A coalition of civil society organizations has raised alarm over the vetting process for the Director General of Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) in Kenya, citing inconsistencies and potential breaches of integrity in the selection of candidate Mr. Kefa Seda.
In a strongly worded letter addressed to the Public Service Commission (PSC), the groups have called for immediate action to address what they describe as a flawed and opaque procedure.
The controversy centers on Mr. Seda, who has served as a Deputy Director within the PPP-Kenya National Highways Authority (KENHA) framework for seven years.
According to the job advertisement for the Chairperson position, candidates are required to meet the standards of Job Group T, typically reserved for directors.
However, the coalition alleges that the vetting committee has overlooked this requirement in Seda’s case, despite his lack of directorial experience.
“The committee’s apparent disregard for these established criteria raises serious questions about the integrity, transparency, and accountability of the Public Service Commission’s procedures,” the letter states.
Further fueling concerns, the groups point to memos that have surfaced detailing issues with Seda’s conduct and integrity during his tenure.
These documents, they claim, have been summarily dismissed by the vetting committee, a move that has deepened public skepticism about the process.
In response, the coalition is demanding a comprehensive lifestyle audit of Seda, scrutinizing his actions both before and after his involvement with the PPP framework, as well as a broader investigation into his performance in the civil service.
The civil society groups have also turned their attention to Mr. Cris Kiptoo, Principal Secretary for the National Treasury, urging him to declare any potential conflicts of interest and recuse himself from the vetting process.
They allege that undue political patronage may be influencing Seda’s candidacy, a charge that, if substantiated, could further erode trust in Kenya’s public appointment system.
“We expect a formal response to our concerns within 14 days,” the coalition warned, threatening legal action if their demands are not met.
“Should we fail to receive a satisfactory response, we will have no option but to seek redress through the courts.”
The allegations come at a time when Kenya’s public sector is under increasing scrutiny for transparency and merit-based appointments.
The Director General of PPP, a critical role overseeing partnerships between the government and private entities, is seen as pivotal to ensuring the efficient delivery of infrastructure and services.
Any hint of impropriety in the selection process could have far-reaching implications for public confidence in these initiatives.
Neither the Public Service Commission nor Mr. Seda has issued an immediate response to the coalition’s letter.
Mr. Kiptoo’s office has also remained silent on the matter. As the 14-day deadline looms, all eyes will be on the PSC to see how it addresses these mounting concerns.
The civil society coalition’s demands highlights a broader call for accountability in Kenya’s governance structures, with this case potentially serving as a litmus test for the country’s commitment to rooting out favoritism and upholding the rule of law.
While senior public offices often attract scrutiny, it is unusual for a state officer to be accused of paying hundreds of millions in bribes for a position.
Such is the case with the Director General of Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) in the National Treasury and Economic Planning office—a role now under intense scrutiny amid allegations implicating Permanent Secretary Dr. Chris Kiptoo in a bribery scandal.
The position is so lucrative that a senior Kenya National Highways Authority (KeNHA) official, Kefa Seda, is alleged to have paid a KSh200 million bribe to secure it.
What Makes the PPP Office So Contentious?
According to the official government portal, the PPP Directorate supports Kenyan government agencies in executing Public-Private Partnership projects by providing technical, legal, and financial advisory services. It guides contracting authorities through project identification, appraisal, procurement, negotiation, and implementation—all under the framework of the PPP Act 2021.
A Vacancy Sparking Suspicion
Sources tell Kenya Insights that the position became vacant after Ambassador Chris Kirigua—a finance sector veteran with two decades of experience—was abruptly ousted. Many believe his removal was orchestrated to auction the role to the highest bidder.
Kirigua reportedly declined a compensatory foreign mission posting.
In the ensuing scramble, Kefa Seda, who currently oversees PPP operations at KeNHA, emerged as a frontrunner—but with troubling allegations in tow.
The Allegations: Bribes and Backroom Deals
Chris Kiptoo.
It is alleged that Seda offered significant financial inducements to Dr. Chris Kiptoo, the Principal Secretary of the National Treasury, to influence the appointment process.
The transaction reportedly took place in Eldoret.
Beyond this, both Seda and Kiptoo stand accused of accepting payments from foreign investors—primarily from China, Turkey, and Gulf states—to sway the privatization of state-owned enterprises.
Strong-Arm Tactics
The scandal has drawn further outrage over claims that those involved have bullied and undermined the Treasury Cabinet Secretary and other key officials. Whispers from the country’s financial center claiming that the PS has been bragging that he has the president’s ear hence he has the last say on who gets the job.
Additionally, Seda is accused of:
– Blocking a French company’s interests at the Mau Summit after receiving financial incentives.
– Manipulating judicial and investigative bodies to suppress opposition.
Legal Reckoning Ahead
The controversy has sparked plans for High Court petitions*l against Kiptoo and other implicated parties. An unnamed NGO is also expected to challenge the recruitment process, citing gross irregularities. Calls have also mounted for the EACC to initiate a direct probe into the bribery claims against the PS and Seda.
With pressure mounting, Kenyans await answers—and accountability—in a scandal that threatens to expose deeper rot in high places.
Former chairperson of the Commission for the Implementation of the Constitution (CIC), faced intense questioning on Monday, March 24, as he vied for the position of chairperson of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).
Appearing before the IEBC selection panel, chaired by Dr. Nelson Makanda, Nyachae tackled allegations of being a “State project” aligned with President William Ruto’s interests, financial impropriety, and personal misconduct—including claims of being a “deadbeat dad”—while revealing the chilling warnings from friends about the life-threatening risks of the role.
The interview, part of a critical process to replace the late Wafula Chebukati ahead of the 2027 elections, saw Nyachae, one of 11 shortlisted candidates from an initial pool of 37, confront a memorandum from a private citizen and Bunge La Mwananchi challenging his suitability.
With Kenya’s electoral credibility hanging in the balance, Nyachae’s performance underscored both his resilience and the high stakes of the position.
A State Candidate?
Nyachae fiercely rejected claims of being a political puppet, dismissing the “State candidate” label as an affront to the panel’s independence.
“I consider the entire memorandum as being motivated by ill will for reasons that I don’t know and not being supported by the truth,” he asserted.
“Me as a State candidate for this job? No. I made this decision to run on my own. The idea of a State candidate is foreign to me.”
Yet, his political history fuels skepticism. The 67-year-old son of the late Simeon Nyachae, a Kenyan political titan, ran unsuccessfully for Kisii County governor in 2017 under Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party before switching to Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA) in 2022, managing the President’s Kisii campaign.
Critics question whether his ties to Ruto compromise his impartiality—a cornerstone for an IEBC chair tasked with ensuring a fair 2027 poll.
Personal and Financial Allegations
Nyachae’s personal life came under fire as the panel probed allegations of extra-marital affairs and failure to provide child support, branding him a “deadbeat dad.”
He dismissed these as baseless smears.
Financial accusations tied to Proctor and Allan’s alleged Sh3.5 billion scandal also surfaced, which he countered by clarifying, “I own shares in a company associated with it, but I have nothing to do with its management.”
His CIC tenure (2011–2016) drew further scrutiny, with critics alleging he failed to enforce the 2010 Constitution’s anti-corruption and devolution mandates.
Nyachae called these claims “scandalous” and “insulting,” insisting, “The work CIC did is self-evident.” He also denied involvement in a Sh9.2 million fraudulent newspaper payment in 2015, noting he wasn’t the accounting officer.
EACJ Resignation and Death Threats
Nyachae’s 2023 resignation from the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) prompted Makanda to ask, “You resigned from a judicial position that does not have similar pressure as this.
Are we going to have our chair resign before the end of the day?” Nyachae explained that financial constraints canceled EACJ sessions, leaving him earning $2,000 (Sh280,000) monthly “for doing nothing.” He framed his exit as a principled stand, vowing not to abandon the IEBC role if appointed.
More strikingly, Nyachae revealed the trepidation surrounding the IEBC job. “A very close friend and professional colleague told me, ‘My brother, are you sure you want to do that?’” he recounted.
“He said, ‘You know you should be ready to either lose your life or your integrity.’” Nyachae responded defiantly, “I do not intend to lose my life while serving the people of Kenya as the chair of the IEBC, and I have no intention of compromising on integrity.”
The exchange highlighted the position’s perilous reputation, amplifying concerns about his resilience.
Despite the grilling, Nyachae pitched his vision to restore IEBC trust, blaming past failures on “political power play and vested interests.”
He promised adherence to the law and a legacy of verifiable elections where “ordinary Kenyans remain persuaded” of the process’s integrity.
“As long as the commission leaves question marks on Kenyans, it will have fallen short of expectations,” he said.
Touted his legal background, governance expertise, and PhD studies in leadership, Nyachae argued his experience—including working with panelist Dr. Koki Muli at CIC—equips him to unite the commission. “My passion for the Constitution of Kenya 2010 grew even higher and continues to date,” he stated, citing listening as a key strength to address electoral concerns like the two-thirds gender rule.
