Kenya Insights

Author: Kenya Insights Team

  • Paid for Her Schooling but She Cheated with Another Man: Homa Bay Cop Kills His Children, Leaves Heart-Wrenching Suicide Note—Village in Shock

    Paid for Her Schooling but She Cheated with Another Man: Homa Bay Cop Kills His Children, Leaves Heart-Wrenching Suicide Note—Village in Shock

    Kagoga village in Homa Bay County is reeling from an unimaginable tragedy after police constable David Okebe killed his three children and then himself, leaving behind a suicide note that reveals the despair and grievances driving his horrific act.

    The incident, which took place on Sunday in Kakdhimu East Location, Rachuonyo West Sub-county, has left the community in shock and mourning.

    Okebe, stationed at Marsabit Police Station, poisoned his six-year-old son, his five-year-old daughter, and his in-law’s five-year-old son before hanging himself at his home. Preliminary investigations by Homa Bay County Police indicate the children were poisoned—foam was observed at their mouths, though no visible injuries were found. The bodies of Okebe’s son and daughter were discovered on a bed, while the in-law’s son was found in a chair in the sitting room.

    According to Homa Bay County Police Commander Lawrence Koilem, the tragedy stemmed from a prolonged marital dispute. Okebe’s wife had left their matrimonial home with the children to live with her parents. During a break from work, Okebe followed her, retrieved the children, and brought them back to his house, where the devastating events unfolded.

    In a chilling suicide note addressed to his in-laws, Okebe outlined three main grievances. First, he expressed frustration over pressure to prioritize his daughter’s education, claiming his in-laws favored her while neglecting his other children. “Your pressure of your daughter being taken to school took the lead of everything… Why was she the only one whose husband was being pushed, yet other daughters completed high school peacefully?” he wrote.

    Second, Okebe accused his mother-in-law of fostering hatred toward him and enabling his wife’s infidelity. He alleged she “never liked me from the start” and supported his wife’s interactions with a man named Karungu in Siuna, who sent “unknown bodabodas” to pick her up.

    Third, he detailed his heartbreak over his wife’s alleged affair with a man in Tanzania, which he claimed his in-laws endorsed. “You never gave me a listening ear; everything your daughter told you was final… I complained, but your wife told her to quit as quick as possible and sent bodaboda to pick her with my kids,” he wrote, adding that his wife had “given her hand in marriage” to this man, leaving him betrayed.

    Okebe and the wife (face blurred)

    Okebe confessed to the murders, stating, “I wanted to wipe your family… but I decided to pick your sons so that your generation will not exist.” He admitted contemplating killing his wife but opted instead to spare her the pain of remarriage while ensuring his children wouldn’t be “raised with another man.”

    In a plea for forgiveness, he addressed his mother-in-law: “M-oma Japheth, for the respect I have, I have forgiven you. If I have a good man, don’t support her to be a good woman.” The note reflects a man overwhelmed by betrayal and isolation.

    Okebe also outlined his final wishes, requesting burial with his children in one grave—“no coffin, just wrap us with blankets.” He directed that his electronics, including a laptop and hard disk, go to individuals named Toy and Ouma Kwanga, with a “touchpad neon ray” for Orweda. He warned against disturbing “Linoh,” blaming him for “tearing my family apart.”

    Expressing regret to his siblings and mother, he wrote, “I’m sorry… it was too much for me to hold, watching Linoh and I struggle.” He freed his wife, Awuor, to remarry, stating, “Bride price to leave you settle in your house,” while blaming her for his pain: “Awuor, you caused it all.” Okebe concluded with an apology to friends: “Let’s meet again in another world in Jesus’ name.”

    The note also highlighted workplace pressures exacerbating his distress. Okebe urged his employer to recognize his dedication as a “fisher man” (likely a metaphor for provider), not a “mjengo” (casual laborer). He described relentless demands from his boss, Inspector Koros, who threatened to sack him by April 1, 2025, and allowed little rest after grueling assignments in Marsabit and Njoroge. “If you reach home, standby for two weeks… he wants you present but I backed off because his children still needed him,” he wrote.

    To his fellow officers, Okebe apologized for defaulting on loans: “I did not plan to quit so you may suffer, but I couldn’t hold it any longer.” He requested new chairs for Jesinta Goga, a “step sir,” and asked for her forgiveness. Finally, he insisted no food be cooked at his burial: “Lay us to rest and depart; we are tired.”

    Commander Koilem stressed the need for intervention in marital disputes, suggesting counseling could have prevented the tragedy. “If the issues between the officer and his wife were resolved, these deaths wouldn’t have occurred,” he said, urging parents to support their children’s marriages.

    The bodies were taken to Homa Bay Teaching and Referral Hospital Mortuary for examination.

  • AU Nominates Togo’s President for Mediator Between DRC, Rwanda and M23 Rebels

    AU Nominates Togo’s President for Mediator Between DRC, Rwanda and M23 Rebels

    African Union (AU) Chairperson Joao Lourenco nominated Togo’s President Faure Gnassingbe to act as the body’s peace mediator between the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and M23 rebels, his office said Saturday.

    Preliminary consultations with Gnassingbe yielded a positive response, contingent on the formal concurrence of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Lourenco told the Bureau of the Assembly of the African Union during a virtual meeting in Angola.

    Lourenco, who is the Angolan president, “underscored the grave and deteriorating humanitarian situation in eastern DRC, drawing attention to the immense suffering of civilians and its destabilizing impact on regional peace.”

    “The proposal was endorsed by the Assembly Bureau Members,” it said.

    Lourenco announced a decision to end his mediation role last month, saying he wanted to concentrate on the work of the AU.

    The Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, expressed gratitude and appreciation to Lourenco for his dedication to advancing peace in the region.

    He affirmed the need for a detailed roadmap to guide the mediation process forward, adding that the Commission will follow the procedure to endorse the nomination of the Togolese president.

    Once endorsed, Gnassingbe will work with a panel of five facilitators recently appointed by the Heads of State of the Southern African Development Community and the East African Community blocs, including former presidents Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, Kgalema Motlanthe of South Africa, Sahle-Work Zewde of Ethiopia and Central African Republic’s Catherine Samba-Panza.

    Last week, the M23 rebel group, which is at the center of the conflict in eastern Congo, announced it had implemented its decision to pull its forces from the strategic mining town of Walikale and surrounding areas in North Kivu province — to support peace initiatives aimed at fostering conditions conducive to political dialogue.

    Congo and others accuse neighboring Rwanda of backing the M23 rebels. Rwanda, however, denies the allegations.

  • Junet Reveals Plan to Summon Muturi Over Sh10B Missing From Bunge Towers Construction

    Junet Reveals Plan to Summon Muturi Over Sh10B Missing From Bunge Towers Construction

    In what could be interpreted as a retaliatory move, Minority Leader Junet Mohammed has threatened to table a motion in Parliament to compel former Public Service Cabinet Secretary (CS) Justin Muturi to appear before the House.

    The motion seeks to have Muturi explain how the cost of constructing Bunge Towers escalated by Sh10 billion during his tenure as Speaker of the National Assembly.

    This development comes just days after Muturi’s scathing exposé, in which he described President William Ruto’s administration as irredeemably corrupt.

    Speaking in Mombasa, where he attended the Eid Baraza on Saturday, April 5, 2025, Junet dismissed Muturi’s recent claims, arguing that the former CS should have reported the alleged corruption to the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) instead of airing them publicly.

    Junet also took a swipe at Muturi, recalling how the former Speaker had refused to support Raila Odinga’s presidential bid ahead of the 2022 elections.

    “Before the 2022 elections, I approached him as my Speaker and asked him to support my father [Raila Odinga] for president. He told me he’d rather back ‘our thief Ruto’ than my father. Now, today, Ruto has become a bad person in his eyes. We’ve moved past such foolishness; we won’t be deceived by such tactics,” Junet remarked.

    While criticizing Muturi’s accusations against Ruto, Junet also shed light on the former CS’s alleged role in the Bunge Towers scandal, calling for fresh investigations into the matter.

    Muturi’s Accusations

    In a revealing interview, former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi accused President William Ruto of corruption, hypocrisy, and maintaining an iron-fisted grip over his Cabinet.

    Muturi claimed that Ruto pressured him to sign a Ksh129 billion tree-planting deal with Russian oligarchs and resisted attempts to force him to approve the controversial Arror and Kimwarer dam projects.

    He further alleged that Ruto governs by instilling fear in his Cabinet and had initially tried to lure him into accepting the role of Attorney General.

    “Justin Muturi spoke yesterday, and he said a lot. But all those things he’s saying, he should take them to the electoral body or the EACC for investigation. Because I, too, have a lot to say about him,” Junet said. “As an MP, I want to bring another motion.

    “He’s talked about everything except one issue. There’s a building at Parliament called Bunge Towers, which houses MPs’ offices. When we, as MPs, sat down, that building was supposed to be constructed for Ksh6 billion. By the time Muturi came into office, it was built for Ksh27 billion. He should explain to us how that house went from Ksh6 billion to Ksh27 billion.”

  • Uhuru-Linked Bank: Court Quashes Tax Exemptions for NIC-CBA Merger, Preventing Sh7B Tax Evasion

    Uhuru-Linked Bank: Court Quashes Tax Exemptions for NIC-CBA Merger, Preventing Sh7B Tax Evasion

    The NCBA Group, linked to former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s family, has suffered a legal setback after a court ruled that the 2019 tax exemption granted for the merger of NIC Group and Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA) was unconstitutional, preventing over Sh7 billion in potential tax evasion.

    In a ruling delivered on Friday, July 4, 2025, the court overturned Legal Notice No. 112 of June 2019, which had exempted the banks from certain taxes during the merger.

    Justice Chacha Mwita said the decision to exempt that bank, whose top owners are families of Jomo Kenyatta and Philip Ndegwa, from paying the stamp duty following the merger was not made in public interest.

    “Having considered the issues raised, I come to the conclusion that the exemption was not made in public interest and thus violated the principle in section 106 of the Stamp Duty Act, so that the discretion conferred by that section was not properly exercised,” said the judge.

    The judge said the interest exhibited in the letter from the bank, seeking exemption, was more private than in public interest.

    Busia County Senator Okiya Omtatah, who filed the case, hailed the decision as a major victory for Kenya, stating that it saved taxpayers billions of shillings.

    “In this legal battle, I exposed an attempt by these banks to evade over Sh7 billion in taxes through a merger that would have allowed them to avoid their rightful tax obligations, with NCBA Bank and Standard Chartered central to the transaction,”Omtatah said.

    The exemption, granted by the National Treasury, bypassed legal procedures. During former President Kenyatta’s administration, the Treasury had waived a Sh350 million share transfer tax for the merger.

    The Kenyatta family held a significant stake in CBA, while the NIC Group—listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange—was controlled by the wealthy Ndegwa family. The merger created one of the largest financial services groups in the region.

    Court Case

    Omtatah argued that the Treasury’s decision to exempt the merger from taxes was “secretive and opaque,” contending that former Treasury Cabinet Secretary Henry Rotich lacked the authority to arbitrarily grant such a waiver.

    “The taxpayer stands to lose an estimated Sh350 million in tax revenues that should have gone to public coffers,” he stated in his application.

    He sued the Treasury Cabinet Secretary and the Attorney General, with NIC and CBA listed as interested parties.

    Law Permits Tax Waivers

    However, John Gachora, NCBA Group Managing Director, defended the waiver, insisting it was lawful.

    “Transactions of this nature are provided for in law,” Gachora said during an interview on a local station in February 2.

