as “One Boss Lady”, she has become renowned for her rants about the president over the last two years.

    The 42-year-old was arrested at Zambia’s main airport three months ago after arriving to attend her grandmother’s funeral.

    She pleaded guilty in a magistrate’s court in the capital, Lusaka, and apologised to the president for her comments.

    But Magistrate Webster Milumbe said the court had a duty to send a strong warning, noting that hate speech had become increasingly common.

    Edwards, who has been in police custody since her arrest, was convicted under the Cyber Security Act and the Cyber Crimes Act – new legislation that came into effect this year.

    She admitted to using a computer system to publish the offensive statements, acknowledged having no lawful excuse and conceded that her words were motivated by hatred.

    Her lawyer, Joseph Katati, described Edwards as a remorseful first offender with potential.

    He went on to detail how she was a breadwinner and philanthropist who sponsored a Zambian girls’ football team that would suffer from her imprisonment.

    He also delivered a detailed public apology on her behalf.

    “I want to unreservedly apologise to the president, Mr Hakainde Hichilema, his family, and the nation of Zambia for the words that I uttered against the president and for the negative effects that those words may have caused to the president, his family, and the nation at large,” it said.

    Throughout her court appearances, Edwards appeared subdued – a stark contrast to her online persona.

    The magistrate acknowledged Mr Katati’s plea for mitigation and said Edwards’s sentence would be effective from the time of her arrest.

    Mr Katati said he had not yet received instructions from his client on whether to appeal against the sentence.

    The jailing of the influencer has divided opinion in Zambia, with some saying it was necessary while others arguing that it violates freedom of speech.

    Hichilema, who came to office in 2021, has abolished criminal defamation laws against the president, but Zambians still face prosecution under other laws.

    In September, two men were sentenced to two years in prison for attempting to use witchcraft to kill President Hichilema.

  • U.S. Issues Security Alert For Tanzania Ahead Of Planned Anti-Govt Protests

    U.S. Issues Security Alert For Tanzania Ahead Of Planned Anti-Govt Protests

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 1 — The United States has issued a security alert for its citizens in Tanzania, warning of possible nationwide unrest ahead of planned anti-government demonstrations expected on December 9, with protest activity potentially beginning as early as December 5.

    In a notice released by the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam, American travelers were urged to exercise heightened caution due to escalating tensions following last month’s disputed general election, which was marred by violence, an internet shutdown and allegations of mass killings.

    “There are ongoing calls for nationwide anti-government demonstrations on December 9, but protest activity could begin as early as December 5,” the embassy said, noting that recent unrest after the October 29 vote led to “destruction of public infrastructure, violence against civilians, internet shutdowns, and major travel disruptions.”

    The embassy warned travelers to expect significant disruptions in the coming weeks, including possible curfews, ferry cancellations between Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar, disruption of international flights, and roadblocks enforcing movement restrictions.

    Travelers were also cautioned that foreign nationals have recently faced increased scrutiny from local security forces.

    “Security authorities have searched electronics for evidence of connection to unrest or politically sensitive content,” the alert said, adding that sharing images or videos that “may cause panic” is a criminal offense under Tanzanian law.

    The alert also underscored that during periods of unrest, the embassy’s ability to assist citizens may be limited.

    It advised Americans to avoid demonstrations, maintain emergency supplies, follow any announced curfew, and confirm flight details by phone before heading to airports.

    The heightened advisory comes just days after the Tanzanian government cancelled next month’s Independence Day celebrations, with Prime Minister Mwigulu Nchemba announcing that the funds would instead be directed toward rebuilding infrastructure damaged during post-election violence.

    The opposition has called for nationwide demonstrations on December 9 to protest what it describes as a brutal crackdown following the disputed election.

    Opposition groups and rights organizations claim that hundreds of civilians were killed by security forces—allegations the government has not addressed directly, though it has formed a commission of inquiry whose independence has been questioned by rights groups.

    President Samia Suluhu Hassan, declared the winner with 98 percent of the vote, is facing growing scrutiny both domestically and internationally.

    Key opposition figures such as Tundu Lissu were unable to contest the election, while authorities shut down the internet for five days starting on election day and warned against sharing protest images.

    Graphic videos and photos of alleged victims have since circulated widely online, with international media organisations verifying some footage despite government accusations that the material is intended to “tarnish” Tanzania’s image.

    An international coalition of lawyers and human rights organisations has formally petitioned the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate President Samia’s government for alleged crimes against humanity during the post-election unrest, including mass killings and the clandestine disposal of bodies.

    The 82-page submission was filed with the ICC prosecutor’s office on November 13.