As Kenya braces for a pivotal 2027 election amid Ruto’s rocky tenure—marked by youth protests and economic strain—the IEBC selection process is under intense scrutiny.
With 11 candidates streamlined for chairperson and thousands for commissioner roles, the panel must finalize its picks by April 25.
Nyachae’s political ties, family disputes over his father’s Sh2 billion estate, and the shadow of his EACJ exit fuel doubts about his suitability.
Interviews continue today with candidates like Erastus Edung Ethekon and Joy Brenda Masinde-Mdivo, followed by Lilian Wanjiku Manegene tomorrow. Nyachae remains a polarizing figure: supporters praise his expertise, while detractors warn his past could drag the IEBC into another crisis.
For a nation scarred by electoral mistrust, his chilling account of death threats only heightens the stakes.
The Postal Corporation of Kenya (PCK) has petitioned the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) to investigate Kiambu Governor Kimani Wamatangi and Chief Officer Njenga for alleged abuse of office in a contentious property dispute over a prime plot in Kiambu town.
The move comes as Wamatangi faces separate accusations of attempting to extort KES 4.3 billion (USD 33 million) in land from Tatu City investors, amplifying concerns over governance and integrity in Kiambu County.
The PCK dispute centers on a one-and-a-half-acre parcel hosting the Kiambu Post Office, claimed by both the corporation and the county government.
PCK asserts legal ownership, backed by title documents and a recent joint boundary survey with county officials, while Wamatangi insists the land belongs to the county, leased to PCK for 99 years with about 30 years remaining.
He claims traders were allocated space in 2018 when PCK was not using it—a narrative PCK rejects, citing its non-devolved status and outright ownership.
The corporation accuses Wamatangi and Njenga, likely a key figure in county land management, of leveraging their positions to facilitate encroachment, prompting the EACC probe.
In a public notice dated March 18, 2025, Postmaster General John Tunoi decried widespread encroachment on PCK properties nationwide, spotlighting Kiambu as a critical case.
“The management of Postal Corporation of Kenya has noted with great concern the illegal encroachment of PCK properties by private developers and trespassers,” Tunoi stated, noting reports to the National Police Service, Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), and EACC.
The dispute escalated after traders’ structures on the land were demolished, with Wamatangi defending county plans to build kiosks and alleging a compensation deal—denied by PCK—for the supposed lease term.
PCK’s efforts to secure the property have been thwarted by police inaction.
On March 17, Tunoi sought Wamatangi’s cooperation post-survey, planning to fence the land the next day, but police support requested from the Kiambu sub-county commander never materialized.
Earlier appeals to Inspector General Douglas Kanja and a trespass case (OB Number 51/17/03/2025) filed by PCK’s Mr. Njoroge were similarly stalled, with sources hinting at political interference.
A 2018 court order restraining Kiambu County from interfering with PCK land in Thika remains unenforced, further fueling the corporation’s push for EACC intervention.
Tatu City alleged extortion
Concurrently, Wamatangi’s involvement in land-related fraud allegations has a long history, which was further exacerbated by the explosive July 2024 allegations from Tatu City, a Special Economic Zone developed by Rendeavour.
The investor accused the governor and his advisor of attempting to extort over 40 acres of land, valued at KES 4.3 billion, by delaying approval of Tatu City’s new Master Plan for over 18 months.
Tatu City, a significant foreign investor in Kenya, condemned Kiambu County Governor Kimani Wamatangi and his advisor for attempting to extort KES 4.3 billion (USD 33 million) in land.
Preston Mendenhall, Rendeavour’s Chief Operating Officer, condemned Wamatangi at a Nairobi press conference, alleging the governor demanded free land—including for his residence—in exchange for approval.
“It’s time to blow the whistle on Governor Wamatangi’s attempted extortion,” Mendenhall said, estimating the delay cost KES 16 billion in investment and 4,500 jobs.
Tatu City presented a letter dated April 16, 2024, from County Executive Committee Member Salome Wainaina, demanding the “surrender” of land despite no legal basis under Kenyan law, which requires compensation for compulsory acquisition.
The Master Plan, setting aside 103 acres for public use, followed a rigorous approval process, yet Wamatangi and Wainaina allegedly blocked it despite compliance.
Tatu City, hosting 20,000 jobs and KES 385 billion in investments, urged the governor to cease interference.
The dual controversies paint a troubling picture of Wamatangi’s administration, with PCK and Tatu City accusing him of exploiting his office for personal or county gain.
In the latest scandal, neither Wamatangi nor Njenga has responded publicly to the EACC petition.
The investigations could have far-reaching implications for Kiambu’s leadership and Kenya’s investment climate, spotlighting tensions between national entities, county governance, and private stakeholders.
For now, the EACC holds the key to unraveling these high-stakes allegations.
In a packed Mombasa courtroom, a mother’s anguished voice broke the silence, recounting a nightmare that claimed her seven children in the desolate expanse of Shakahola.
Beatrice (name changed for her protection), the 29th witness in the ongoing manslaughter trial against Pastor Paul Mackenzie and 94 others, laid bare the chilling consequences of a religious edict that turned faith into a death sentence.
Beatrice’s testimony, delivered in camera to shield her identity, painted a haunting picture of life under Mackenzie’s sway.
She told the court how she joined his Good News International Church in 2017, captivated by his fiery sermons on Times TV.
What began as a search for salvation spiraled into a tragedy that would rob her of everything she held dear.
“Pastor Mackenzie said education was evil, hospitals were forbidden, and fasting would bring us closer to Jesus,” Beatrice said, her voice trembling.
Under his guidance, she and her husband withdrew their children from school, shunned medical care, and abandoned government programs.
By 2019, when Mackenzie shuttered his church and TV channel, he summoned his followers to Shakahola—a remote “Holy Land” where salvation awaited.
Beatrice’s family paid Ksh. 2,000 for two acres, uprooted their lives, and joined the exodus.
But Shakahola was no paradise. In a fateful meeting, Mackenzie ordered a fast—children first, then women, then men.
“He said it was God’s will,” Beatrice recalled. Her husband, once skeptical but now a believer, locked their six children in a room without food or water.
Security men stripped their home of provisions, enforcing the pastor’s decree.
One by one, her children weakened, their cries fading into silence as starvation took them.
Pregnant at the time, Beatrice faced an unimaginable horror. “They told me to fast to kill the unborn,” she testified.
After two days without sustenance, she gave birth, too frail to breastfeed.
Her newborn, her seventh child, slipped away in her arms. “We weren’t allowed to mourn,” she said, tears streaking her face. “I saw other children die, too—buried in shallow graves like they never mattered.”
The courtroom sat in stunned silence as Beatrice described her escape, fleeing under the pretense of fetching food and reaching a children’s home in Watamu.
Her story echoed that of JNK, a minor and the 28th witness, who told of being locked in a room with his siblings before cycling to safety.
Together, their testimonies expose the devastating reach of Mackenzie’s influence, now at the heart of a case led by Assistant DPP Jami Yamina, Principal Prosecution Counsels Victor Owiti and Betty Rubia, and Alex Ndiema.
Beatrice’s journey began with hope. She attended Mackenzie’s seminars in Malindi, Mtwapa, Rabai, and Tononoka, drawn by promises of divine favor.
After the church closed, a WhatsApp group became his lifeline to followers, issuing directives that led them to Shakahola.
There, farming gave way to fasting, and community crumbled under coercion.
The Shakahola massacre has claimed over 429 lives, with more than a third being children, their bodies unearthed from mass graves since 2023.
Survivors like Beatrice, some facing charges themselves, bear the scars of a cult that promised eternity but delivered death.
“I lost everything,” she whispered in court, her words a plea for justice and a warning to others.
In a staggering exposé, South Sudan’s Finance Minister Marial Dongrin and South Sudan Revenue Authority (SSRA) Commissioner General Simon Akuei Deng stand accused of masterminding a USD 200 million embezzlement scheme, plunging the world’s youngest nation deeper into a crisis of corruption and betrayal.
Sources reveal a meticulously planned operation to siphon public funds into private accounts, leaving South Sudanese citizens to bear the devastating consequences.
The Scheme Unveiled
The scandal centers on a directive issued by the SSRA on February 10, 2025, ordering Nile Commercial Bank to transfer 30 billion South Sudanese Pounds (SSP) from government coffers into a so-called “retention account.”
Signed by Deng and SSRA official Paul Ajok Garang, the plan outlined monthly transfers—2 billion SSP in the first half and 1 billion SSP in the second—set to run through November 2025.
The first transfer, executed on February 17, 2025, saw 2 billion SSP moved from the SSRA’s block account (No. 0010172191) to a retention account (No. 5591058493) at a separate bank, approved by Nile Commercial Bank supervisor Lina Emmanuel Mama Jamus.
This move, however, appears to flout South Sudan’s Financial Act, which mandates that all collected taxes be deposited directly into the national treasury for transparent allocation.