    “The waiver benefited not just NCBA but the 26,000 shareholders behind the merging banks.”

    Gachora dismissed claims of preferential treatment, stating that NCBA—where the Kenyatta family retains a significant stake—has been tax-compliant.

    “In the same year we received the Sh350 million waiver, we paid Sh4.4 billion in taxes—more than ten times the disputed amount,” he said, adding that NCBA remains one of Kenya’s largest taxpayers, having paid Sh6.7 billion in 2021 and Sh14.3 billion last year.

    “Sh350 million is negligible in the context of our total tax contributions,” Gachora said. “Should the court rule against us, we will promptly pay the amount the following day.”

    Political Backlash

    Before the merger, NIC and CBA operated independently in banking, stock brokerage, and other sectors across Kenya and Tanzania.

    The tax waiver became a political issue during the 2022 election campaigns, with President William Ruto and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua accusing Kenyatta—then backing Azimio leader Raila Odinga—of using his influence to secure the deal.

    They framed it as part of systemic “state capture” under the previous administration, allegations Kenyatta denied.

    “Through a single gazette notice, two companies tied to the First Family were exempted from paying Sh350 million—enough to build 35 Level 3 hospitals,” Gachagua claimed ahead of the 2022 polls.

    The current administration had pledged stricter tax reforms and a crackdown on evasion.

    “We cannot tolerate a system where the powerful exempt themselves from taxes. Their time is up—every citizen must pay their fair share,” Gachagua had said during their campaigns.

    Former Treasury CS Henry Rotich had exempted the transfer of CBA shares into NIC Bank from a 1% stamp duty on the unquoted stocks involved in the share swap.

    The merger was expected to enhance NCBA’s profitability by cutting costs across its regional operations.

    The court’s decision to quash the tax exemption comes at a time when NCBA no longer enjoys the full regime protection that initially secured them the tax relief. With former President Uhuru Kenyatta now at odds with the current administration, this ruling may represent the fulfillment of a pledge to dismantle the preferential treatment NCBA received during his tenure—and could signal more such actions to follow.

    NCBA has since announced that it will appeal the High Court’s decision.

  • Medical Services Nominee Oluga Vows To Crash Healthcare Cartels

    Medical Services Nominee Oluga Vows To Crash Healthcare Cartels

    President William Ruto’s nominee for Principal Secretary Medical Services Ouma Oluga has pledged to pursue bold reforms and foster a collaborative approach to address long-standing issues in the country’s health sector, including industrial unrest, entrenched cartels, and governance friction within the ministry.

    Speaking before the National Assembly’s Committee on Health, the former KMPDU secretary general outlined his vision to enhance service delivery, rebuild trust with health workers, and ensure proper use of public funds.

    “You’ve fought from the outside; now you’ll govern from the inside. How you navigate these realities will be closely watched,” posed the committee chair James Nyikal.

    Oluga submitted before the house team on the need for a robust dialogue framework to foster lasting solutions on the persistent industrial action by health workers.

    “I am prepared to use my experience to bridge the divide and prioritize the needs of the health system and its workers,”he said.

    He pointed to two institutions established under the Health Act, 2017 the Kenya Health Human Resource Advisory Council (KHHRAC) and the Kenya Health Professionals Oversight Authority (KHPOA) as critical mechanisms in addressing labor grievances and regulatory challenges.

    “Even when the right thing is done, it must be understood by those affected .Some of the challenges with the health workforce stem from breakdowns in engagement mechanisms. We need to strengthen these institutions and adopt a more inclusive dialogue model,”Oluga said.

    He noted that previous efforts included the establishment of dialogue committees at the hospital, county, and national levels to implement Collective Bargaining Agreements (CBAs).

    However, he acknowledged that the implementation was uneven, stressing the need to revamp this engagement process. Oluga was questioned on entrenched cartels within the ministry, particularly those benefiting from infrastructure-related expenditures.

    Members expressed concern that critical health services, such as procurement of tuberculosis and HIV medication, had been sidelined in favor of construction projects that enabled rent-seeking.

    Oluga committed to redirecting health funds towards service delivery and essential supplies.“We must shift our focus from mijengo to medicines. The priority should be ensuring availability of drugs, especially for conditions like TB and HIV, which have suffered funding cuts with the exit of partners such as USAID and PEPFAR,” he stated.

    The nominee was also tasked with addressing delays in the disbursement of funds to institutions like Mathari National Teaching and Referral Hospital and other Semi-Autonomous Government Agencies (SAGAs).

    The issue reportedly stems from bureaucratic inefficiencies and funding constraints left unresolved since the winding down of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services (NMS).

    Oluga acknowledged the concerns and promised that streamlining funding for health institutions would be a top priority upon assuming office.

    The committee also raised concerns over tensions between the Director General of Health and the two Principal Secretaries overseeing the Ministry’s departments Public Health and Professional Standards and Medical Services.

    MPs accused PSs of overstepping their mandate and undermining the DG’s authority.

    Oluga promised to ensure functional clarity and a spirit of collaboration among top leadership in the ministry.

    “It is essential for the DG and the PSs to work in harmony. I will champion institutional respect and define roles clearly to avoid duplication, conflicts, or paralysis in decision making,” he assured.

  • Revealed: How Besieged KNH CEO Kamuri Tried To Hide Stolen Hospital Cash In Secret Girlfriends Accounts

    Revealed: How Besieged KNH CEO Kamuri Tried To Hide Stolen Hospital Cash In Secret Girlfriends Accounts

    The walls are closing in on Dr. Evanson Kamuri, the embattled Chief Executive Officer of Kenyatta National Hospital (KNH), as explosive details emerge of a sophisticated scheme to stash ill-gotten wealth in the bank accounts of secret lovers and close associates.

    In a twist to an ongoing corruption saga, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) and the Financial Reporting Centre (FRC) have uncovered evidence suggesting that Kamuri, allegedly funneled stolen hospital funds into accounts held by unsuspecting or complicit confidantes, including a woman identified as Jacqueline Kavete Mbuli.

    The Mystery of the Sh4 Million ‘Stranger’ Account

    On Friday, April 4, 2025, High Court Judge Lucy Njuguna extended a preservation order freezing Sh4 million held in a Standard Chartered Bank account under Mbuli’s name for an additional six months.

    The funds, deposited in May 2024, are at the heart of a forfeiture suit pitting the EACC against Kamuri.

    In a bizarre turn of events, Mbuli has disowned the cash, claiming she has no knowledge of its origins or any connection to the KNH CEO.

    She told the court that upon noticing the unexpected deposit, she alerted the bank on May 24, 2024, requesting a reversal, but the bank declined.

    Kamuri, however, insists the money is legitimate—proceeds from his salary and private dermatology practice—and has fought to have the freeze lifted, arguing it has plunged him and his family into financial hardship.

    The EACC, undeterred, contends that the funds are part of a larger web of corruption, with investigations ongoing into whether they were siphoned from KNH through illicit means.

    Justice Njuguna ruled in favor of preserving the funds, stating, “There is absolute need to prevent the dissipation of assets under investigation… The preservation order will serve public interest.”

    But who is Jacqueline Kavete Mbuli, and how did Sh4 million land in her account?

    Sources close to the investigation hint at a deeper, more personal connection.

    Insiders tell Kenya Insights that Kamuri maintained a network of secret girlfriends, leveraging their accounts to obscure the trail of looted hospital funds.

    Mbuli’s swift disavowal raises questions: Was she an unwitting pawn, or a willing participant now distancing herself as the heat intensifies?

    A Pattern of Deception: Rose Njoroge and the Inner Circle

    The EACC’s probe has cast a wider net, ensnaring other alleged accomplices, including Rose Njoroge, KNH’s Director of Chain Management. Described by sources as Kamuri’s “office wife,” Njoroge is believed to be a key orchestrator in the procurement irregularities that have bled the hospital dry.

    The duo is accused of manipulating tenders worth Sh634.5 million, irregularly awarded to companies linked to Kamuri, such as Biomax Africa Ltd. for a medical oxygen generating plant and another for an Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) system.

    Whistleblowers within KNH paint a damning picture of Kamuri’s reign, alleging he exploited his authority to extract sexual favors from junior female staff in exchange for promotions and perks like international seminars.

    These favored subordinates, some speculate, may have been unwitting conduits for laundering cash, their loyalty bought with career advancement. As one source put it, “Kamuri ruled KNH like his personal fiefdom—money and power in one hand, women in the other.”

    The Frozen Fortune: Sh48.5 Million and Properties

    This isn’t Kamuri’s first brush with frozen assets.

    Nine months ago, on June 3, 2024, the High Court, under Justice Esther Maina, froze Sh48.5 million across seven bank accounts—Sh41 million at Housing Finance Company (HFC), Sh3.1 million at National Bank, and Sh4 million at Standard Chartered—alongside six parcels of land in Kirinyaga, Kajiado, and Nairobi.

    The EACC argued then, as now, that Kamuri’s wealth, estimated at Sh800 million, far exceeds his legitimate income, pointing to a “significant disproportion” indicative of graft.

    The June freeze followed Kamuri’s arrest on May 22, 2024, after EACC raids on his homes and offices uncovered evidence of a Sh634.5 million fraud scheme.

    Despite his claims of powerful protection—reportedly name-dropping Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua—Kamuri’s once-impenetrable shield has crumbled, leaving him exposed as investigations deepen.

    A Family in the Crosshairs

    Kamuri’s wife, too, finds herself ensnared in the fallout. Properties jointly held with her husband are under scrutiny, with the EACC poised to attach them if proven to be proceeds of crime.

    The CEO’s pleas of “extreme hardship” ring hollow against the backdrop of a hospital struggling to serve Kenya’s most vulnerable, its coffers allegedly plundered to fund his lavish lifestyle.

    The EACC, bolstered by the FRC’s anti-money laundering expertise, is unrelenting.

    Investigator Paul Mugwe has emphasized that the frozen funds will serve as critical exhibits should criminal charges be filed.

    Justice Njuguna acknowledged the toll of prolonged probes, noting they could “drain and depress” subjects, but stressed the balance between individual rights and public interest.

    “Should the money be transferred pending investigations, the exercise would be rendered academic,” she ruled.

    Meanwhile, a separate preservation order on a Stanbic Bank account holding Sh1.1 million was lifted, a small reprieve for Kamuri amid mounting pressure. Yet, with the EACC promising to issue notices demanding he explain his wealth, the noose tightens around the besieged CEO.

    A Hospital Betrayed

    As Kenyatta National Hospital grapples with this scandal, the human cost is stark. Patients languish in underfunded wards, a crisis worsened by the alleged looting of public resources meant to save lives. Kamuri’s fall from grace—once a celebrated dermatologist turned hospital chief—serves as a chilling reminder of how power can corrupt even the noblest institutions.

    For now, the secret girlfriends, the frozen millions, and the shadowy tenders tell a tale of greed unchecked.

    But as the EACC digs deeper, one question looms: How many more layers of this scandal remain buried, and who else will be dragged into the light?

  • How Didmus Barasa Got Away With Murder

    How Didmus Barasa Got Away With Murder

    Key Witness Contradictions and Flawed Ballistics Report Collapse Case

    Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa walked free from a murder charge despite overwhelming public suspicion that he shot and killed Brian Olunga Odinga, an aide to his political rival Bryan Khaemba, in August 2022.

    A seven-month trial collapsed after key witnesses gave contradictory testimonies and a government ballistics report failed to link Barasa’s firearm to the fatal shot—a stark reversal from initial police claims.

    The Shooting

    On August 9, 2022, tensions flared at Chebukwabi Primary School polling station in Bungoma County after the general elections.

