Tag: Succesion

  • The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    How a US-sanctioned businessman has maneuvered into position to potentially lead one of Africa’s most troubled nations

    JUBA, South Sudan — In the labyrinthine corridors of South Sudan’s political establishment, few ascents have been as meteoric—or as controversial—as that of Dr. Benjamin Bol Mel. Once a businessman operating in the shadows of President Salva Kiir’s inner circle, Mel has emerged as the regime’s heir apparent despite being under active US sanctions for corruption since 2017.

    The latest chapter in this remarkable political transformation unfolded this week when President Kiir appointed Mel as First Vice Chairperson of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), positioning him directly in line for the presidency according to the country’s transitional arrangements.

    Mel’s journey to the apex of South Sudanese power began in the commercial sector, where he built a business empire centered around road construction and government contracts.

    His companies including the now-sanctioned ABMC Thai-South Sudan Construction Company and Home and Away Ltd secured lucrative deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, often without competitive bidding processes.

    The businessman’s proximity to President Kiir proved invaluable. Serving as Kiir’s principal financial advisor and later as Presidential Envoy on Special Programmes, Mel cultivated relationships that would later translate into political capital.

    His appointment as Vice President for the Economic Cluster in February 2025, replacing long-time Kiir ally James Wani Igga, marked his formal entry into the highest echelons of government.

    But it was Tuesday’s announcement that truly signaled Mel’s ascendancy.

    By naming him First Vice Chairperson of the SPLM, Kiir has effectively positioned his protégé as his potential successor, should the presidency become vacant during the current transitional period.

    The Sanctions Shadow

    Mel’s rise occurs under the long shadow of US sanctions imposed during the first Trump administration in December 2017.

    The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated Mel and several of his companies under the Global Magnitsky Act, citing their involvement in corruption schemes that diverted public resources for personal gain.

    The sanctions were renewed in April 2025, with OFAC maintaining that Mel continues to pose risks to South Sudan’s financial integrity.

    According to US authorities, his network of companies received over $3.5 billion in no-bid government contracts, including questionable deals for road construction projects that vastly exceeded standard costs.

    Perhaps most damaging are allegations that Mel operated under the alias “Kuol Akol Wieu” to obscure his business dealings.

    Investigative reports suggest this false identity was used to register companies and secure contracts while evading scrutiny, a practice that has drawn sharp criticism from anti-corruption advocates.

    Bol Mel.
    Bol Mel.

    The South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission itself has reportedly been blocked from investigating Mel’s activities, with Commission Chairperson Ngor Kolong Ngor revealing that his agency discovered a UAE bank account linked to Mel containing $457.2 million, but was ordered not to pursue the matter.

    Constitutional and international implications

    Mel’s elevation raises serious questions about South Sudan’s commitment to good governance and transparency.

    His appointment appears to violate multiple provisions of the country’s Transitional Constitution, including Article 121(2), which prohibits public officials from engaging in private business activities.

    More broadly, his rise to power puts South Sudan at odds with international anti-corruption frameworks.

    The country is signatory to both the UN Convention Against Corruption and the African Union Anti-Corruption Convention, both of which require the exclusion of officials credibly implicated in graft.

    The financial implications extend beyond symbolic concerns.

    As a designated person under US sanctions, any dollar-based transactions involving Mel carry legal risks for international partners.

    This reality threatens to complicate South Sudan’s relationships with international financial institutions, donors, and correspondent banks, potentially triggering a cascade of economic consequences for the oil-dependent nation.

    The appointment comes at a particularly sensitive moment for South Sudan’s international relationships.

    The country remains on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list for money laundering risks, and has missed key reform benchmarks that would improve its financial credibility.

    Meanwhile, South Sudan’s oil revenues—the government’s primary source of income—are already heavily mortgaged through a controversial $13 billion loan agreement with a UAE shell company that has pledged the country’s crude exports until 2042.

    UN experts have flagged this deal as potentially corrupt, with some reports suggesting Mel’s involvement.

    The US Embassy in Juba has already expressed concern about the promotion of sanctioned individuals to senior government positions, warning that such moves could further strain bilateral relations.

    A planned South Sudanese delegation to Washington faces the challenging task of addressing not only visa disputes and deportation issues, but also US concerns about the elevation of sanctioned figures to positions of influence.

    The succession question

    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.
    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.