At the official exchange rate of 1 USD = 560 SSP, 30 billion SSP equates to roughly USD 53.57 million—far less than the alleged USD 200 million heist—raising questions about additional unreported transactions or misreported figures.
At the market rate of 1 USD = 1,500 SSP, the sum drops to USD 20 million, further complicating the financial trail.
A Life of Luxury Amid Poverty
While South Sudan grapples with crumbling infrastructure and widespread poverty, the accused officials are allegedly living extravagantly.
Simon Akuei Deng, recently appointed SSRA Commissioner General in November 2024, is said to have married two teenage wives—16-year-old Obote Mit Kamin and 14-year-old There Mit Ndi—and resides in a Ksh 50 million (approximately USD 387,000) mansion on Convent Drive in Nairobi.
Deng is also linked to ARC Construction, a company embroiled in a scandal over the Bor-Juba Road project, where costs reportedly ballooned from USD 200 million to USD 5 billion—a claim under scrutiny but indicative of broader mismanagement.
Finance Minister Marial Dongrin, meanwhile, allegedly spent Ksh 240 million (USD 1.86 million) last month on four luxury properties in Nairobi’s Lavington neighborhood, each valued at Ksh 60 million.
Sources claim he charters private jets every weekend to his home village at a cost of USD 35,000 per trip, a stark contrast to the nation’s struggling public services.
Systemic Corruption Exposed
The allegations align with a long-standing pattern of corruption in South Sudan, repeatedly flagged by the United Nations and Transparency International.
The country ranks 177 out of 180 on the Corruption Perception Index, with political elites accused of diverting millions from public coffers.
The Bor-Juba Road project, spanning roughly 120 km, exemplifies this: while comparable projects suggest a cost of USD 213.6 million, the reported USD 5 billion expenditure points to potential graft, with Deng’s ARC ties raising red flags.
The fallout is dire. Hospitals lack basic supplies, schools deteriorate, and infrastructure projects stall, while the elite amass wealth abroad.
The UN has warned that such corruption undermines human rights and stability, with non-oil revenue—meant to fund development—routinely misappropriated.
A Nation Demands Answers
The discrepancy between the reported 30 billion SSP and the claimed USD 200 million heist suggests either additional transfers or an error in the initial tip.
Investigations are ongoing, with calls for accountability growing louder. “This isn’t just theft—it’s a betrayal of every South Sudanese citizen,” said a local activist, who requested anonymity due to safety concerns.
The involvement of Nile Commercial Bank and its staff, alongside the SSRA and Ministry of Finance, points to a broader network.
Yet, in a nation where justice is elusive, skepticism remains about whether those responsible will face consequences.
What’s Next?
As South Sudan’s government remains silent, international pressure mounts for transparency.
The US has previously sanctioned ARC Construction for corruption, and experts urge further scrutiny of Dongrin and Deng’s financial dealings.
For now, the people of South Sudan are left with a broken system and a looted treasury—waiting for answers that may never come.
State House has been drawn into a high-stakes battle over the development of Kenya’s new Fast Payment System (FPS) and national digital ID programme, as Nigeria’s Interbank Settlement System (NIBBS) and Kenyan payments software provider Ceva Limited intensify their lobbying efforts to secure one of the country’s most lucrative financial projects.
In a letter to President William Ruto, Ceva Limited requested a meeting to present NIBBS as its strategic partner in building Kenya’s new payment infrastructure.
The letter, dated March 2025, sought a meeting with the President on either the 20th or 21st of March to introduce NIBBS and discuss the development of the National Fast Payment System and the National ID Card System (AfriGo).
The proposed meeting was expected to include top executives from NIBBS and Ceva, including NIBSS CEO Premier Oiwoh, Yvonne Ige, its head of partnerships, and Ceva’s Managing Director Yatin Mehta.
David Kiprono, the director of Webmasters Kenya Ltd—the firm behind Kenya’s eCitizen platform—was also expected to attend.
NIBBS, owned by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and licensed banks, is Nigeria’s national switch and payment infrastructure.
Ceva, founded in 2010, operates in India, Nigeria, Kenya, and Brazil, and claims to process $40 billion in transactions annually.
In its letter, Ceva argued that NIBBS has the credentials and a system that can ensure seamless interoperability across different payment platforms, including banks, SACCOS, mobile money operators like M-Pesa, and fintechs.
“Our robust infrastructure is developed in Africa, for Africa,” Ceva wrote in the letter. “AfriGo is NIBBS’ answer to Africa having its own card processing, driving our economic independence and efficiency. India has done it with Rupay, China has done it with UnionPay, UAE has done it with Jaywan, Brazil has done it with PIX.”
The lobbying by Ceva and NIBBS comes as the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) seeks to develop a new real-time payments system under its National Payment Strategy 2022-2025.
The CBK aims to create a seamless Fast Payment System (FPS) that will enable instant transactions across all financial institutions, including banks and licensed payment service providers.
The project, estimated to be worth Sh26 billion, has attracted significant interest from both local and international firms.
However, the deal could face pushback from local mobile money operators like Safaricom and commercial banks, who have been advocating for the upgrade of the existing PesaLink system rather than building a new platform from scratch.
PesaLink, owned by the Kenya Bankers Association (KBA), currently handles $8.5 billion annually and is seen as a faster and more cost-effective solution compared to developing a new system.
Safaricom and KBA estimate that building a new FPS from scratch could cost $200 million and take up to four years to complete, while upgrading PesaLink would be quicker and cheaper.
Local lenders, through their lobby KBA, have argued that upgrading PesaLink would save time, cut costs, and minimize disruptions.
The CBK has yet to make a final decision on the proposed FPS upgrade, but the intense lobbying from both local and international firms highlights the high stakes involved in the lucrative contract.
The outcome of this battle could significantly shape Kenya’s financial landscape, with implications for interoperability, transaction costs, and the overall efficiency of the country’s payment systems.
Kimilili Member of Parliament, Didmus Wekesa Barasa Mutua, has yet to repay a businesswoman the Sh2 million he allegedly defrauded from her—money purportedly used to purchase a helicopter from Malaysia.
This follows his failure to respond to our inquiries regarding his plans to refund the amount, which he previously referred to as a “soft loan,” even after being summoned by the EACC last year.
Didmus Barasa’s Helicopter Purchase
Our findings indicate that MP Mutua had initially promised to repay the money but later reverted to his pattern of deceit and fraudulent behavior.
Barasa’s case has sparked significant public outrage and raised serious concerns about the ethical conduct of public officials. Experts are now cautioning Bungoma County residents against electing him as governor in 2027.
“He is a fraudster, as evidenced by the multiple fraud cases he faces across the country. Before seeking the governorship, he should start by respecting women—repaying the Sh2 million he owes this businesswoman,” said a local leader.
Barasa, the MP for Kimilili, has been embroiled in previous controversies, with his alleged criminal activities further tarnishing his reputation. Despite this, he has somehow retained his political position.
According to sources, Barasa approached the businesswoman for a Sh2 million loan, claiming it was needed as a facilitation fee for a business trip to Malaysia. Trusting his word, she transferred the money to his account.
Documents in our possession confirm that Barasa received the funds and allegedly used them to purchase a helicopter.
To date, despite admitting to taking the money, the MP has refused to repay it.
The evidence, including financial records and witness testimonies, points to the helicopter purchase. This alleged fraud not only constitutes a breach of trust but also raises serious legal and ethical concerns.
The French government, in collaboration with relevant investment agencies, is currently investigating serious allegations of bribery, abuse of office, intimidation of public officials, and procedural irregularities in the interview and appointment process for the position of Director General of Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).
The position was previously held by Ambassador Christopher Kirigua, who was unceremoniously dismissed in an apparent attempt to create a vacancy for Kiptoo to solicit the highest bidder.
The allegations specifically implicate Kefa Seda, who oversees PPP operations at the Kenya National Highways Authority (KENHA).
It is alleged that Kefa Seda offered significant financial inducements to Chris Kiptoo, the Principal Secretary for the National Treasury of Kenya, in an attempt to influence the outcome of the appointment process in his favor.
The alleged transaction reportedly took place in Eldoret.
Both Kefa Seda and Chris Kiptoo are also accused of accepting substantial payments from foreign investors, primarily from entities in China, Turkey, and Gulf states, to sway the privatization of state-owned enterprises.
PS Treasury Chris Kiptoo
The situation is under intense scrutiny due to reports that the individuals involved have employed aggressive and oppressive tactics, undermining the authority of the Cabinet Secretary for the Treasury and other key government officials integral to the decision-making process.
Additionally, Kefa Seda is alleged to have obstructed the interests of a French company at the Mau Summit after receiving considerable financial incentives.
He is also accused of manipulating judicial and investigative institutions to advance his objectives while neutralizing opposition through unconventional methods.
In response to these allegations, a non-governmental organization (NGO) plans to file a lawsuit to annul the appointment process and initiate a lifestyle audit of Kefa Seda.