    Barasa, then the incumbent MP, confronted Khaemba’s motorcade as it departed.

    Witnesses reported hearing gunshots, with Olunga fatally struck in the head while seated in the left cabin of Khaemba’s vehicle.

    Khaemba

    Initial police reports and witness statements pointed to Barasa as the shooter.

    Joshua Simiyu, Khaemba’s driver, told investigators Barasa stepped in front of their car, drew his gun, and fired at close range. “I sped off but heard a second shot hit the left screen,” Simiyu’s original statement read.

    Contradictions in Court

    Despite Simiyu’s damning police account, his court testimony omitted critical details.

    He never mentioned Barasa blocking the vehicle or firing directly at Olunga.

    Similarly, Khaemba—who had earlier accused Barasa during Olunga’s burial—told the court he “did not see who fired the shots” and incorrectly placed Barasa on the right side of the car, contrary to other witnesses.

    Three other prosecution witnesses, including a National Youth Service officer and a polling clerk, gave conflicting versions of events.

    Some claimed Barasa fired warning shots to disperse a crowd; others said gunshots rang out after he re-entered the school building.

    The Ballistics Debacle

    The case hinged on forensic evidence, but the DCI’s ballistics unit delivered a fatal blow to the prosecution. Inspector Alfred Mbalani testified that tests on Barasa’s Glock pistol were “inconclusive,” while government analyst Dennis Owino Onyango concluded the weapon did not fire the fatal bullet.

    This contradicted the DCI’s August 2022 social media statement, which asserted Barasa’s gun was “linked to the fatal shot.” The agency never explained the discrepancy. Khaemba blamed the ballistics expert: “He made it impossible for justice to be done.”

    Justice Denied

    High Court Judge Rose Ougo ruled that the prosecution failed to prove Barasa’s guilt beyond reasonable doubt, citing “no evidence to show who pulled the trigger.”

    Olunga’s father, devastated, accused Barasa’s political allies of interference: “They told me no one would be arrested.”

    Infact he told NTV’s Murder Tapes that he had received anonymous calls from people he believes were emissaries of Barasa offering him up to Sh6M to ‘bury the case’ and even promised to organize a meeting with President Ruto in State House Nairobi to  ‘sort out the matter.’

    Barasa, who went into hiding for three days after the shooting, celebrated the verdict on social media, praising the court for rejecting “hearsay.”

    Unanswered Questions

    With three armed men—Barasa, Khaemba, and a police officer—present at the scene, the failure to conclusively identify the shooter has left lingering doubts. Critics allege witness tampering and a compromised investigation.

    As Olunga’s family awaits “another government to reopen the case,” the collapse of the trial underscores Kenya’s struggle to hold powerful figures accountable for violence.

  • Bunge La Mwananchi Petitions Court to Halt UK Sh28B Funding for Kenya Railways Amid Mismanagement Allegations

    Bunge La Mwananchi Petitions Court to Halt UK Sh28B Funding for Kenya Railways Amid Mismanagement Allegations

    Bunge la Mwananchi, a Kenyan social justice movement, has filed a petition at the High Court seeking to suspend multibillion-shilling funding from the United Kingdom to Kenya Railways Corporation (KRC) for the Nairobi Railway City project.

    The petition, lodged before Justice Chacha Mwita by the group’s president and activist Francis Awino, also demands a forensic audit of KRC and a lifestyle audit of its Managing Director, Philip Mainga, over allegations of financial mismanagement and tender irregularities.

    Awino’s petition calls for an order to stop the British government from disbursing funds—estimated between Sh12 billion and Sh28 billion—for the redevelopment of land around Nairobi Central Railway Station into a modern, sustainable urban space known as Railway City.

    The activist argues that the funding, which includes a confirmed UK commitment of approximately Sh11.9 billion, should be halted until KRC’s financial affairs are transparent and accountable.

    “The court should direct the UK government not to release any funds, whether loans or grants, to KRC until a full audit is conducted and the respondent [Mainga] demonstrates transparency,” Awino stated in court documents.

    The Nairobi Railway City project, intended to create a Transit-Oriented Development (ToD), has faced scrutiny amid reports of mismanagement.

    Awino claims the UK had previously considered suspending funding due to irregularities, though conflicting reports suggest the project remains ongoing.

    He further alleged that President William Ruto intervened by engaging UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer to salvage the initiative, pointing to KRC’s inability to manage its affairs independently.

    Awino accused Mainga of failing to inspire investor confidence, citing a lack of a clear financial strategy that has exacerbated KRC’s debt crisis and burdened taxpayers.

    He also linked the MD to ongoing land disputes, including a case in Embakasi where KRC is alleged to have paid squatters, some of whom claim they never received compensation. “Instead of resolving disputes transparently, Mainga’s leadership has been marked by opacity, eroding public trust,” Awino told the court.

    Among the petition’s most serious allegations is a claim that Mainga irregularly awarded a Ksh 88.2 million tender to First Choice General Supplies, a company purportedly owned by his longtime girlfriend, Peninah Patricks.

    This accusation, led to Mainga’s questioning by a parliamentary committee, though it awaits official confirmation from bodies like the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC).

    Awino urged the EACC to investigate and recommend charges to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) if substantiated.

    The petition also seeks recovery of funds allegedly lost through fraudulent procurements and illegal tenders under Mainga’s tenure.

    Awino pointed to broader mismanagement, including deals he claims have jeopardized KRC’s infrastructure and failed negotiations that could have secured better terms for the corporation.

    KRC has yet to respond officially to the petition, and the court has not scheduled a hearing date. The Nairobi Railway City project, backed by the UK government and valued at up to Sh28 billion for its full scope, continues to draw attention as a flagship urban development initiative, despite the controversies surrounding its management.

    Awino’s legal action underscores growing public concern over accountability at KRC, with Bunge la Mwananchi positioning itself as a watchdog for taxpayer interests.

    The outcome of the petition could impact not only the Railway City project but also Kenya’s broader relationship with international development partners.

  • Emotional: Kalonzo Opens Up On Wife’s Health Struggles and Why He Has Contemplated Quitting Politics To Take Care Of Her

    Emotional: Kalonzo Opens Up On Wife’s Health Struggles and Why He Has Contemplated Quitting Politics To Take Care Of Her

    Wiper Party leader Kalonzo Musyoka has laid bare his heart in a rare and emotional interview, revealing the depth of his 13-year courtship with his wife, Pauline, her ongoing health challenges, and how her condition has led him to contemplate abandoning his political career to care for her.

    Speaking on Thursday, April 3, 2025, with a local TV station, the former vice president offered a glimpse into his personal life and the motivations that continue to drive his political journey.

    A Love Story Spanning Decades

    Kalonzo’s romance with Pauline is a tale of patience and devotion.

    The 71-year-old politician traced their love story back to their teenage years, when they first met at a Christian conference organized by the Kenya Students Christian Fellowship at Alliance Girls High School.

    “I was in Form Five in Meru, and she was in Form Two at Molangwe, a missionary school in Kitui,” he recalled. “There, people were speaking in tongues, and we were just sitting there because we are AIC (African Inland Church), wondering what was wrong with us, and we started a conversation.”

    That chance encounter sparked a connection that endured through years of separation and growth.

    The couple seen together in a past event.

    While Kalonzo pursued his studies at university, Pauline, then working at the Ministry of Labour at the National Social Security Fund (NSSF), would visit him between 1974 and 1975.

    Later, she studied in India while he went to Cyprus for further education.

    Their bond deepened over a 13-year courtship, culminating in marriage in December 1985, shortly after Kalonzo was elected as a Member of Parliament for Kitui North in April of that year.

    “She would come and vote in my constituency,” he said proudly, calling her his “best friend” and a pillar of his life.

    Pauline’s Health Struggles and Spiritual Support

    Kalonzo did not shy away from discussing the toll of Pauline’s health challenges, a private matter that has seen her in and out of hospitals in Kenya and abroad since 2015.

    “I know if I were in a similar situation, Pauline would have taken better care of me,” he admitted with a mix of gratitude and vulnerability.

    “I cannot do enough for Pauline to give her comfort and to wish her recovery.”

    The Musyoka family has leaned on faith and community during this difficult time.

    Kalonzo recounted moments of spiritual encouragement, including a visit from a bishop from Canterbury who prayed for Pauline and a performance by international gospel singer Israel Mbonyi, who played the guitar for her.

    “I hold the view that one day she will stand and walk,” he said with quiet hope.

    Contemplating a Political Exit

    A prayerful Kalonzo on his knees in a Church.

    Pauline’s condition has weighed heavily on Kalonzo, prompting him to consider stepping away from the political arena he has inhabited for decades.

    “With a wife who has been unwell, it has occurred to me several times. I could just quit politics and look after my wife,” he confessed.

    Yet, he remains steadfast, driven by Pauline’s own resolve. “I know Pauline would not agree. She is a vision carrier; she knows where we have come from and what I am supposed to achieve, so I keep going; therefore, quitting is not an option.”

    Kalonzo’s passion for public service also fuels his perseverance. “For me, it is a calling to help and serve people,” he said.

    “It gives me a lot of pleasure when I help a Kenyan each day out of some misery.”

    Through his foundation, he supports struggling families—many unaware of his opposition role—often hearing pleas like, “Watoto hawajaenda shule” (The children haven’t gone to school).

    “If I quit, who will help these people?” he asked rhetorically. “I still have the strength to keep going.”

    Despite his personal challenges, Kalonzo remains a formidable figure in Kenya’s political landscape, eyeing the presidency with unwavering determination. He acknowledged the “betrayal and trickery” that define Kenyan politics but refused to let it derail him.

    “I do not take it to heart. I know people are struggling for space and want to achieve certain visions. I have my own vision to serve and lead this country, and I think that time has come,” he asserted.

  • EACC Probes Alleged Fraud and Mismanagement in UoN Property Leases Worth Billions

    EACC Probes Alleged Fraud and Mismanagement in UoN Property Leases Worth Billions

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) has intensified its investigation into alleged fraudulent leasing and mismanagement of University of Nairobi (UoN) properties, with assets potentially worth billions of shillings at stake.

    A letter dated April 2, 2025, obtained by Kenya Insights, reveals that the EACC has demanded detailed documentation from UoN by Monday, April 7, 2025, as part of its probe into irregular and unlawful leasing practices.

    New allegations of mismanagement by the Vice-Chancellor and the leasing of university land to private entities without proper approval have further deepened concerns about governance at Kenya’s premier public university.

    The EACC’s investigation targets a range of UoN-owned assets, including 10 acres at Kanyariri Farm, 40 acres behind ANP hostels in Loresho, 100 acres at Kibwezi Field Station, and 20 acres leased to Shamba Café Hotel in Loresho Ridge, Nairobi.

    Other properties under scrutiny include six acres near Dusit Hotel, a plot in Spring Valley near a shopping center, residential houses along Ngong Road, and properties in Arboretum Drive and Lavington.

    The commission, in its letter to UoN’s Acting Vice Chancellor, Prof. Margaret Jesang Hutchinson, stated that it is investigating “allegations of irregular and unlawful leasing out of the parcels of land owned by the University of Nairobi.”

    To finalize its investigation, the EACC has requested specific documents, including lease or tenancy agreements, minutes approving the leases, correspondence between UoN and lessees, proof of any change in land use, and other relevant information.

    New Allegations of Mismanagement Surface

    Prof. Margaret Jesang’ Hutchinson , the acting Vice Chancellor of the University of Nairobi
    Prof. Margaret Jesang’ Hutchinson , the acting Vice Chancellor of the University of Nairobi

    Further details have emerged about the extent of alleged mismanagement at UoN, pointing to a pattern of procedural violations and abuse of office.