    On November21, pressure intensified after U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Ranking Member Jeanne Shaheen called for an independent international investigation, following a CNN exposé that documented alleged police shootings, mass graves and possible attempts to conceal the death toll.

    “This report underscores the disturbing actions by the Tanzanian Government to suppress protestors,” Senator Shaheen said.

    “Evidence of mass graves shows an unacceptable attempt to cover up gross violations of human rights.”

    CNN’s investigation used satellite imagery, geolocated videos, eyewitness accounts and forensic audio analysis to link security forces to the use of live ammunition and unmarked burials.

    The report included images of overflowing morgues and testimonies from medical staff describing gunshot wounds to the head, chest and limbs.

    Witnesses in Arusha reported that a pregnant woman and a young man were among those shot, while drone footage appeared to show armed men—including some in civilian clothes—firing at fleeing crowds.

    The UN Human Rights Office has said multiple sources indicate that hundreds may have been killed and many more detained.

    Tanzania’s government has dismissed the allegations and criticised international media for publishing what it describes as “unverified” reports.

    Government spokesperson Gerson Msigwa said the inquiry commission announced by President Samia would “shed light” on the events, urging journalists to avoid “stories aimed at tarnishing the country’s image.”

    Prime Minister Nchemba has appealed to Tanzanians to avoid further violence, stressing the need for dialogue. “Let us not return to what we went through, because the consequences are irreparable,” he said on Monday.

    Despite early moves after taking office in 2021 that suggested a loosening of political restrictions, critics say Tanzania’s political space has narrowed significantly in the lead-up to and aftermath of the 2025 elections.

  • Thirty-Two Hotels Sue South Sudan Government Over $60 Million Unpaid Bills

    Thirty-Two Hotels Sue South Sudan Government Over $60 Million Unpaid Bills

    JUBA — Thirty-two hotels in South Sudan have launched a major lawsuit against the government at the East African Court of Justice, claiming unpaid bills totaling more than $60 million.

    The case, filed at the First Instance Court by the Pan African Law Chambers, accuses the National Transitional Committee, under the Office of the Presidential Adviser on National Security, of failing to settle debts for services provided to government officials, including those from the National Security Service, the Office of the Vice President, and peace delegations.

    The hotels first moved to the East African Court of Justice on December 31, 2024, seeking the total debt, penalties, and general damages after waiting more than three years for payment.

    The services provided included accommodation, catering, and hospitality for officials and peace delegations, as directed by the National Transitional Committee.

    According to the suit, the case is based on the government’s failure to comply with letters from the chair of the National Transitional Committee and the Attorney-General, which demanded the government meet its obligations.

    “Where a government fails to meet its lawful obligations, it is a violation of the Treaty of the East African Community by failing to adhere to good governance,” the application reads.

    The Attorney-General admitted the debt in a response letter dated December 23, 2024, and requested an amicable settlement.

    However, no payments were made, prompting the hotels to take the matter to court.

    The filing argues that the government’s failure is a direct violation of the EAC Treaty principles, including good governance, rule of law, accountability, transparency, and social justice.

    The hotels involved in the case include Palm Africa, World Focus Hotel, Juba Crown Hotel, Lan Mark, James Hotel, Royal Palace, Royal Hotel, Pyramid, MacDowell Apartment, La Carte Toscana Hotel, and Referendum Hotel. Others are Oasis Camp Limited, Radas Gen Trading Apartment, Red Ocean Gen Trading Apartment, Hamza Holdings, Aron International Hotel, Yam Hotel, Quality Hotel, Transit Hotel, Star Hotel, Virgin Hotel, New East International, HaiMauna Classic Hotel, Nile Beach Hotel, Kerena Hotel, Dembeshi Hotel, Classic Marat, Juba Landmark Hotel, and Grand Hotel Juba.

    The hotels are demanding payment of $27.4 million for accommodation bills plus $35.6 million in interest accumulated over three years.

    The filing states that the government’s failure to pay has caused the hotels significant financial losses and affected their obligations to landlords, shareholders, and staff.

    The petition also claims that business owners have faced harassment and intimidation from security personnel from the President’s office while seeking payment.

    “The Attorney-General has failed to ensure that government officials carry out their duties to protect investments and foster trade within the East African Community, as envisaged under the EAC Treaty,” the filing states.

    It further adds that the Attorney-General is vicariously liable for the losses and damages suffered by the hotels.

    The government now has 45 days to respond. Analysts say the case could have major implications for investor confidence and South Sudan’s reputation in the East African region.

    The lawsuit highlights the deepening tension between the private sector and government authorities, and it may set a precedent for holding state officials accountable to regional legal standards.