The audit will focus on allegations of abuse of office and misconduct at the Treasury and KENHA. The NGO has also formally petitioned the President to reject the appointment of the implicated officer.
The involvement of Chris Kiptoo in the Public Service Commission has raised concerns among security and oversight agencies.
There are fears of possible intimidation and undue influence over the appointment process, casting doubt on the integrity and fairness of a process allegedly marred by coercion.
The Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU), Kenya’s premier labor union tasked with championing workers’ rights, is under fire following explosive whistleblower allegations of systemic mismanagement, sexual harassment, and employee mistreatment.
The accusations, first brought to light by blogger Cyprian Nyakundi via an anonymous employee’s detailed exposé, have thrust COTU Secretary-General Francis Atwoli into an uncomfortable spotlight, prompting a swift rebuttal from the union boss.
A Damning Exposé
The whistleblower’s account, shared with Nyakundi and posted on X on March 22, 2025, paints a grim picture of life inside COTU.
The anonymous employee alleges that staff endure months-long salary delays with no explanation, while management continues to jet-set on business trips.
“The bosses are busy travelling as normal staff struggle with late salary payments, low payments, and biased promotions and salary increments,” the employee wrote.
More disturbingly, the whistleblower claims that dissent is met with ruthless reprisals. “Anyone who tries to speak out against these ills is fired without due procedure,” they stated, citing the recent dismissals of employees identified only as Irine, Selina, Jackline, Nnamdi, and Mike.
The employee also highlighted a mysterious SACCO (Savings and Credit Cooperative) scheme, alleging that staff are coerced into deductions for an entity with no known officials, location, or accountability. “We are over-deducted on issues we don’t even understand. We go home with nothing,” they lamented.
Perhaps the most shocking accusation is the pervasive sexual harassment targeting young female interns. According to the whistleblower, interns are either preyed upon by senior officials or have their attachments terminated if they resist.
“Young girls coming in for internship are being sexually harassed or have their attachments discontinued. The naive ones are being carried by the bosses everywhere they go for meetings — for their sexual pleasure,” the account reads. One specific case alleges that a friend was sacked after refusing advances from “a very old administrative secretary” who allegedly leverages stolen funds to coerce staff into sexual favors.
The whistleblower also recounted the fate of a new accountant, Mike, who was reportedly fired after uncovering payroll irregularities.
“When he started highlighting irregularities in the payroll and how funds were not being well accounted for, he was forced to go on compulsory leave and fired a few days later,” they claimed.
Adding to the intrigue, the employee referenced an unnamed boss with an active sexual harassment case in Brussels, hastily repatriated to Nairobi to avoid scrutiny.
Atwoli’s Defense
In a detailed response issued shortly after the allegations surfaced, Francis Atwoli dismissed the claims as “defamatory remarks aimed at tarnishing the reputation of the union.”
The outspoken COTU leader branded the whistleblower’s account as baseless and driven by personal vendetta, asserting that the organization remains committed to its employees’ welfare.
On the issue of salary delays, Atwoli insisted that payments are always made on time, with the exception of one incident involving an employee he accused of tampering with the payroll. He identified this individual as a probationary staff member dismissed after four months for attempting “to change COTU’s payroll for personal financial gain and even alter[ing] the organization’s logo.”
Atwoli emphasized that the termination followed due process and that COTU refrained from pursuing legal action despite the alleged misconduct.
Addressing the unlawful dismissal claims, Atwoli argued that no employee has been unfairly sacked.
“All those mentioned who have since left COTU (K) have since paid their service payments and dues and none has since complained,” he said, adding that many former staff have secured senior roles in the private and public sectors.
On the explosive sexual harassment allegations, Atwoli was unequivocal: “COTU (K) has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual harassment.” He pointed to the union’s “well-defined Sexual Harassment Policy and a safeguarding policy,” which he claimed ensures swift and decisive action on complaints.
“As of today, no serving officer and or official of COTU (K) is facing any allegations or investigations related to sexual harassment,” he added, encouraging staff to report incidents internally or to authorities.
Atwoli reaffirmed COTU’s dedication to transparency, fairness, and workers’ rights, urging the public to dismiss the whistleblower’s claims and contact the union for clarification.
A Clash of Narratives
The stark contrast between the whistleblower’s account and Atwoli’s rebuttal raises troubling questions about the inner workings of COTU, an organization meant to be a beacon for Kenyan workers.
While Atwoli’s response seeks to restore confidence, the specificity of the allegations — including named employees and references to a Brussels incident — suggests a deeper story that may not be easily dismissed.
Posts on X (formerly Twitter) reflect growing public skepticism. One user remarked, “Hapo kwa sexual harassment i heard kitambo and things are bad there for young ladies. COTU is a sick rotten place. Atwoli being the sickest of all,” echoing sentiments that the allegations may have roots in longstanding rumors.
Another called for COTU and Atwoli to part ways, citing “corruption, sexual harassment, and workers mistreatment” as grievous offenses.
The whistleblower’s plea for investigations by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) adds urgency to the matter.
“A lot of us will confide in them if they come on the ground. The staff are demoralized and can’t speak out openly,” they wrote. Yet, without concrete evidence beyond the anonymous account, the claims remain unverified — a challenge compounded by the employee’s request for anonymity, likely出于 fear of retaliation.
The ambiguity of the allegations is too serious to ignore, particularly given COTU’s mandate to protect workers.
Atwoli’s dismissal of the claims as a personal vendetta does little to address the detailed nature of the accusations or the whistleblower’s call for independent scrutiny.
The mention of a Brussels case, if true, could be a critical lead — one that merits further investigation into COTU’s international dealings and the conduct of its officials.
Meanwhile, it appears that the duel is just starting and a lot more could be uncovered in due time.
Screenshots by Kenya Insights.
For now, the ball is in the court of Kenya’s investigative authorities.
Will the DCI and DPP heed the whistleblower’s appeal and launch a probe? Or will these allegations fade into the noise of unproven rumors? One thing is clear: the voices of COTU’s staff — silenced by fear or amplified by courage — deserve to be heard.
Until then, Francis Atwoli’s assurances ring hollow against the raw, unfiltered desperation of a whistleblower caught off guard by a system they once trusted.
Serious allegations of corruption, nepotism, and unethical conduct have emerged surrounding the recent recruitment of Early Childhood Development Education (ECDE) teachers by the Kisumu County Public Service Board, casting a shadow over the integrity of the process.
A whistleblower from the community has provided detailed claims of irregularities, accusing key figures in the recruitment exercise of flouting guidelines and engaging in illegal activities for personal gain.
According to the source, Professor Edward Kochung, head of Recruitment and Selection at the Kisumu County Public Service Board, has overseen a process riddled with discrepancies.
The whistleblower alleges that despite the job advertisement listing a diploma as the minimum qualification for ECDE teacher positions, Kochung shortlisted only diploma holders while allowing certificate holders—who do not meet the advertised criteria—to be slotted into the selection list.
The source claims that these certificate holders secured their positions by paying bribes to Kochung and his nephew, Clement Wadegu, the acting CEO of the board.
The advertisement clearly states that a diploma in Early Childhood Development Education is the minimum requirement, raising questions about how underqualified candidates were considered.
“Only those who paid him and his nephew money were selected for the position, regardless of their qualifications,” the source stated, calling for an immediate investigation by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) into the recruitment process.
Further compounding the controversy, Clement Wadegu’s role as acting CEO has come under scrutiny. The whistleblower alleges that Wadegu lacks the necessary qualifications or training to hold the position, including the mandatory Certified Secretary (CS) certification required for such a role.
Additionally, Wadegu has been acting in this capacity for over six months, which the source claims violates regulatory limits on acting appointments.
“Kochung and his nephew have turned the board into a family enterprise, leaving recruitment and selection processes in shambles,” the source lamented.
The allegations extend beyond recruitment irregularities to include claims of nepotism and abuse of power within the county government.
Staff members have reportedly raised complaints about Elizabeth Seda, Kochung’s niece and an employee of the Kisumu County government, for her alleged unethical behavior.
According to the whistleblower, Seda has been caught on multiple occasions engaging in inappropriate conduct with her supervisor, including incidents in the office and the boardroom.
Despite these reports being escalated to senior authorities, no disciplinary action has been taken against her.
The source alleges that Kochung, who oversees disciplinary cases for other employees, has shielded his niece from accountability, while her supervisor faced consequences for the same incidents.
“Her uncle Kochung protected her, yet he conducts disciplinary cases for other employees,” the whistleblower said, highlighting what they describe as a blatant double standard.
The lack of action following Seda’s repeated misconduct has fueled discontent among county staff, who see it as evidence of favoritism within the Public Service Board.
As Professor Kochung’s tenure as a board member nears its end, the whistleblower warns that his leadership has left the recruitment and selection processes vulnerable to audit queries and legal challenges.
“He is leaving behind a legacy of corruption and mismanagement,” the source stated, urging the EACC to conduct a thorough audit to uncover the extent of the alleged malpractices.