    According to a document titled “Mismanagement of University Assets,” the Vice-Chancellor has been accused of unprocedurally leasing university land without proper approval from the National Treasury, as required by the Public Procurement and Disposal Act.

    The document highlights several specific cases of concern:

    – A plot in Spring Valley, originally used as a satellite office for Koitalei Samoei University, has been repurposed by a private developer for a petrol/filling station.
    – A plot near Kipevu School along Waiyaki Way and another that was once Prof. Mukunya’s residence in Lavington (formerly Principal of CAVS) have been leased to private individuals not employed by UoN.
    – One hundred acres of Kanyariri Farm in Upper Kabete and 20 acres in CAVS, leased to a foreign investor for Shamba CafĂŠ Hotel, lack proper documentation.
    – Parts of Kibwezi Farm have been leased to Indian investors for 100 years, raising questions about the terms and approval process.
    – Residential houses along Ngong Road and Arboretum Drive, as well as six acres near Dusit Hotel, have been let or sold unprocedurally to non-university staff.
    – On February 25, 2023, the Second Lady, Mrs. Dorcas Rigathe, visited Upper Kabete Campus and allocated 100 acres of land to an MP for a school project, with an additional 10 acres in Kanyariri Farm from Lower Kabete dished out without proper documentation or photos/videos.

    The document also notes that 40 acres behind ANP hostels in Upper Kabete were unprocedurally leased to Kenya Seed Company, and six acres of Upper Kabete land near Farasi Lane along Spring Valley Road were similarly mismanaged.

    These actions, allegedly taken without consulting the UoN Council or adhering to legal protocols, have fueled accusations of abuse of office by the Vice-Chancellor.

    Auditor General and Uasu Raise Red Flags

    The EACC’s probe was prompted by concerns from the Universities Academic Staff Union (Uasu) and findings from the Auditor General.

    Uasu’s UoN chapter secretary, Dr. Maloba Wekesa, highlighted an Auditor General’s report that questioned the leasing of university properties, including Lower Kabete Road (LR No. 1870/111/71), Kayahwe Road House (LR No. 1/203), and Spring Valley (LR No. 7468/9).

    The report noted a lack of transparency in how lessees were identified and an inability to trace income from these properties in UoN’s financial records. In one case, a parcel was leased to an “unknown person,” raising suspicions of mismanagement.

    Dr. Wekesa called for immediate investigations and criminal action against those responsible, urging the recovery of lost public funds and the cancellation of illegal land deals. “Restoring public faith in the University of Nairobi’s fiduciary system is of prime importance to all stakeholders,” he emphasized in a letter to the EACC.

    Financial Mismanagement and Irregular Payments

    The investigation coincides with broader financial challenges at UoN. Prof. Hutchinson, while appearing before the National Assembly’s Education Committee, disclosed that the university is grappling with pending bills totaling Sh13 billion, including debts to the Kenya Revenue Authority, pension funds, and staff welfare programs.

    She assured the committee that the university council would review its financial sustainability annually to ensure compliance with legal and governance standards.

    Uasu further alleged financial irregularities in the proposed UoN Engineering and Science Complex, where nearly Sh100 million has been spent—primarily on allowances and a feasibility study—with no tangible progress.

    The union pointed to over Sh12 million in “irregular and illegal” payments to Mr. Brian Ouma, Director of University Advancement, over the past decade, accusing the university council of failing to address the issue.

    This probe adds to UoN’s mounting challenges, including a management crisis and a Sh72 billion debt burdening public universities.

    The university has also faced labor disputes, with Uasu threatening a strike over delayed retirement age reforms, and governance issues, including allegations of mismanagement by the university council.

  • Muturi Labels Adan Mohamed as Ruto’s Poster Boy for Deals Behind the Scenes in Sh129 Billion Scandal Involving Russians

    Muturi Labels Adan Mohamed as Ruto’s Poster Boy for Deals Behind the Scenes in Sh129 Billion Scandal Involving Russians

    Former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi has accused President William Ruto’s administration of attempting to push through a questionable Sh129 billion ($1 billion) deal with Russian investors.

    In an explosive exposé aired on NTV, the former CS mentioned Ruto’s Economic advisor, Chief of Strategy Execution, Adan Mohamed and industrial giant Narendra Raval of Devki Group in the controversy without directly linking them to the scandal.

    However, he claimed that it was through Adan Mohamed that he became aware of the Adani Airport saga, which he squarely blamed on Ruto.

    Muturi claimed insider knowledge of the deal and alleged Ruto’s direct involvement.

    “I know Ruto is clearly behind it. His economic advisor, Adan Mohamed, invited me to attend COP28 in Dubai in 2023, where I received significant information related to the Adani deal,” he said, explaining how discussions with Ruto’s aides revealed its origins.

    In a scathing criticism of President Ruto, the former Public Service Cabinet Secretary described the Head of State as an irredeemably corrupt figure.

    “When I watch William Ruto sometimes talking to members of the Cabinet and saying, ‘I do not want to see corruption in my government,’ I start wondering, ‘Who is this talking?’”

    “He is absolutely, irredeemably corrupt,” Muturi said.

    The former Attorney General recounted an experience in Dubai, where he was instructed by President Ruto to sign a deal involving Russians.

    However, he said he could not append his signature to the documents, preferring to review them first.

    “I don’t want to give you obvious examples like the Adani deal because I have some background. When his advisor Adan Mohamed invited me to attend COP28 in Dubai in 2023, he gave me a lot of information, which ended up with the Adani deal about the airport. During the same time, some Russian oligarchs had offered to invest USD 1 billion here in Kenya.

    “On the day we were returning from India, after COP28, we flew to India for a state visit. Devki’s Guru informed me that he was chartering a private plane for the president. When I landed in Dubai, Ruto called me, saying, ‘Those people, those Russians, they are there in Dubai; you need to sign those documents.’ But I said I had just landed at the airport; I was in transit and not leaving the airport.

    “He said, ‘But you are there; your staff have already worked on the document, and I need you to review it in the office.’ They (Russians) were purporting to give a grant of USD 1 billion to allegedly grow three billion trees toward the 15 billion trees goal,” Muturi said.

    While Muturi didn’t directly link Ruto’s aides to the alleged ‘corrupt’ schemes, he left little doubt about their roles in the broader ploy.

    Money-Minting Initiatives?

    He added that Ruto’s programs are always influenced by his desire to profit from them.

    “You know, whenever William Ruto comes up with a program, it is for money-making. They (Russians) brought me an MoU that came from the Ministry of Environment, which they pushed through, and I told them that this USD 1 billion can only be by way of a grant, and it cannot come directly to the ministry because, under the PFM Act (The Public Finance Management Act, 1999) in Section 47, it can only go through the National Treasury.

    “They tried to avoid that money going to the National Treasury, and it was money coming from abroad. I was told to sign at the airport, and it was William Ruto calling me directly,” he concluded.

    Muturi was fired as CS, and Geoffrey Ruku, the Member of Parliament for Mbeere North, was nominated in his place.

    Instilling Fear

    Muturi further revealed how Ruto allegedly controls his Cabinet by instilling fear among his ministers, accusing the Head of State of ruling with an iron fist and suppressing dissent.

    Muturi claimed that many Cabinet Secretaries are too afraid to associate with him, speak freely, or even answer his calls, fearing reprisals from the President.

    “Many of them are very timid. They would not want to speak. In fact, some of them don’t want to pick up my calls, even on WhatsApp. They are too scared that they may be found to have spoken to me,” Muturi said.

    “I know others who are telling me, ‘Please get somebody to call on your behalf so we can talk through them.’ What does that tell you? Ruto has instilled such fear in his entire Cabinet that people don’t want to speak.”

    He further revealed that some CSs have urged him to use intermediaries to communicate with them, an indication, he says, of the level of control the President exercises over his ministers.

    Muturi likened President Ruto’s leadership style to that of the late President Daniel Moi, saying he uses both verbal and non-verbal tactics to suppress dissent in the Cabinet.

    Ruto’s Two Personalities

    “With the experience I’ve gained from working with President Ruto, which was my desire after serving as Speaker for 10 years and MP for two terms, I wanted to serve in the national executive. I think Ruto is a person with two personalities. The one who presents himself to the public is a completely different character from the one who sits behind in the office and crafts stuff, and that person is quite a dangerous character,” he claimed.

    “Ruto is a true example of Daniel Moi, no wonder he campaigned against the current Constitution because I think he enjoys a situation where we can go to an imperial presidency. He has disdain for institutions, and that is why he wants to push everything, even in Cabinet,” Muturi said.

    The former CS said that in projects where the President has a personal stake, he dominates discussions and uses fear to ensure everyone aligns with his position.

    “If you want to know where he has an interest, a CS will make a presentation, and then Ruto will take over and begin to explain, to make sure there is no dissent. He will start instilling fear slowly, saying, ‘You know, no coming late…’”

    No Honest Discussions

    Muturi said Cabinet meetings have become difficult spaces for honest discussions, with members forced to read the President’s body language rather than speak their minds.

    “Before Ruto, you just have to know he has expressed this position and he is looking at you, making suggestions…the look he gives you tells you that in this one, you have no options. He is holding the Cabinet hostage,” he said.

    He further noted that ministers now prefer attending committee meetings chaired by Deputy President Kithure Kindiki, where they feel freer to contribute.

    “Today, in Cabinet, he makes it impossible to have a meaningful conversation. In fact, people enjoy going to Cabinet committee meetings chaired by the DP (Rigathi and Kindiki) because they can share their ideas and speak their mind,” he said.

    He further remarked that Ruto is unfit for office.

    “Based on my own careful assessment, I have concluded that President William Ruto is unfit to hold the office of the President of the Republic of Kenya. I say this not out of bitterness, but as a reasoned and objective judgment.”

    Muturi’s remarks offer a rare insider account of the inner workings of Ruto’s Cabinet, raising questions about the state of internal democracy and freedom of expression within the top ranks of government.

  • Devastating Reasons Siaya Residents Are Fighting to Stop Shanta Gold’s Ramula-Mwibona Mining Project

    Devastating Reasons Siaya Residents Are Fighting to Stop Shanta Gold’s Ramula-Mwibona Mining Project

    In the heart of Siaya County, the people of Gem Ramula are waging a desperate battle against Shanta Gold Kenya Limited, a foreign mining giant threatening to tear apart their ancestral lands, livelihoods, and very way of life with its proposed Ramula-Mwibona Open Pit Mining Project.

    Backed by human rights groups including the Concerned Citizens Movement from the Lake Region Economic Bloc, local miners, and legal advocates, the residents are standing firm, their voices echoing a unified cry: this project must be stopped.

    The evidence is overwhelming—Shanta Gold’s plans promise nothing but devastation for the community, and the people of Ramula deserve better.

    An Environmental Disaster Waiting to Happen

    The Concerned Citizens Movement has sounded the alarm on the catastrophic environmental impact of Shanta Gold’s open-pit mining plans, labeling it “the most destructive method of mining” with far more harm than good for the local community and environment.

    Their detailed statements paint a grim picture: open-pit mining will strip away vegetation, topsoil, and ecosystems, causing erosion, wildlife habitat destruction, and the obliteration of Ramula’s beautiful landscape.

    Water and air contamination will follow, posing “hazardous” health risks to residents. The group warns that in 15 years, when Shanta Gold depletes the mineral resources, the land will be left “permanently damaged” and “unusable,” with the Ramula pit remaining a dangerous scar on the earth.