Kenya faces yet another potential blow to its tea industry, risking the loss of a key global market in the wake of a corruption scandal involving an Iranian company, Debsh Tea Co.
This comes shortly after the fallout with Sudan, further compounding the challenges for Kenya’s tea sector, which plays a vital role in the economy, contributing nearly a quarter of the country’s foreign exchange earnings.
At the center of the scandal is a Kenyan company owned by a businessman allied with former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached.
The company has been linked to Debsh Tea Co, the Iranian firm embroiled in a $3.7 billion embezzlement case.
Dubbed the Debsh Tea Scandal, the case has implicated high-ranking Iranian officials and threatens to disrupt diplomatic and trade ties, leaving Kenyan tea farmers and exporters bracing for significant impact.
The Debsh Tea Scandal
Debsh Tea, Kenya’s primary tea buyer in Iran, stands accused of siphoning off $1.4 billion through fraudulent practices, including misrepresenting low-grade Kenyan tea as premium Indian tea.
An Iranian court has sentenced the company’s CEO, Akbar Rahimi-Darabad, to 66 years in prison—effectively 25 years under concurrent sentencing—for disrupting Iran’s economy, smuggling foreign currency, and engaging in bribery.
Two former ministers, Javad Sadatinejad and Reza Fatemi Amin, received one- and two-year sentences, respectively, for their roles in the scheme, which unfolded under the late President Ebrahim Raisi.
Iranian authorities allege that between 2019 and 2022, Debsh Tea received $3.37 billion in subsidized foreign currency to import tea and machinery but diverted $1.4 billion to the free market for profit.
Adding to the fraud, the company imported Kenyan tea at $2 per kilogram and sold it as high-grade Indian Darjeeling tea, fetching up to $14 per kilogram—a $12 price gap that has raised serious questions about the integrity of Kenya’s tea exports.
Cup of Joe’s Role
The Iranian company sourced its tea leaves from Dubai through Kenyan exporter Cup of Joe, which recently became a key partner in the Kenya Tea Development Agency (KTDA), the country’s leading private consortium.
Cup of Joe is owned by Kenyan businessman Joseph Njuguna Wainaina, who has extensive connections in Iran, including supplying bitumen from the Middle East to the South African market. Wainaina is also closely associated with former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.
Former DP Rigathi Gachagua during a media interview at Karen residence.
Reports suggest that the close relationship between the Kenyan government (prior to Gachagua’s impeachment) and the Iranian tea company began in late 2022 when the new administration came into power.
At the time, Kenya faced a significant exodus of tea buyers. Cup of Joe acted as an intermediary between KTDA and Debsh Tea, reselling tea stocks and supporting small producers.
Notably, Cup of Joe paid for the goods not only in U.S. dollars but also in UAE dirhams, a move that surprised other exporters.
By the end of 2023, Kenya faced difficulties selling its tea stocks. Major buyers like Egypt and Pakistan, which together account for more than half of Kenya’s tea exports, had reduced imports due to a lack of foreign currency.
Reports seen by Kenya Insights, indicated that Chai Trading, a subsidiary of KTDA in Dubai, held most of the product in warehouses, hoping to sell it in bulk to Iran’s Debsh Tea despite the ongoing corruption scandal.
Market Manipulation Allegations
Market participants have accused KTDA and the Kenyan government of colluding to set a high reserve price at the Mombasa tea auction.
Critics argue that this was done to eliminate competition, as former Deputy President Gachagua had promised higher revenues for tea producers in an effort to broaden his electoral base among communities in the regions, where tea is a major crop.
Cup of Joe, a Kenyan trader independent of KTDA, operates from Mombasa and maintains its own warehouses in Dubai. Its involvement in the scandal has raised further questions about the integrity of Kenya’s tea export practices.
Diplomatic Tensions
The scandal has strained diplomatic relations between Kenya and Iran.
Iranian authorities are pressuring Kenya to take action against local intermediaries allegedly involved in facilitating Debsh Tea’s corrupt activities.
Tehran’s impatience with Kenya’s perceived inaction has raised concerns that Iran may seek alternative tea suppliers, potentially dealing a devastating blow to Kenya’s tea industry.
Iranian officials have accused Kenyan intermediaries of complicity in Debsh Tea’s fraudulent activities, including the mislabeling of tea origins and the laundering of illicit funds.
However, Kenyan authorities have been slow to respond, further frustrating Iranian officials who are eager to see accountability and recover stolen funds.
Kenya’s Response
Kenya’s response to the Debsh Tea scandal has been indirect.
President William Ruto’s administration established a task force in late 2023 to address the broader crisis of unsold tea stocks.
However, there has been no specific public statement from the Tea Board of Kenya directly addressing the scandal or outlining measures to protect Kenyan tea exports from its fallout.
If Kenya fails to address these concerns, Iran may reduce its tea imports from Kenya or shift to other suppliers, such as India or Sri Lanka. Such a move would have dire consequences for Kenya’s economy, which is already grappling with high inflation.
In a scathing open letter addressed to Chief Justice Martha Koome, former Cabinet Secretary Raphael Tuju has leveled grave allegations of judicial misconduct against five Supreme Court of Kenya (SCoK) judges and called for investigations into Senior Counsels Fred Ojiambo and Githu Muigai.
The letter, dated March 21, 2025, accuses the judiciary of undermining Kenya’s stability through reckless rulings, ethical violations, and collusion with powerful interests.
Key Allegations Against the Judiciary
Tuju draws parallels between Kenya’s judiciary and the U.S. Supreme Court’s infamous 1857 *Dred Scott* decision, which entrenched slavery and fueled civil war.
He warns that the SCoK’s “inflammatory language” in dismissing the 2022 presidential election petition—including phrases like “hot air” and “wild goose chase”—exacerbated ethnic divisions in a “highly combustible” political climate.
Central to his claims is a protracted legal battle over a 27-acre Karen property, which Tuju alleges is being targeted by “crooked auctioneers” and judges acting in favor of the East African Development Bank (EADB).
Judges of the Supreme Court of Kenya. Photo/Courtesy.
He accuses five SCoK judges of issuing a “morally indefensible” ruling permitting the bank to auction his land, arguing that compensation could be paid later if he prevailed.
“This sets a dangerous precedent,” Tuju writes, likening it to “executing someone now and resurrecting them later if proven innocent.”
The judges, he claims, further violated due process by blocking his constitutional right to submit a rejoinder and recusing themselves “without precedent” after affidavits central to EADB’s case were recanted.
Tuju also alleges that four of the seven SCoK judges have been seen in viral videos “exhibiting drunkenness in public,” undermining their credibility as role models.
Calls to Investigate Senior Counsels
Tuju urges the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) to probe SC Fred Ojiambo and SC Githu Muigai for “gross professional misconduct.”
He accuses Ojiambo of fabricating affidavits—now withdrawn and subject to criminal proceedings—while Muigai allegedly engineered a conflict of interest by championing the EADB Act as Attorney General, despite his law firm representing the bank.
The Act was recently declared unconstitutional by the Machakos High Court on March 20, 2025.
The letter frames Kenya as a “fragile state” at risk of collapse, citing insecurity in regions like Baringo and Mandera, rampant poverty, and a youth population bulge.
Tuju warns that an “irresponsible judiciary” could ignite chaos, noting that Kenya ranks 35th on global fragility indices. “The SCoK must not add fuel to the fire,” he writes, emphasizing that judges’ life tenure demands stricter accountability through the JSC.
Tuju claims to have written three times to Chief Justice Koome, receiving replies that failed to address his allegations.
Enclosed documents purportedly include evidence of judicial overreach and JSC interference. While the SCoK and accused lawyers have yet to publicly respond, the letter underscores mounting scrutiny of Kenya’s judiciary amid high-stakes political and legal battles.
Tuju’s letter has coincided with broader unrest with the SCoK.
Lawyers Nelson Havi and Ahmednasir Abdullahi have filed separate petitions with the JSC to oust all seven justices—Chief Justice Koome, Philomena Mwilu, Mohamed Ibrahim, Smokin Wanjala, Njoki Ndung’u, Isaac Lenaola, and William Ouko—over allegations of incompetence, misconduct, and corruption.
Havi, a former Law Society of Kenya (LSK) president, has claimed the judges accepted bribes, including an alleged offer involving Tuju’s Karen property, as posted on X on March 13, 2025.
Abdullahi, barred from appearing before the SCoK since January 2024 due to his vocal criticism, has rallied 13 lawyers from his firm to demand the bench’s removal.
The judiciary’s woes have deepened public mistrust. Havi’s petition, filed on January 13, 2025, accuses the SCoK of barring him and Abdullahi without due process, while Abdullahi’s campaign stems from the court’s indefinite ban on his firm, upheld as recently as January 21, 2025.
Former Chief Justice David Maraga has dismissed these ouster bids as “dishonest” and politically motivated, but the High Court’s extension of orders on March 5, 2025, blocking JSC hearings has only heightened tensions.
For now, Tuju’s lettee puts JSC under pressure to investigate the judges and Senior Counsels. Meanwhile, Tuju’s case—and his warning that he may not see justice until 2036—spotlights concerns over judicial impartiality and the rule of law in Kenya.
Margaret Wanjala Mwachanya, a former commissioner of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) and Kenya’s recent ambassador to Pakistan, is now eyeing the chairperson position at the National Police Service Commission (NPSC).
However, her bid for the role is shrouded in controversy, with a trail of scandals and ethical questions casting a long shadow over her suitability for public office.
Mwachanya’s career has been marked by a series of contentious incidents, ranging from allegations of witchcraft to financial mismanagement and internal conflicts during her tenure at the IEBC.
These controversies have sparked widespread debate about her fitness to lead a critical institution like the NPSC, which oversees the integrity and efficiency of Kenya’s police service.
Witchcraft Allegations
In a shocking revelation, Mwachanya is currently embroiled in a legal dispute after allegedly seeking the services of a witch doctor to secure her reappointment as Kenya’s ambassador to Pakistan.
Following her recall in 2022 after a change in administration, Mwachanya reportedly turned to supernatural means to regain her position.
When the spell failed, she demanded a refund from the witch doctor, leading to a court case in Vihiga (CRIMINAL CASE NO. MCCR/E637/2024, Tracking number 97SE2024).
Financial Misconduct
Mwachanya’s time at the IEBC was also marred by allegations of financial impropriety.
In April 2018, just days before her resignation, she attended a four-day leadership training in London at a cost of KSh 1.7 million to taxpayers.
The training, hosted by the London Graduate School, was criticized for its lack of relevance to her role at the IEBC.
During a hearing before the National Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC), Mwachanya struggled to justify the expenditure.
She claimed the training was beneficial to her work but failed to provide concrete examples of its impact.
Notably, she could not recall the name of the institution that awarded her an honorary doctorate during the trip, further fueling skepticism about the legitimacy of the expenses.
The then PAC Chairman Opiyo Wandayi questioned the propriety of the training, stating, “This is outright abuse of office as spelt out under Article Six of the Constitution.” Ruaraka MP TJ Kajwang’ echoed these sentiments, calling the expenditure a misuse of public funds.
Abrupt Resignation and Internal Conflicts
Mwachanya’s resignation from the IEBC in April 2018, alongside two other commissioners, was another flashpoint in her career.
The trio cited a lack of confidence in Chairman Wafula Chebukati’s leadership, accusing him of micromanagement and arbitrary decision-making.
During her appearance before the PAC, Mwachanya admitted to approving the direct procurement of Kenya Integrated Electoral Management System (KIEMS) kits from Safran Morpho, a decision she defended as necessary due to time constraints.
However, this move was criticized for bypassing proper procurement procedures, raising concerns about transparency and accountability.
Mwachanya’s track record has sparked widespread concern about her suitability for the NPSC chairperson role. Her involvement in witchcraft, financial mismanagement, and internal conflicts at the IEBC has led many to question her commitment to ethical governance.
“Public service demands the highest levels of integrity and accountability,” reads a post on X from concerned Kenyan. “Mwachanya’s actions, particularly the witchcraft allegations and misuse of public funds, undermine these principles and erode public trust in our institutions.”
The selection panel has scheduled interviews for the NPSC chairperson position over two days, March 24 and 25, 2025. Mwachanya is slated to appear before the panel on March 25 at 11:00 a.m.
Others shortlisted candidates for the chairperson position include former Gatanga MP Humphrey Kimani ,former Busia County Deputy Governor Kizito Wangalwa, former Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Devolution State Department of ASALs Micah Pkopus, and former Finance Director of the Judiciary Susan Oyatsi.
The candidates were shortlisted by a selection panel that was sworn into office on February 17 and tasked with coming up with a suitable replacement for Kinuthia.
After the interviews, the panel is expected to submit a shortened list of top candidates to President William Ruto for consideration. Consequently, the President nominates one candidate for the position and submits the name to the National Assembly for approval.
Up next, the National Assembly’s Departmental Committee on Administration and National Security conducts further vetting and interviews. If satisfied, the committee recommends the nominee for approval by the full House.
Once approved by Parliament, the President officially appoints the Chairperson by gazette notice, and they are sworn into office. If rejected, the president must submit another nominee.
The NPSC plays a pivotal role in overseeing the administration of the National Police Service, ensuring professionalism and adherence to the rule of law. Given the controversies surrounding Mwachanya’s past public service roles, her candidacy has sparked debate about the standards of integrity and accountability required for such a critical position.
A senior official at the County Government of Nakuru was put to task on his understanding and knowledge about land ownership in the region when he appeared in court to testify.
John Kihagi, the County Executive Committee Member (CECM) Lands, Physical Planning, Housing, and Urban Development, was not able to produce in court, records to show which properties in Nakuru were public and which ones were not.
While giving his testimony before Chief Magistrate Elizabeth Juma, Kihagi was hard-pressed to explain the difference between land owned by the county government and that under the National Government.
According to Kihagi, as long as what is constructed on land in counties carries out devolved functions, the land can be said to be owned by the respective county government.
“If the land has a hospital or a market, under the devolved function, then we can say the land belongs to the county government,” he said.
Kihagi was testifying in a case where three War Memorial Hospital directors, alongside four others, are charged with fraudulently renewing the lease for the 25-acre land in Milimani, where the hospital stands.
The lease was renewed for 50 years, effective March 1, 2021.
Kihagi told the court that once the lease for the hospital expired in 2021, the same land reverted back to the county government.
He was, however, unable to produce documents showing the land belonged to the county government. He was also unable to explain how the county government owned the land.
“As a county government, can you allocate yourself public land?” asked Dr Simon Mwangi, one of the accused people and a director of the hospital.
“No, we cannot allocate ourselves land but we apply for the same to be allocated or reserved for us,” he said.
The CECM was also unable to prove that the county or the national government pumped money into the hospital to buy machines or pay staff.
Kihagi was asked to explain why the county government interfered with the running of the hospital, took it over in January 2024, and shut it down, chasing away patients and staff.
He said the county government had blocked the renewal of the lease, owing to the fact that there was a dispute over its ownership with a public hospital that is adjacent to it.
However, he failed to produce a document showing the county government raised an objection on the renewal of the lease within 60 days after it was applied on January 9, 2020, as required by the law.
Kihagi produced a document showing the land dispute issue was raised in 2023, two years after the lease had already been renewed.
Kihagi, despite claiming he knew more about the land ownership, was unable to prove the presence of a helipad on the land.
He explained that part of the land was a helipad because government choppers landed on it.
He failed to produce permits and approval for the alleged helipad from the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority (KCAA).
“There is no approval as far as I know,” he testified.
When further interrogated, Kihagi said he did not search the contested land to know who owned it and who were directors of the hospital.
According to Kihagi, the county government relied on and trusted information they received from their subordinates, land officials, and consultancy.
“I did not see the need to do the search because we had the CR12 received from the land office,” he testified.
Kihagi said despite complaining that the hospital lease was fraudulently renewed, the county government had no documents to prove the renewal process was illegal.
Further, he confirmed that they had no document to show that they disapproved of the renewal of the lease, despite indicating it in his statement.
“I do not know what happened in the land office in Nairobi but as a county government, we challenge the renewed lease,” he testified.
The CECM confirmed that the county government had no powers to cancel lease nor request for the cancellation.
He admitted that the county also applied for the land to be reserved by the National Land Commission but they got no response.
Former Cabinet Minister Raphael Tuju has delivered a damning indictment of the Supreme Court of Kenya (SCoK), calling out judges for reckless rulings, corruption, and public drunkenness. He warns that their irresponsible decisions are driving Kenya toward collapse.
Supreme Court’s 2022 Election Ruling: The Judges Who Played with Fire
Tuju blasts the Supreme Court’s handling of the 2022 presidential election petition, condemning the judges for using dismissive, inflammatory language such as “hot air” and “wild goose chase.” He says these reckless words fueled division and tension in a country already on edge.
Drawing a parallel to pre-Civil War America—where controversial judicial rulings fanned the flames of conflict—Tuju warns that the Supreme Court’s arrogance could plunge Kenya into chaos. He reminds the judges that Kenya is still in a fragile phase of nation-building and that their careless decisions could trigger state failure, just like in Somalia or South Sudan.
Kenya’s Judiciary: Bought by Banks and Powerbrokers
Tuju takes direct aim at the Supreme Court, accusing it of siding with banks and big money over justice. In his own land dispute case over a 27-acre Karen property, he says judges ruled against him without giving him a fair hearing. Even worse, they claimed he could be compensated later if he won—an argument Tuju calls immoral and a direct assault on property rights.
EADB has been embroiled in a legal battle with the former CS and Rarieda MP over a failed loan deal.
Tuju is attempting to prevent receiver managers from taking control of his Dari Coffee Garden and Restaurant, which took out a loan, while also fighting a bankruptcy suit brought against him and his children.