    For a community that has sustainably mined gold in small, environmentally friendly ways for generations, this is an unacceptable betrayal of their heritage and future.

    Forced Displacement: A Heartless Uprooting

    At the core of the community’s resistance is the looming threat of forced relocation—a heartless plan to uproot “hundreds of thousands of locals” from their ancestral lands.

    The Concerned Citizens Movement compares Shanta Gold’s actions to a stranger who, after being welcomed into a home, decides to take over the kitchen.

    Their statements assert that “thousands of people will be displaced from their ancestral land, which cannot be adequately compensated even by money.”

    The group’s demands further reveal that the impact extends beyond those few who have been coerced into accepting compensation, affecting “many living within the radius” who will face health hazards, noise pollution, and severed mobility as the well-tarmacked Luanda-Ramula road is cut off.

    Since 2023, residents have fought against this displacement, submitting a petition to the Siaya County Assembly with support from the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), which has called for prioritizing the community’s rights.

    Colonel (rtd) Moses Adol of the Ramula Community Development Association has been a steadfast voice, demanding written assurances against relocation—assurances Shanta Gold has failed to provide.

    At a September 2024 meeting at Ramula Health Centre, the community rejected relocation plans outright, their fears fueled by surveys like relocation action plans and socio-economic studies.

    “We cannot lose our homes, farmlands, and graveyards,” Adol declared, a sentiment that resonates deeply with a people whose identity is tied to the land.

    A Pattern of Deceit and Legal Violations

    Shanta Gold’s operations are shrouded in allegations of dishonesty and legal violations, further eroding any trust the community might have had.

    On March 27, 2025, Otieno Ogola & Company Advocates led by vocal lawyer Willis Evans Otieno demanded that the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) halt public hearings scheduled for April 2 and 3, 2025, accusing Shanta Gold of failing to disclose exact land parcel numbers, conducting illegal open-pit mining, and bypassing the requirement for unencumbered consent under Section 37 of the Mining Act (2016) and Article 40 of the Constitution of Kenya (2010).

    “I have resolved to stand with the people of these communities in their fight to protect what is rightfully theirs. I join the cause to restore sanity and dignity to those affected, ensuring that their voices are heard and their rights upheld. The people of Kenya must unite against exploitative ventures that disregard the well-being of our citizens.” Otieno posted.

    The lawyers also alleged that the company used intimidation and forged consent, engaging in “exploitative and underhand tactics” that trample on the community’s rights.

    The Concerned Citizens Movement has echoed these accusations, branding Shanta Gold’s operations as marked by “dishonesty and fraud.”

    The company’s October 2024 Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report vaguely states that land acquisition and involuntary resettlement will be avoided “where possible”—a phrase the group interprets as a clear admission of forced displacement, constituting a “violation of the human rights of these vulnerable locals.”

    Residents of Mwibona Ward in Vihiga County were shocked to learn through the NEMA report that their land is also targeted, yet Shanta Gold has “never engaged them in any discussion,” a move the group calls “unacceptable.”

    The Concerned Citizens Movement demands that Shanta Gold provide detailed information on its corporate structure, ownership, operational history, mineral rights, and licenses in the Ramula-Mwibona area, reflecting the community’s deep distrust of the company’s intentions.

    Silenced Voices and Political Betrayal

    The people of Ramula have been crying out against this project for years, but their voices have been systematically ignored.

    Since their 2023 petition to the Siaya County Assembly, residents have reiterated their objections in barazas (public meetings) and a bench-marking visit to Siginda TZ in October 2024, where they witnessed the project’s detrimental impacts firsthand.

    The KHRC has supported their cause, calling for expert opinions to be considered, but these pleas have fallen on deaf ears.

    The Concerned Citizens Movement demands that Shanta Gold “stop intimidating the residents by use of DCI-Gem Yala” and allow them to “freely and peacefully hold public barazas for sensitization,” a right enshrined in the Kenyan Constitution of 2010.

    They also seek a “plausible explanation” for why a baraza planned by the County Government was “abruptly called off,” a cancellation that reeks of political interference.

    The Communist Party of Kenya (CPK) has accused Gem MP Mr. Odhiambo of complicity in Shanta Gold’s “predatory mining agenda,” leaving residents feeling betrayed by their own leaders.

    The Concerned Citizens Movement has threatened to escalate the matter to the High Court if Shanta Gold does not respond to their demands in writing within seven days, a bold move that underscores the community’s determination to be heard.

    Local Miners Left in the Lurch

    The K’Opala Miners Self-Help Group of Ramula and Bamboo Artisanal Miners of Vihiga County, who rely entirely on small-scale mining for their livelihoods, face an existential threat from Shanta Gold’s project.

    These registered local miners stand to lose both their lands and mines—their only source of income—yet their opposition has been ignored.

    The Concerned Citizens Movement demands that Shanta Gold “listens to the registered local miners” and “stop dispossessing them of their mines,” arguing that acquiring the targeted land will “logically” strip these miners of their livelihoods.

    This disregard for the community’s economic backbone is nothing short of “irresponsible and unjust.”

    Empty Economic Promises

    Shanta Gold has dangled the carrot of economic benefits, touting its $137 million West Kenya Project with promises of $2.6 million in royalties, annual operating costs of $45 million, and social programs.

    But the Concerned Citizens Movement sees through these hollow assurances, arguing that the project “is mainly for the benefit of the company and not of the local community.”

    The group demands that Shanta Gold provide “evidence of their past successful mining operations including adherence to environmental and social obligations,” a challenge the company has yet to meet. For the people of Ramula, economic promises mean nothing when they come at the cost of their homes, heritage, and future.

    The struggle in Ramula is a microcosm of a larger battle against exploitative mining practices in Kenya.

    The Cortec Mining case in Kwale County, where legal battles over land rights and environmental impact raged, serves as a stark reminder of the systemic issues plaguing the sector.

    A 2024 report by Citizen Digital noted that Kenya’s mining industry remains “weighed down by weak regulations,” allowing companies like Shanta Gold to prioritize profit over people.

    The people of Ramula are not just fighting for their land—they are fighting for justice, for their rights, and for a future where their voices matter.

    A Desperate Plea for Action

    The Concerned Citizens Movement has issued a resounding call to action, demanding that the Ramula-Mwibona Open Pit Mining Project be stopped in its tracks.

    Their statements urge leaders to reject the project outright, insisting that the voices of Ramula residents “must be heard.”

    Their demands are clear: Shanta Gold must drop its open-pit mining plans, provide transparency, end intimidation, respect local miners, and engage with the community in good faith—or face legal action in the High Court.

    The people of Ramula deserve nothing less than a future where their land, their health, and their dignity are protected, not plundered.

    As of April 4, 2025, the outcome of the April 2 and 3 hearings remains uncertain, with no public updates available.

    West Kenya gold explorer Shanta Gold Kenya Limited (SGKL) plans to roll out new Sh17.71 billion ($137 million) mining projects in Siaya and Vihiga counties.

    The open-pit gold mining projects are expected to cover 175 hactares in Ramula, East Gem, Siaya County and Mwibona in Vihiga.

    The battle in Ramula is a clarion call for justice—a fight that must not be ignored.

  • How Mission In Action Baby Orphanage Became a Crime Scene

    How Mission In Action Baby Orphanage Became a Crime Scene

    We have gathered disturbing details and evidence that expose the internal corruption among some key officials at the Mission In Action Baby Orphanage, showing that the orphanage no longer fulfills its primary role.

    According to insiders, greed and immorality among the purported officials are the main reasons why the orphanage is gradually collapsing.

    We spoke to Mr. Dickens Otieno, alias Madollar Mapesa, who revealed that a lot of corruption has been witnessed at the orphanage.

    When contacted by phone for a comment, the parties involved failed to respond to our queries.

    “This institution is used for personal gain by greedy individuals like Mrs. Damaris Rigiri, Mr. Cyrus Kivuti, and Sandy Stirges, who for a long time have continued to pose as directors since the passing of Ivan Budulica, the founder. She was an Australian national,” said Otieno.

     

    He added, “The alleged maid turned wife (Damaris Rigiri) to the late Director (Ivan Budulica), and since he ‘married’ Damaris Rigiri, they have never gotten any successful child from the institution. All they do is use innocent children to aid during their fundraisers and thereafter kick them out with no better plans just because they are 18 years old,” Madollar added.

    He told our team that such kids find themselves on the streets suffering and, in most cases, end up joining organized criminal gangs.

    “Most of these young adults find themselves on the streets with no plan and end up getting involved in strange activities. For instance, young girls from the institution, in most cases, find themselves with unwanted pregnancies where different men take advantage of them because of their desperation for shelter, food, and a sense of belonging, as many of them have no families to receive them,” he added.

    Additionally, Otieno said that other kids, especially boys, become beach boys while others get involved in various activities such as theft, drugs, and underpaid manual duties for their survival.

    He narrated to us, step by step, how this fraudulent scheme is undertaken.

    He said that Damaris Rigiri, Cyrus Kivuti, Sandy Stirges, and Jerry Stirges have chosen to benefit themselves rather than take good care of the orphanage.

    It was also revealed that Mrs. Damaris Rigiri’s brother, Angelo, an ex-convict and alleged drug addict, has been denying young girls in the facility their privacy by peeping on them during their shower time, despite endless reports and complaints to his sister.

    “We learned that the institution, which is supposed to benefit the community, has no individual as a beneficiary to inherit or own the institution despite the ongoing court case,” Otieno stated.

    For instance, the ongoing civil case on who should be the right persons to run the institution is still pending.

    The case has been filed at the Nakuru High Court by one Mary Summer-Scales, an Australian national formerly known as Mary Budulica, a former wife to Ivan Budulica with whom they had three children and lived together for over 30 years.

    It is allegedly believed that the fraudulent controversial behaviors on land transfer were done by Damaris Rigiri with the help of Cyrus Kivuti.

    According to Mr. Dickens Otieno, the whole process was a fraud.

    “Damaris Rigiri and Cyrus Kivuti, upon realizing the risk of losing everything and facing prison, decided to forge a will stating that Ivan Budulica wrote it before his demise, distributing properties to each one of them with Cyrus being the witness. We found out that Cyrus was just an errand boy, so how was he becoming a witness on Ivan Budulica’s will of all people?” he said.

    He added, “Don’t forget the institution belongs to nobody. Even Ivan himself does not own it, although they claim that he wrote the will,” he said.

    The problems allegedly escalated after the orphanage director died.

    “When I realized that the children were at risk, I came to their rescue by mobilizing the youth of Nakuru, and a big demonstration was held in various government offices and courts against Damaris Rigiri and Cyrus Kivuti, who had already inherited their lands and usually access funds fraudulently,” he said.

    There are reports that both Cyrus Kivuti and Damaris Rigiri were engaged in an affair, he said.

  • Muturi Claims Ruto is ‘Unfit to Be President and Irredeemably Corrupt,’ Exposes Pressure to Sign Sh129B Deal with Russians

    Muturi Claims Ruto is ‘Unfit to Be President and Irredeemably Corrupt,’ Exposes Pressure to Sign Sh129B Deal with Russians

    Former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi unleashed a series of scathing exposĂŠs on Friday morning, accusing President William Ruto of being “irredeemably corrupt” and alleging that the president secretly orchestrates multibillion-shilling deals while publicly condemning corruption.

    The claims, aired during an interview on NTV, come barely two weeks after Muturi’s dismissal from Ruto’s Cabinet, further intensifying political tensions in the country.

    Muturi, who also served as Attorney General, painted a stark contrast between Ruto’s public persona and his alleged behind-the-scenes conduct.