He claims that EADB failed to honor an agreement to provide Sh1.19 billion, only disbursing about Sh800 million for the purchase of a 20-acre property to expand his hospitality business in Karen.
In his letter to the CJ, he exposes how Kenya’s top lawyers, including Senior Counsel Githu Muigai, manipulate the system for personal gain. As a former Attorney General, Muigai allegedly pushed laws that now benefit his private clients in court. Tuju paints a picture of a judiciary controlled by corrupt lawyers and judges more interested in lining their pockets than serving justice.
Drunk on Power—And on Alcohol
Tuju drops a political bombshell: four out of seven Supreme Court judges have been seen drunk in public. He challenges them to deny it, offering to provide video evidence of these judges making incoherent statements while intoxicated. How can Kenyans trust their highest court when its judges are more familiar with bars than legal books?
He demands accountability, challenging Chief Justice Martha Koome to explain how she allows such disgraceful conduct. He calls on the Judiciary to clean up its act and restore dignity to Kenya’s courts.
Judges Aiding Land Grabbing?
Tuju insists that his Karen land was legally acquired and not tied to corruption or public funds. Yet he reveals a web of corrupt lawyers, auctioneers, and officials who conspire to steal private property through fraudulent court rulings. He accuses the Supreme Court of actively enabling this criminal enterprise.
The judges’ decision to back this injustice, he argues, is clear proof that judicial corruption is alive and thriving. If someone as prominent as him can be robbed in broad daylight, what chance does the ordinary Kenyan have against this broken system?
Judicial Impunity Must End—Now
Tuju warns that Supreme Court judges are shielding themselves from accountability by weakening the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), the only body tasked with keeping them in check. He calls this a direct assault on Kenya’s Constitution.
He reminds Chief Justice Koome that no judge is above the law and demands immediate action to purge corruption and misconduct from the Judiciary. The days of untouchable, arrogant judges must come to an end.
Kenyans Must Ask: Who Really Runs Our Courts?
Tuju’s explosive allegations reveal a judiciary riddled with corruption, bias, and drunken incompetence. Can Kenyans trust their highest court when its judges are in the pockets of banks, powerbrokers, and alcohol? Should a Supreme Court with unchecked power continue deciding the country’s future?
His letter has put the Judiciary under intense scrutiny. The big question now: Will Chief Justice Koome take action—or will she let the rot continue?
Still in the judiciary, a petition has been filed against the Attorney General, Law Society of Kenya, and the Committee on Senior Counsel, seeking to remove 34 lawyers from the Senior Counsel roll of honour.
The petitioner alleges that these lawyers were irregularly nominated during the Kibaki and Kenyatta administrations, violating the Advocates Act.
The petitioner argues that the appointments were made unilaterally by the President, bypassing the Committee on Senior Counsel and the Chief Justice, and that the process lacked transparency and proper evaluation of candidates.
Among the senior lawyers listed in the nominations include, Mutunga, Wako, Paul Muite, Fred Ojiambo, Ahmednasir Abdullahi, James Orengo (Siaya Governor), Prof Tom Ojienda (Kisumu Senator), Prof.Githu Muigai (former Attorney-General), Pheroze Nowroejee, Raychelle Omamo (former Defence Cabinet Minister), Okongo Omogeni (Nyamira senator), George Oraro, Prof Patricia Kameri-Mbote and Keriako Tobiko (former Cabinet Minister and Director of Public Prosecutions).
Safaricom PLC, Kenya’s telecom giant, is facing increasing pressure as rival Airtel Networks Kenya Ltd narrows the gap in the country’s fiercely competitive mobile market, according to the latest industry data.
The Communications Authority of Kenya (CA) released its Second Quarter Sector Statistics Report for the 2024/2025 financial year, covering October to December 2024, revealing that while Safaricom retains its lead, Airtel is gaining ground with aggressive pricing and faster growth in key services.
The report, published on the CA website, shows Safaricom commanding a 65.2% share of mobile subscriptions, with Airtel holding 27.2%.
Total active mobile subscriptions rose by 2.0% to 71.4 million, driven by festive season demand, pushing the penetration rate to 138.5%.
However, beneath these figures lies a shifting landscape: Airtel’s growth in voice and SMS traffic outpaces Safaricom’s, signaling a potential erosion of the latter’s long-held dominance.
“Safaricom remains the market leader, but Airtel’s momentum is undeniable,” said a telecom analyst based in Nairobi. “The festive season boost helped both, but Airtel’s gains suggest it’s winning over cost-conscious customers.”
Traffic Growth Highlights Competition
Airtel’s outgoing voice traffic surged by 8.3% to 9.83 billion minutes, compared to Safaricom’s 2.6% increase to 17.45 billion minutes.
Similarly, Airtel’s SMS traffic jumped 13.5% to 1.70 billion messages, dwarfing Safaricom’s 2.0% rise to 12.40 billion.
These figures, detailed in the report, reflect Airtel’s growing appeal, particularly among users making longer calls—its on-net minutes per call averaged 2.7, versus Safaricom’s 1.6.
Airtel’s pricing strategy appears to be a key driver. The report lists its average pay-as-you-go voice tariff at KES 2.78 per minute, significantly lower than Safaricom’s KES 4.87.
SMS tariffs are comparable at KES 1.20, but Airtel’s data rate of KES 4.50 per MB undercuts Safaricom’s KES 4.87, offering a compelling alternative for budget-minded consumers.
Airtel Money remains the more affordable option for transactions, which could also explain why it’s eating into M-PESA’s market.
Sending KES 1,000 ($7.7) to other networks costs KES 11 (0.085) on Airtel Money, compared to M-PESA’s KES 13 ($0.093), while withdrawing the same amount costs KES 29 ($0.22) on Airtel Money—KES 2 less than M-PESA.
The quarter saw mobile broadband subscriptions soar by 12.3% to 44.77 million, with smartphone penetration climbing to 80.5%. Safaricom’s extensive 4G and 5G network, covering 97% of the population, keeps it ahead in this space.
However, Airtel’s focus on mobile services and competitive bundles—like doubled data for KES 1,000 and KES 2,000 with rollover options—has analysts predicting further gains.
“Safaricom’s infrastructure is unmatched, but Airtel’s pricing and innovation are resonating,” noted a market observer. “The shift to higher-speed internet is a battleground where Airtel could close the gap.”
Fixed Services: Safaricom’s Edge
While Airtel challenges Safaricom in mobile, the latter holds a strong position in fixed data services. Table 12 shows Safaricom leading with 621,149 subscriptions, or 36.1% of the market, while Airtel barely registers among the top 10 providers. This diversification bolsters Safaricom’s resilience, even as mobile competition heats up.
The CA report shows a broader trend: Kenya’s telecom sector is evolving rapidly, fueled by demand for affordable, high-speed connectivity.
Airtel’s aggressive expansion, echoed in industry analyses from TechCabal and TechAfrica News, contrasts with Safaricom’s scale and brand strength.
With total cyber threats rising 27.2% to 840.9 million and satellite internet uptake growing—Starlink now holds 1.1% of fixed data subscriptions—the market is poised for further disruption.
For now, Safaricom’s 65.2% mobile share dwarfs Airtel’s 27.2%, but the gap is narrowing. If Airtel sustains its momentum, analysts say, Kenya’s telecom titan could face its toughest challenge yet.
As Kenya braces for the high-stakes 2027 elections, the selection of the next Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Chairperson has taken a contentious turn.
Among the 37 candidates shortlisted by the recruitment panel is Charles Nyachae, a veteran lawyer and former chair of the Commission on the Implementation of the Constitution (CIC).
With interviews set to conclude by April 25, 2025, and whispers of President William Ruto’s favouritism swirling, Nyachae’s chequered past is raising red flags about his suitability to helm an electoral body promising a “stainless” process.
The stakes couldn’t be higher. The IEBC selection panel, reconstituted after legal battles and accusations of Ruto stalling to avert a constitutional crisis, has shortlisted 1,356 candidates for chairperson and commissioner roles.
From these, two names will be presented to the President for the top job, and nine for six commissioner slots.
Yet, Nyachae’s emergence as a frontrunner—allegedly Ruto’s preferred pick—threatens to undermine public trust in an institution tasked with delivering impartiality in one of Kenya’s most consequential polls.
A Politically Tainted Track Record
Nyachae, 67, is no stranger to Kenya’s political elite. The son of the late Simeon Nyachae, a towering figure in Kenyan politics, Charles has repeatedly aligned himself with ruling powers.
In 2017, he ran for Kisii County governor on a Jubilee ticket under Uhuru Kenyatta, only to be rejected by voters.
Undeterred, he switched allegiance to Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA) in 2022, managing the President’s campaign in Kisii County before losing again to Simba Arati, who garnered 270,928 votes.
This flip-flopping raises a glaring question: can a man so deeply entwined with Ruto’s political machinery be trusted to oversee a fair election in 2027?