    “Ruto has two personalities. The William Ruto who presents himself to the public is a completely different character from the one who sits in the office and crafts deals,” Muturi said. “He is a dangerous character. I think Ruto is unfit for the position of president. Yes, he is absolutely, irredeemably corrupt.”

    Muturi dismissed suggestions of personal bitterness, insisting his assessment stems from two years of working closely with Ruto. While he cited multiple examples of alleged corruption, he refrained from detailing most incidents but singled out the controversial Adani deal. Muturi claimed insider knowledge of the deal and alleged Ruto’s direct involvement.

    “I know Ruto is clearly behind it. His economic advisor, Adan Mohammed, invited me to attend COP 28 in Dubai in 2023, where I received significant information related to the Adani deal,” he said, explaining how discussions with Ruto’s aides revealed its origins.

    The Ksh.129 Billion Russian Deal

    Justin Muturi
    Justin Muturi

    Among Muturi’s most explosive allegations is that Ruto pressured him to sign a Ksh.129 billion deal with Russian oligarchs during COP 28 in Dubai in December 2023.

    The purported agreement, framed as a grant to plant 3 billion trees, allegedly bypassed legal protocols by channeling funds directly to a ministry rather than through the Treasury.

    “I landed in Dubai and received a call from Ruto, saying the Russians were waiting at the airport and I needed to sign the documents,” Muturi recounted. “I declined, saying I needed to review them in the office.”

    He described the deal as a moneymaking scheme, adding, “Whenever Ruto comes up with a project, it’s for moneymaking.” Public records do not yet corroborate this specific deal, though Kenya’s tree-planting initiatives have attracted significant investments, raising questions about transparency.

    Arror and Kimwarer Dams Scandal

    Muturi also highlighted his refusal to endorse the controversial Arror and Kimwarer dams project, a Ksh.63 billion loan deal with Italian firm CMC di Ravenna. He pointed to discrepancies in cost and quality, stating, “In Kimwarer, nothing has happened because the report provided was faulty.”

    The scandal, well-documented in Kenya, saw billions paid with little progress, prompting past investigations into fraud and mismanagement. Muturi claimed he resisted pressure from Ruto’s administration to sign off, including during meetings with Italian officials.

    Ruto’s Response

    President Ruto has countered Muturi’s allegations, asserting that his dismissal in March 2025 stemmed from incompetence and absenteeism from Cabinet meetings. Speaking ahead of his Mt. Kenya tour during a media interview, Ruto described Muturi as unfit for his roles—a claim Muturi dismissed as a diversion from governance issues like abductions, which he had urged Ruto to address.

    “Fortunately, he referred to my alleged incompetence as Attorney General, but I believe the president’s intention is to divert attention from abductions and extrajudicial killings. He wants me to defend myself, turning it into a back-and-forth. I don’t have to—my record speaks for itself,” Muturi said.

    Muturi, replaced by Mbeere North MP Geoffrey Ruku, insisted he harbors no vendetta and offered to provide soft-copy documents to substantiate his claims. “I’ve no bitterness; this is my assessment,” he said, challenging Ruto’s anti-corruption rhetoric as hollow.

    Despite his damning accusations, Muturi expressed regret that this information wasn’t shared with the public earlier, suggesting Kenyans deserved to know the truth before the elections. He hinted at more revelations in a forthcoming book, where he plans to detail his experiences in the Cabinet, including alleged corruption and behind-the-scenes dealings he witnessed.

  • DCI Targets Old Mutual and Sedgwick Bosses in Multi-Million KPC Tender Fraud Scandal

    DCI Targets Old Mutual and Sedgwick Bosses in Multi-Million KPC Tender Fraud Scandal

    Top managers at Old Mutual General Insurance Limited, a subsidiary of Old Mutual Holdings PLC, and Sedgwick Insurance Brokers (SIB) have emerged as prime suspects in a multi-million-shilling tender fraud probe led by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI).

    The investigation, which could see these executives become “guests of the state,” centers on an alleged illegal premium adjustment scheme tied to a lucrative insurance contract with the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC), Kenya Insights can authoritatively reveal.

    The DCI has narrowed its focus to Old Mutual—formerly UAP—and SIB, with preliminary findings pointing to a collusive effort to manipulate premiums worth approximately KES 286,763,349 (around USD 1,911,755.66) to align with market rates after securing the tender.

    The case, logged under Inquiry File No. 185/2024, accuses the firms of conspiracy and violations of the Insurance Act, unraveling a complex web of bids, legal battles, and a mysterious death that has intensified scrutiny.

    At the heart of the scandal is the tragic suicide of Sammy Methu Kiragu, former Chief Executive Officer of Sedgwick Insurance Brokers.

    On Tuesday, March 11, 2025, Kiragu leapt to his death from the seventh floor of 4th Avenue Towers—despite his office being on the 14th—just one day before he was due to face DCI’s Insurance Fraud Investigation Unit (IFIU) on March 12.

    The late Sammy Methu Kiragu, Chief Executive Officer of Sedgwick Insurance Brokers.

    Witnesses reported that Kiragu took a lift to the seventh floor before jumping, an act that ended his life instantly and left his staff in shock.

    While the exact cause of his death and the circumstances surrounding it remain unclear, the timing has broadened the scope of the DCI’s probe.

    Sources suggest Kiragu, overwhelmed by the investigation, had sought help to halt the inquiry into his company’s dealings.

    The tender in question, No. KPC/UOT-298/FIN/NBI/22-23, was advertised by KPC on March 28, 2023, seeking insurance brokerage services from July 1, 2023, to June 30, 2025. Of 31 bidders, Sedgwick and Four M Insurance Brokers Limited emerged as frontrunners after preliminary and technical evaluations.

    Sedgwick’s bid, the lowest, earned it a notification of success on June 7, 2023, followed by KPC’s formal award of three insurance policies on June 21, which Sedgwick accepted five days later.

    However, on September 7, 2023, after Sedgwick submitted Old Mutual General Insurance Kenya Limited as its underwriter, KPC abruptly awarded the tender to Four M, signing a contract on October 2.

    Sedgwick challenged this decision before the Public Procurement Administrative Review Board (PPARB), which on November 2, 2023, nullified Four M’s award. Four M fought back, filing Judicial Review Application No. E121 of 2023 in Nairobi’s High Court.

    The court ruled against Sedgwick, finding its bid illegal under Section 20 of the Insurance Act due to its lead underwriter, Swiss Reinsurance—an international firm unregistered in Kenya. Swiss Reinsurance had quoted coverage costs of KES 335,555,850 (approximately USD 2,237,039) for FY 2023/24 and KES 380,337,450 (approximately USD 2,535,583) for FY 2024/25—far exceeding Sedgwick’s bid—exposing its inability to deliver at the promised price.

    The court accused Sedgwick of attempting to adjust its bid post-award, a move deemed unlawful without approval under Section 139(1)(a) of the Act, and upheld Four M’s contract with KPC.

    The DCI’s investigation gained momentum with a letter dated February 18, 2025, from Daniel Kandie, former head of the IFIU, summoning Old Mutual to nominate a representative for questioning on February 21 and ordering Sedgwick officials, including Kiragu, to appear on March 12.

    The letter seen by Kenya Insights detailed evidence of prior arrangements between Sedgwick and Old Mutual to adjust premiums to the suspiciously precise figure of KES 286,763,349, allegedly to suit market rates after winning the tender.

    When contacted, neither Arthur Oginga, Group CEO of Old Mutual Holdings PLC, nor Japheth Ogalloh, Managing Director of Old Mutual General Insurance, responded to queries about whether they had recorded statements with the DCI.

    Sedgwick, a 40-year-old firm with a prestigious client base—including airlines, energy providers, financial institutions, and NGOs—now faces a reputational crisis.

    The tender saga raises troubling questions about collusion, capacity, and the integrity of Kenya’s procurement system.

    Was Kiragu’s death a desperate escape from justice or a symptom of deeper corruption?

    As the DCI digs further, the answers may expose the murky underbelly of this deal—and potentially others like it—ensuring that Kiragu’s final act does not bury the scandal with him.

  • Safaricom Accused of Press Freedom Suppression As The Firm Sues Another Investigative Journalist Probing Alleged Links To Abductions

    Safaricom Accused of Press Freedom Suppression As The Firm Sues Another Investigative Journalist Probing Alleged Links To Abductions

    The telecom giant Safaricom has sparked outrage after filing a lawsuit against investigative journalist Robert Wanjala Kituyi, who sought critical information about the company’s handling of customer data amid allegations of its involvement in abductions.

    The move, branded by critics as a Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (SLAPP) suit, has reignited debates over press freedom and corporate accountability in Kenya.

    Kituyi, represented by the Katiba Institute, had requested details from Safaricom on the number of court orders it received from police authorities between June and October 31, 2024, seeking personal data or communication details of individuals under investigation.

    The request, lodged on November 6, 2024, under Article 35 of the Kenyan Constitution and the Access to Information Act, also sought clarity on Safaricom’s data privacy measures, its handling of ambiguous or overreaching orders, and any instances where it denied such requests.

    The inquiry followed a surge in reported abductions and enforced disappearances, with allegations that Safaricom shared customer data with police implicated in these incidents.

    When Safaricom refused to respond, Kituyi turned to the Commission on Administrative Justice (CAJ), which on February 5, 2025, ruled that the telecom had breached the right to access information and ordered it to comply.

    Instead, Safaricom escalated the matter to the High Court, filing Civil Appeal No. HCCA E207 of 2025 on March 26, 2025, seeking to overturn the CAJ’s decision.

    In its appeal, Safaricom argues that, as a private entity, it is not bound by disclosure laws applicable to public bodies.

    The company claims that releasing the information would undermine its commercial interests, compromise customer data privacy measures, and potentially violate data protection laws.

    “The information sought would substantially undermine Safaricom’s security measures, which may be used to weaken our compliance with data protection laws,” the firm stated in court documents. It further contends that disclosure could impede due process, intrude on individual privacy, and breach confidentiality obligations under statutes like the Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act.

    Safaricom’s legal team also accused the CAJ of overstepping its jurisdiction, asserting that the commission erred by enforcing provisions of the Access to Information Act that do not apply to private entities.

    “The decision of the Commission on Administrative Justice dated 5 February 2025 be set aside and the orders issued be vacated or discharged,” the company demanded, labeling the ruling a “miscarriage of justice.”

    The lawsuit has drawn sharp criticism from press freedom advocates and legal experts. The Katiba Institute, defending Kituyi, warned that the case threatens to saddle the journalist with crippling legal costs, a hallmark of SLAPP suits aimed at silencing public scrutiny.

    “Though Robert sought to enforce a fundamental right enshrined in the Constitution, he now faces the risk of heavy financial penalties,” said Kevin Mabonga, a spokesperson for the institute. The organization views the suit as part of a broader pattern of actions by Safaricom to limit transparency and derail accountability.

    This is not the first time Safaricom has faced accusations of suppressing media.

    In November 2024, the company suspended advertising with Nation Media Group and issued legal threats over investigative reports, prompting condemnation from Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

    RSF has since labeled Safaricom’s latest move as part of a “coordinated smear campaign” against journalists, while Kenyan senators and civil society groups have called for investigations into the telecom’s alleged ties to abductions.

    Public reaction has been equally fierce. On social media platforms, organizations such as the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) and Muslims for Human Rights (MUHURI) have reported receiving legal notices from Safaricom to retract statements, fueling calls for boycotts.

    Kenya has been grappling with a significant abduction crisis since June 2024, following widespread anti-government protests, particularly led by youth and Gen Z activists. Rights groups, including the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, have reported hundreds of abductions of government critics during this period, with dozens still missing and some found dead, showing signs of torture.

    These incidents have sparked public outrage and protests, with accusations pointing to state agents, including units within the National Police Service and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, as the perpetrators.

    President William Ruto initially dismissed the abductions as “fake news” but later promised to address the issue in December 2024, though the government denies official involvement.

    In his latest statement made during his Mt Kenya tour this week, the president promised to put an end to the abductions maintaining that the existing units from the previous administration had been disbanded.

    The crisis has also drawn international attention, with cases of foreign nationals, such as Tanzanian activist Maria Sarungi Tsehai, being abducted in Kenya, raising concerns about transnational repression and the erosion of democratic principles in the region.

  • The Great Betrayal: How South Sudan’s Elite Stole a Generation’s Future

    The Great Betrayal: How South Sudan’s Elite Stole a Generation’s Future

    In the dim glow of a Nairobi nightclub, the champagne flows like water. At famous club in Kilimani, a group of young South Sudanese elites—relatives of the very men who have brought their nation to its knees—snort lines of cocaine off the backs of hired escorts, each line costing more than a South Sudanese teacher earns in a year. The bill for tonight’s debauchery? $5,000, charged to a black Amex card linked to an offshore account. The cardholder? The 32-year-old wife of South Sudan Revenue Authority (SSRA) Commissioner General Simon Akuei Deng, a man who hasn’t paid his civil servants in eight months.

    On a different night, champagne bottles pile up in the corner of Nairobi’s most exclusive nightclub Solomon Ajok, the personal assistant of a South Sudanese Finance minister lights a cigar with a 500-dollar bill. Around him, bottles of Ace of Spades champagne – each costing more than a South Sudanese doctor earns in six months – sit half-finished on ice. His girlfriends Instagram story shows the night’s haul: cocaine arranged in the shape of South Sudan’s flag, stacks of cash tossed in the air like confetti, and a Rolex Daytona watch dangling carelessly from his wrist as he pours vodka over the head of a laughing prostitute. This is Ajok Jr., a middle aged personal assistant to one of the most corrupt fortunes in Africa, burning through money that was meant to vaccinate children and pay teachers in what has become the world’s most shameless kleptocracy.

    While Ajok snorts lines of premium Colombian cocaine off marble tables at the club in Kilimani, his godfather – Simon Akuei Deng, Commissioner General of the South Sudan Revenue Authority – presides over a financial heist so brazen it makes the looting of the Congo look tame. The numbers are staggering: 30 billion South Sudanese pounds (US200million) diverted to ghost committees; entire government departments going eight months without salaries while the thieves’ children study at the most expensive boarding schools in Kenya and cruise the Mediterranean on yachts.

    The mechanics of the theft would be impressive if they weren’t so devastating. In February 2025, Finance Minister Marial Dongrin and Deng authorized the creation of illegal “retention accounts” at Kenya Commercial Bank, bypassing the national treasury entirely. Every month like clockwork, 2 billion SSP would vanish from government coffers – enough to pay 50,000 civil servants their meager salaries. The money traveled through a labyrinth of shell companies: one moment in Juba, the next in Dubai, then suddenly appearing as a penthouse in London’s Knightsbridge for Deng’s teenage bride. Bank records show transfers timed with surgical precision – on the same day Juba’s main hospital reported running out of malaria drugs, US$300,000 landed in the account of “South Sudan Logistics Solutions LLC,” a Dubai front company that exists only on paper.

    The human cost unfolds in heartbreaking vignettes across the country. In Aweil, 14-year-old Nyibol Deng (no relation to the corrupt elite) stares at the empty blackboard where her teacher used to stand. The school hasn’t functioned in months – the teachers stopped coming when their pay dried up. Nyibol now spends her days hauling water for construction sites, her notebook gathering dust under her family’s bed. Meanwhile, in Nairobi, 15-year-old Marial Dongrin Jr. gets expelled from his US$50,000-per-term international school for showing up to class high on MDMA – again. His father simply writes another check and transfers him to an even more exclusive academy where his monthly allowance could fund a rural clinic for a year.

    In South Sudan, Five-year-old Nyakim writhes in pain on a blood-stained mattress at Juba Teaching Hospital, her tiny body ravaged by malaria. The “out of stock” sign on the empty quinine shelf mocks her mother’s prayers. Just 10km away, SSRA Commissioner Deng’s wife hosts a “charity gala” at their mansion, where guests sip US$5,000 bottles of wine to “raise awareness” about healthcare – while the hospital’s last working ventilator gathers dust in storage, its maintenance budget stolen to fund private jets.

    The excess knows no bounds. While South Sudan’s diplomats in Washington DC get evicted from their apartments for unpaid rent, the thieves’ wives take shopping trips to Paris so extravagant they require separate planes for their luggage. Security footage from December 2025 shows Rebecca Aquek, wife of SSRA Deputy Commissioner James Taban Abel Aquek, dropping US$30,000 in a single afternoon shoping at Paris’s Galeries Lafayette – the same week South Sudan’s embassy in Berlin had its electricity cut off for non-payment.

    Back home in South Sudan, Little Deng, age 3, will never walk. Polio twisted his legs like pretzels because the vaccination program collapsed when US$2 million meant for refrigerated vaccine trucks became a down payment on Commissioner Aquek’s son’s armored Bentley. As Deng crawls through the dirt outside his family’s hut, Aquek’s son races that same Bentley through the streets of Nairobi, tossing cash at traffic cops who dare question his reckless speed.

    Perhaps most galling is the education apartheid this corruption has created. In Juba’s slums, children squeeze 80 to a classroom with no textbooks, while the looters’ offspring enjoy:

    Deng’s daughter at an exclusive school (US$40,000/year) where her “study materials” include a gold-plated iPad and designer ski gear

    Dongrin’s son at a Lavington based international school(US$3,000/year) where he was recently suspended for arriving via helicopter

    Aquek’s twin boys at Kenya’s most exclusive prep school, driven daily in a US$300,000 armored Bentley

    The leaked documents tell a story of almost comical greed. One expense report shows US35,000 spent on office supplies. Another reveals USD120,000 billed to the Finance Ministry for “consultancy fees” that funded a birthday party at a Dubai nightclub where champagne was served in a pool shaped like South Sudan.

    As the nation crumbles, the elite’s children treat poverty as a fashion statement. Deng personal Assistant Ajok, was recently posted a TikTok account of his teenage girlfriend from his Nairobi mansion’s rooftop pool, laughing as he poured expensive whiskey onto the streets below while captioning it “Trickle-down economics.” The video went viral for all the wrong reasons – the whiskey he wasted in that single stunt could have paid for 10,000 school meals. The video has since been deleted.

    In Malakal, 10-year-old Adut stares at the cracked blackboard where her teacher once wrote lessons. Her government-funded school lunch – her only guaranteed meal each day – vanished eight months ago when the money was diverted to Finance Minister Dongrin’s wife’s Paris shopping spree. “Teacher said she can’t work without pay,” Adut whispers, her stomach growling as she walks home past posters of smiling politicians promising “Education for All.” Meanwhile, Dongrin’s newest wife snaps selfies with gold-leaf desserts at Maxim’s Paris, where the bill for one meal could feed Adut’s entire class for a month.

     

    The tragedy extends beyond borders. South Sudanese scholarship students in Uganda and Kenya are dropping out in droves as their stipends disappear into the ether. At Makerere University, 23-year-old engineering student Chol Mawien stares at his dismissal notice – his government scholarship hasn’t been paid in six months. “I was supposed to help rebuild my country,” he says, packing up his dorm room. Meanwhile, at the University of Nairobi, Deng’s nephew drives to class in a US$200,000 Porsche 911 Turbo S, its custom “SSRA 1” license plate a mocking reminder of where South Sudan’s future went.

    The most painful irony? Many of these thieves were educated on government scholarships themselves. Marial Dongrin, the architect of this looting, studied in Kenya on a South Sudanese taxpayer-funded grant. Now he denies that same opportunity to an entire generation.

    As the IMF hesitates and the world looks away, the thieves grow bolder. Last month, Deng purchased a US$250,000 yacht and named it “The Revenue Collector” – a joke so cruel it would be funny if children weren’t starving because of it.

    South Sudan doesn’t need aid. It needs justice. It needs the mansions sold, the yachts seized, the offshore accounts frozen. Most of all, it needs its stolen billions returned – every dollar, every pound, every life that could have been saved.

    The champagne may still flow in Lavington tonight, but history’s judgment is coming. And when it arrives, no amount of stolen wealth will save these men from the wrath of a nation betrayed.

    The Theft Machine
    The mechanics of this generational robbery are meticulously cruel:

    Every SSP 100,000 stolen from school budgets = 10 more girls like Adut forced into early marriage

    Every “lost” hospital million = 100 more children dead from preventable diseases like Nyakim

    Every diverted vaccine dollar = Another Deng condemned to a lifetime of suffering

    Yet the looting continues unabated. Last week, as Nyakim took her final breath in that understaffed hospital, Finance Minister Dongrin approved US$25,000 for his daughter’s “security detail” – a Range Rovers and a team of ex-Israeli commandos to protect her while she parties in Kenya.

  • Garissa County Spends Sh40M on Unbudgeted Cultural Event Amid Ongoing Corruption Allegations Against Governor Nathif

    GARISSA, Kenya – Garissa County faces fresh scrutiny after revelations that the county government spent over KSh 40 million on an unbudgeted cultural event in May 2025, sparking outrage among residents already grappling with water shortages, inadequate healthcare, and unpaid bills.

    The May 16 event, themed “Celebrating Timeless Traditions Woven in Unity,” has intensified corruption allegations against Governor Nathif Jama’s administration, adding to a pattern of financial mismanagement that has plagued the county for years.

    Unaccounted Cultural Spending

    The cultural festival was not included in either the main or supplementary budgets for the 2024/2025 financial year, according to Garissa County Assembly Budget Committee Chair Hajir Dahiye.

    “There was no money allocated for that event as far as we know, and as a committee, we are going to question the relevant officials involved,” said Dahiye, who also represents Abakaile Ward.

    The event featured high-profile guests including Ethiopia’s Somali Region President Mustafe Muhumed Omar, Somalia’s MP Abdirashid Hidig, Council of Governors Chairperson Ahmed Abdullahi, and Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale.

    Cultural performances by communities from across Kenya—including the Borana, Maasai, Kalenjin, Kikuyu, Mijikenda, Meru, and Kisii—were accompanied by camel races and boat competitions.

    Sub-county administrators reportedly received between KSh 100,000 and KSh 300,000 each to coordinate transport and accommodation for performers.

    Public Outcry Over Misplaced Priorities

    Local leaders have condemned the expenditure as wasteful given the county’s struggling public services. Muktar Dahir Osman, Chairman of the Garissa County Human Rights Network, expressed frustration: “Today we have a huge problem of water; the county cannot give the people of Garissa water, and here they are spending millions for cultural events. This is so sad and unfortunate.”

    Osman argued that since devolution began, Garissa has “nothing to show” for its development, citing the cultural event as evidence of misplaced priorities.

    Prominent Islamic scholar Sheikh Mohamed Abdi Umal accused Governor Nathif of setting a poor example for North Eastern Province counties, while critics questioned the event’s tangible benefits to residents struggling with underfunded health, education, and water services.

    Official Denials Met with Skepticism

    County Secretary Mohamud Mursal denied that county funds were used for the event, claiming it was sponsored by “well-wishers.” However, no details about these alleged sponsors have been provided, fueling suspicions given the county’s history of opaque financial dealings.