Charles Nyachae, while still serving as a Judge in East Africa Court of Justice attends a political function with Ruto in December 2020.
Political insiders whisper that Nyachae’s loyalty has earned him Ruto’s nod, a claim that, if true, casts a shadow over the panel’s promise of merit-based selection.
Faith Odhiambo, President of the Law Society of Kenya, recently warned the panel against producing “incompetent candidates,” urging them to prioritize “proven records of competence and integrity.”
Nyachae’s resume, however, tells a different story—one of ambition, failure, and unanswered questions.
CIC Tenure: A Legacy of Missed Opportunities?
Nyachae’s most prominent public role came as CIC chair from 2011 to 2016, tasked with implementing the 2010 Constitution.
It was a golden opportunity to cement his legacy, yet critics argue he squandered it.
Chapter 6, meant to enforce leadership integrity and combat corruption, remains a toothless provision under his watch, with systemic graft still plaguing Kenya.
While Nyachae admitted to implementation hurdles in 2015—blaming low public participation and institutional clashes—his detractors say he failed to push for robust legislation, leaving the anti-corruption fight floundering.
Devolution, another cornerstone of the Constitution, also stumbled. Nyachae once declared it “irreversible,” but the lack of clear handover regulations to counties during his tenure contributed to the ongoing devolution crisis.
Was this a systemic failure or a personal one? The jury is out, but for a man eyeing the IEBC chair, such ambiguity is a liability.
EACJ Exit and Family Feuds
Charles Nyachae being sworn in as Judge of the East African Court of Justice in February 2018.
Nyachae’s recent resignation from the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) in November 2023 adds another layer of intrigue.
Representing Kenya at the regional court, he stepped down without explanation, just as high-profile cases—like Mike Sonko’s impeachment challenge and Martha Karua’s 2022 election petition—loomed.
Was he dodging the heat, and if so, on whose behalf? For a potential IEBC chair, expected to withstand intense electoral pressure, this abrupt exit raises doubts about his resilience.
Closer to home, Nyachae is locked in an ugly succession battle over his father’s multi-billion-shilling estate, estimated at over Sh2 billion.
Appointed an administrator alongside siblings Angela and Eric, he faces off against stepmother Grace Wamuyu and others, with mediators now stepping in.
This public family feud could distract him from the IEBC’s demanding role—or worse, signal a man more preoccupied with personal gain than public service.
Age and the Pressure Test
At 67, Nyachae’s age is another sticking point. The IEBC chairmanship is a pressure cooker—think 2017’s annulled election or 2022’s razor-thin margins.
Critics question whether he can endure the strain, pointing to his EACJ resignation as a sign he might buckle.
While he could argue experience trumps youth, but with no clear explanation for his judicial exit, the concern lingers: will he quit again when the going gets tough?
Media Silence: A Clean Slate or a Cover-Up?
Curiously, mainstream media has been muted on Nyachae’s scandals, often framing him as a “clean” alternative to candidates like James Oswago and Anne Amadi, whose pasts are tainted by corruption allegations.
This selective spotlight—focusing on his CIC credentials while glossing over his political baggage and family woes—smacks of bias.
Has the press been co-opted to polish his image, as some allege, or is Nyachae simply flying under the radar?
Either way, the lack of scrutiny leaves Kenyans in the dark about a man who could shape their electoral future.
The Bigger Picture
DP WIlliam Ruto makes the collars of East Africa court of justice Judge Charles Nyachae at his Karen residence office in Nairobi on October 14, 2020.
Nyachae’s candidacy isn’t just about one man—it’s a litmus test for the IEBC selection panel’s credibility.
After months of legal wrangling and accusations of Ruto buying time, the panel vowed a transparent process.
Yet, with a politically connected figure like Nyachae in the mix, that promise hangs by a thread.
The 2027 elections will test Kenya’s democracy after a rocky reign by president Ruto who is under constant pressure from the youths leading to widespread protests, and the IEBC chair must be above reproach.
Nyachae’s history—rife with political loyalty, unfulfilled potential, and personal entanglements—suggests he may fall short.
As the April 25 deadline nears, Kenyans deserve answers.
Can Charles Nyachae rise above his past, or will Ruto’s blue-eyed boy drag the IEBC into another quagmire?
For a nation still scarred by electoral mistrust, the stakes are too high to gamble on a tainted legacy.
A tragic accident involving President William Ruto’s motorcade has claimed the life of a British national, identified by police as 75-year-old Edgar Charles Frederick.
The incident occurred on Thursday, March 13, along Ngong Road near Adams Arcade in Nairobi, as the Head of State conducted the fourth day of his city development tour.
National Police Service Spokesperson Michael Muchiri confirmed that Frederick was struck by a vehicle in the presidential convoy around 12:45 pm while reportedly heading to a mosque for prayers.
The elderly pedestrian was hit by a speeding government vehicle and subsequently run over by a second car in the entourage, resulting in his death at the scene.
Edgar Charles Frederick was hit on Nairobi’s busy Ngong Road
His body has been transferred to Lee Funeral Home pending further investigation.
“Investigations are underway, and the vehicle has been inspected, with necessary action procedurally taken,” Mr. Muchiri told reporters.
“The driver, attached to the Nairobi Regional Coordinator’s office, is out on cash bail and will be arraigned in court once inquiries are complete.”
Conflicting reports have emerged regarding Frederick’s age, with some sources citing him as 79, though police have officially listed him as 75.
Mr. Muchiri clarified to the BBC that the victim was in Kenya visiting his sister and nephew, who reside in the country.
The UK High Commission in Nairobi acknowledged awareness of the incident.
According toreports, Frederick was a familiar figure along Ngong Road, known to local traders, taxi drivers, and street families for his kindness.
Witnesses speaking to reporters described him as a generous man who frequently provided alms, including food and money, to those in need.
The violent nature of his death has been a topic of discussion in Kenyan social media spaces since Thursday.
Eyewitnesses recounted a chaotic scene: two vehicles, allegedly part of President Ruto’s escort to Kibra, sped through traffic when one struck Frederick, followed by a second vehicle that ran him over.
Video footage circulating on social media shows a man in blue jeans and a light-colored shirt lying motionless on the road, blood pooling around him.
Later images depict his body covered with a Maasai Shuka outside the bustling Adams Arcade shopping area.
Police have launched a probe into the hit-and-run incident, with the driver of the support vehicle—a government employee—facing charges after failing to stop at the scene.
The vehicle involved belongs to the regional administration, tasked with supporting the presidential detail, according to Mr. Muchiri.
The accident occurred as President Ruto carried out public engagements in Nairobi, including events near the site of the tragedy.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused the international community of using aid as a tool of control over developing nations.
In an interview with Mario Nawfal, a media personality on X, Kagame asserted that foreign assistance is often weaponized to influence the policies and decisions of recipient countries.
Speaking on the issue, Kagame acknowledged that while aid has been essential in Rwanda’s recovery and development, it has also been used to foster dependency and exert influence over governments.
“It [aid] can be a liability on a country depending on how it is managed, and that has been our position from the beginning,” he stated.
“We appreciate aid, we needed it, and we still need it to an extent, but we need it to build capacities so that we don’t need it in the near future.”
Kagame argued that the international community deliberately ensures that developing nations remain dependent on aid, thereby allowing donors to dictate their policies.
“The other [problem] is whoever gives aid controls your life. In fact, that is why they want you to stay with the aid so that they continue controlling your life and even threaten, use it as a tool to direct you where they want you to go,” he said.
Kagame’ s statement comes at a time when the international community has continued to out more pressure stepping up sanctions on Kigali accusing it of backing the M23 rebels—a claim Rwanda has repeatedly denied.
He further pointed out that Rwanda’s stance on responsible aid utilization has often led to criticism and unfounded accusations against its leadership.
“Some of us have been branded as arrogant, insensitive, or dictatorial just because we said we want to differentiate things. It is not that we don’t want aid for the sake of not wanting it. We are saying aid creates dependency—not only dependency but also control,” he added.
Kagame recalled discussions from as early as 1998 when Rwanda, still recovering from the devastating 1994 genocide, was heavily reliant on foreign aid.
He recounted a conversation with Clare Short, the then UK Minister for International Development, where he expressed his desire for aid to be directed in a way that would empower Rwanda to become self-sufficient.
“I told her, ‘I appreciate your aid a lot. It is almost indispensable in that situation we were in. But at the same time, I want to start early, I want to be responsible, and I keep talking to our leaders and other ministers that we need to start being responsible for ourselves,’” Kagame recalled.
Kagame noted that Short was receptive to his ideas, even inviting other ministers from allied countries to listen to his perspective on the use and management of aid.
This engagement according to Kagame eventually led to agreements that ensured accountability and transparency in aid allocation, including independent audits
Kagame insisted that while Rwanda continues to accept aid where necessary, such assistance should be used strategically to build sustainable capacities of developing nations rather than perpetuate dependency.
“It is a standard for us. That is what we say, and that is what we do,” he affirmed.