    The County Assembly’s Budget Committee has vowed to investigate the expenditure and hold responsible officials accountable.

    History of Corruption Allegations

    This latest controversy adds to mounting corruption allegations against Governor Nathif, who previously served as Garissa’s inaugural governor from 2013 to 2017 before reclaiming the position in 2022.

    The most explosive revelation came in July 2017 when the High Court froze Nathif’s personal bank account containing over KSh 5.2 billion following EACC investigations.

    Bank statements obtained by investigators revealed 32 deposits totaling KSh 2.4 billion made between January 2015 and May 2016, with six major transfers directly from Garissa County Government accounts totaling KSh 2.3 billion.

    The largest single deposit was KSh 622 million in May 2016, while other significant transfers included KSh 525 million in July 2015 and KSh 510 million in November 2015.

    In 2017, Nathif presented himself to the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) after the Director of Public Prosecutions approved charges against him and seven others for irregular ambulance service leasing. Nathif dismissed the charges as a “political witch hunt,” arguing that similar arrangements were used by eight other counties. The case’s outcome remains unclear.

    Current EACC Investigations

    The January 2025 EACC annual status report confirms that Garissa County remains under active investigation for multiple corruption cases.

    The county faces probe over procurement irregularities in the single sourcing of ambulance services from Emergency Plus Medical Services during the 2022/2023 financial year. Additionally, EACC is investigating the misappropriation of KSh 128 million awarded to Aram Investment Limited for county headquarters extension during the same period.

    These current investigations compound the county’s corruption woes, demonstrating a pattern of financial misconduct spanning over a decade under Nathif’s leadership. Key findings included KSh 1.475 billion spent on asset acquisitions, including KSh 32.26 million on office furniture lacking proper documentation; KSh 154.72 million in unaccounted transfers to entities like Garissa County Referral Hospital; KSh 570.17 million in unexplained pending accounts payable; KSh 37.8 million in unsupported locum payments to 114 medical staff; and KSh 26 million worth of pharmaceutical supplies lacking documentation.

    Systematic Looting of Development Funds

    Perhaps most damaging are revelations about the systematic diversion of funds meant for students and community development. According to IFMIS records dated August 28, 2023, only KSh 16 million of a publicly announced KSh 100 million bursary allocation was actually disbursed to students—representing a mere 16% of the promised amount. Governor Jama had publicly announced the bursary program on March 25, 2023, but sources indicate the remaining KSh 84 million was diverted by the governor and his associates, leaving hundreds of students unable to continue their education due to unpaid fees.

    Similarly, a KSh 100 million revolving fund allocation saw only KSh 40 million reach its intended beneficiaries, with the remaining KSh 60 million allegedly pocketed by Jama’s inner circle. These diversions directly impacted the county’s most vulnerable populations, undermining both educational opportunities and economic empowerment initiatives.

    Garissa Women Representative Amina Siyat Udgoon has accused Nathif of personal enrichment through corrupt practices, alleging that County Secretary Mohamud Hassan placed family members in key financial positions to manage illegally acquired funds.

    In May 2024, Nathif faced Senate Committee questioning for operating without substantive accounting officers for over two years, highlighting systemic governance failures.

    Flight to London Amid Mounting Pressure

    The corruption allegations reached a crescendo in May 2024 when Governor Nathif fled to London as pressure mounted over the financial misconduct probe. Flight records show he was scheduled to return to Nairobi on May 31, 2024, but his absence failed to quell growing public protests about his administration’s handling of county funds.

    Contrary to expectations within Nathif’s camp that his temporary departure would allow the controversy to subside, residents and civil society groups intensified their demands for accountability during his absence.

    Promises Versus Reality

    Despite his banking background spanning over 30 years, Nathif’s ambitious development promises have largely gone unfulfilled. His 11-point plan included improving food security, livestock development, education, infrastructure, water, sanitation, healthcare, and tourism.

    Upon re-election in 2022, Nathif promised to restore services and address water shortages and healthcare deficiencies, claiming deals with Kenya Power and the Kenya Medical Supplies Authority. However, residents argue these promises remain unmet.

    The discovery of over 3,000 ghost workers costing KSh 414 million monthly in 2022 further highlighted mismanagement under Nathif’s administration. The audit revealed unqualified staff in senior positions and irregular promotions.

    Allegations of Compromised Anti-Corruption Efforts

    Adding to the complexity of the situation are allegations that the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) has been compromised in its investigation of Garissa County. Sources claim that EACC officers have received bribes from Governor Jama, potentially explaining the commission’s apparent reluctance to take decisive action despite mounting evidence of financial impropriety.

    These allegations, if proven true, would represent a serious compromise of Kenya’s anti-corruption infrastructure and explain why previous cases against Nathif have failed to result in convictions despite substantial evidence of wrongdoing.

    Broader Corruption Context

    Garissa’s challenges reflect wider corruption issues in Kenya’s devolved units. The 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index ranked Kenya 121st out of 180 countries with a score of 32 out of 100, indicating a highly corrupt public sector. Auditor-General Nancy Gathungu’s reports consistently flag counties for procurement violations and unaccounted funds, with Garissa frequently cited.

    Conclusion

    The KSh 40 million cultural event expenditure represents more than financial mismanagement—it symbolizes deeper governance failures under Governor Nathif’s administration. With mounting corruption allegations spanning irregular contracts, unsupported payments, systematic fund diversions, and allegations of compromising anti-corruption agencies, the county leadership faces unprecedented scrutiny.

    The pattern of financial misconduct—from the KSh 84 million bursary theft that denied education to hundreds of students to the KSh 60 million revolving fund diversion that blocked economic opportunities—reveals an administration that has prioritized personal enrichment over public service. Governor Nathif’s flight to London amid mounting pressure only reinforced perceptions of guilt and accountability avoidance.

    As residents demand accountability and basic services, Garissa’s administration must address systemic issues to restore public trust and fulfill devolution’s promise. The upcoming County Assembly investigation will test whether the county can break its cycle of mismanagement and prioritize residents’ needs.

    Sources: Frontier Online, The Standard, Tuko.co.ke, Kenya Insights, Kenya News Agency

  • Mauritius Commercial Bank Expands Influence in East Africa with Strategic Leadership Move

    Mauritius Commercial Bank Expands Influence in East Africa with Strategic Leadership Move

    Mauritius Commercial Bank (MCB) has taken a bold step in strengthening its presence in East Africa by appointing Felix Gichaga as its new Regional Head for Corporate and Institutional Banking. This move signals the bank’s commitment to deepening its footprint in the region’s financial sector.

    MCB’s Growing Presence in East Africa

    MCB has been expanding across Africa, seeking to tap into new markets.

    The appointment of Gichaga underscores the bank’s strategy to solidify its role in corporate and institutional banking in East Africa.

    With operations in multiple countries, MCB aims to increase its influence in sectors such as trade finance, investment banking, and cross-border financial services.

    Who is Felix Gichaga?

    Gichaga is a seasoned banker with years of experience in the financial sector.

    He has held leadership positions in several regional and international banks, giving him an edge in understanding the East African market.

    His expertise in corporate finance, risk management, and banking operations makes him a strategic fit for MCB’s expansion plan.

    What This Means for East African Businesses

    The appointment is expected to enhance financial services for businesses across the region.

    MCB’s focus on corporate banking will provide firms with better access to funding and trade solutions.

    The bank is likely to introduce new financial products tailored to the needs of businesses in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and beyond.

    MCB’s Expansion Strategy

    The bank has been pursuing aggressive regional growth to compete with established African and international banks.

    Its strategy involves forming partnerships with local financial institutions to leverage existing networks.

    MCB is also looking to tap into Africa’s growing demand for digital banking and financial technology solutions.

    Challenges Ahead

    The East African banking sector is highly competitive, with local and international players vying for market share.

    Regulatory frameworks differ across countries, posing challenges to cross-border banking.

    Economic uncertainties, currency fluctuations, and political risks could impact MCB’s expansion plans.

    A Game-Changer for Regional Banking?

    With MCB strengthening its leadership and investment in East Africa, businesses in the region may benefit from improved access to capital, trade finance, and banking services. Gichaga’s appointment is not just a personnel change—it is a statement of intent.

    As MCB deepens its roots in the region, will it disrupt the banking landscape, or will it face hurdles from established players? The coming years will reveal whether this move transforms MCB into a dominant force in East African banking.

  • EADB Caught Writing Press Releases for Judiciary After Losing Immunity Case

    EADB Caught Writing Press Releases for Judiciary After Losing Immunity Case

    The East African Development Bank (EADB) has crossed the line. After years of bulldozing Raphael Tuju in a legal dispute over a 27-acre land in Karen, the bank has now resorted to writing press releases for the Judiciary.

    This comes after EADB lost a critical case, stripping it of immunity from prosecution. Instead of accepting the ruling, the bank has launched a desperate smear campaign, spending a staggering $3 million through Ogilvy PR to shut down negative coverage.

    Judiciary and EADB Issue Identical Statements

    Hours after the Judiciary released a media brief warning the press against covering Tuju’s dispute with EADB, the bank issued its own uniform statement.

    The wording left no doubt—EADB had drafted the statement, and the Judiciary merely added its signature.

    This is not just unethical. It is an open display of collusion between a financial entity and the very body meant to uphold justice.

    A Direct Attack on Media Freedom

    EADB went further, warning the media against reporting on its conduct.

    “This notwithstanding, the Bank urges the Fourth Estate to exercise its duty to objectivity—the bedrock upon which the profession is founded—by counterchecking claims made on the Bank’s operations against available facts, which we are ready to offer whenever requested,” read the statement.

    The Judiciary echoed the same message.

    “We also call on the media to verify facts before reporting on such matters to avoid contributing to misinformation or disinformation,” said Judiciary spokesperson Paul Ndemo.

    Since when did the Judiciary become the mouthpiece of a bank? Who exactly is pulling the strings?

    EADB’s Fear of Public Scrutiny

    EADB is in panic mode. Tuju has gained the upper hand both in court and in public opinion. Instead of facing accountability, the bank is resorting to threats, PR gimmicks, and behind-the-scenes deals with the Judiciary.

    What is EADB so afraid of?

    If the bank has nothing to hide, why is it spending millions to control the narrative?

    Why is the Judiciary taking sides in a private legal dispute?

    A History of Battles Over His Properties

    This is not the first time Tuju has had to fight for his properties against what he calls corporate-backed fraud and judicial corruption. Over the years, he has accused banks, lawyers, and auctioneers of orchestrating schemes to rob him of his assets.

    The Karen Land Dispute – Tuju has been embroiled in a battle with EADB over the 27-acre land in Karen, which he insists was illegally targeted in a fraudulent loan deal.

    The Sh4.5 Billion Loan Scam – Tuju has maintained that false affidavits and backroom dealings were used to manipulate a case against him, pushing him to the brink of losing property worth billions.

    Lawyers and Judges in Collusion – He has called out Senior Counsels Githu Muigai and Fred Ojiambo for their role in cases that allegedly sought to dispossess him of his assets.

    Tuju has repeatedly pointed out that these legal fights are not just about him—they reflect a larger pattern where powerful entities abuse the court system to seize properties from individuals and businesses.

    Tuju Takes the Fight to Court

    Today, Raphael Tuju will be in court alongside Senior Counsels Nelson Havi and Ahmednassir Abdullahi. The legal team is set to challenge the Supreme Court’s handling of the case and expose the Judiciary’s compromised position.

    This is no longer just a land dispute. It is a fight against judicial overreach, corporate influence, and blatant abuse of power.

    The Kenyan Judiciary is in crisis. The question is—who will hold it accountable?