    While President Kiir has given no indication of retirement plans, political observers increasingly view Mel’s appointments as laying groundwork for an eventual transition.

    Under Article 1.6.5 of the 2018 peace agreement, should the presidency become vacant, the replacement would be nominated by the top leadership body of the ruling party—a position Mel now holds as First Vice Chairperson.

    This succession planning occurs against the backdrop of ongoing tensions with First Vice President Riek Machar, who remains under house arrest following clashes in Upper Nile state.

    Some of Kiir’s allies have suggested that the peace process can continue without Machar, potentially clearing the path for alternative succession arrangements.

    The 2018 peace agreement contains provisions that could theoretically bar both Kiir and Machar from future elections, given their citation by a 2015 commission for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    However, the hybrid court meant to adjudicate such matters has never been established, leaving these restrictions largely theoretical.

    Mel’s ascent represents more than individual ambition—it signals a fundamental transformation in the nature of the South Sudanese state.

    What began as a post-conflict nation struggling toward democratic governance increasingly resembles what critics describe as a “criminal enterprise with a seat at the UN.”

    The integration of a sanctioned individual into the highest levels of government sends a stark message about the regime’s priorities and its relationship with international norms.

    For a country already grappling with economic crisis, humanitarian challenges, and weak institutions, the elevation of a figure under active corruption sanctions represents a particularly troubling development.

    Civil society groups have warned that Mel’s appointment marks “South Sudan’s final descent into kleptocracy,” arguing that his control over economic policy could institutionalize corruption at unprecedented levels.

    The Reclaim Campaign, a South Sudanese civil society coalition, has characterized the move as crossing a “dangerous threshold” that transforms the country from a fragile post-conflict state into something far more problematic.

    As South Sudan approaches scheduled elections in December 2026, Mel’s positioning raises fundamental questions about the country’s trajectory.

    His rise illustrates how individuals can leverage proximity to power and control over resources to achieve political prominence, even while under international sanctions.

    The international community faces difficult choices in responding to these developments.

    Continued engagement risks legitimizing a regime increasingly dominated by sanctioned individuals, while isolation could further destabilize an already fragile state with significant humanitarian needs.

    For South Sudan’s 12 million citizens, Mel’s ascent represents both continuity and change—continuity in the dominance of a small elite over the country’s resources, and change in the brazenness with which such dominance is now exercised.

    Whether this trajectory can be altered, or whether it represents South Sudan’s new normal, may well determine the country’s future for decades to come.

    The rise of Benjamin Bol Mel thus stands as more than a political appointment—it represents a test case for international efforts to promote good governance in fragile states, and a stark reminder of how quickly democratic aspirations can give way to more troubling realities.

  • Succession: Kibaki’s Hidden Wealth And Partners Revealed In Court

    Succession: Kibaki’s Hidden Wealth And Partners Revealed In Court

    In what is now turning into an ugly succession battle between the late President Mwai Kibaki’s family and his alleged kids, a can of worm has been opened disclosing the vast empire of the former Kenya’s head of state.

    Fresh documents filed in court by a woman claiming to be former President Mwai Kibaki’s daughter indicate that he might have had more wealth than what his family indicated.

    The woman, codenamed JNL, accuses Kibaki’s children of failing to tell the court that Kenya’s third president was worth more than they indicated in the succession case.

    According to JNL, Kibaki was worth more than Sh50 million.

    “This fact was well known and within the knowledge of the petitioners but they did not disclose it to the court when they filed the petition for grant of probate as they only disclosed that my father left behind an estate worth less than Sh50 million only,” said JNL.

    JNL was responding to the succession case filed by Kibaki’s children – Judith Wanjiku, James Mark Kibaki, David Kagai Kibaki, and Anthony Githinji Kibaki.

    In her documents, the woman said that she opted to conduct a search which indicated Kibaki was a director and shareholder of blue-chip companies.

    The first company she conducted a search on was Roirie Investment Company Limited. According to her, the firm is listed as a shareholder or director of International House Limited.

    The shareholding, according to her, is 27,000 out of the total 100,000 shares.

    “My father is the majority shareholder of Roirie Investment Limited with 999 ordinary shares out of 100 shares. This fact was not disclosed to the court by the petitioners, despite the fact that David Kagai Kibaki and Anthony Andrew Githinji are aware that they are directors of Roirie Investment Limited,” she claimed.

    Further, she said, Wanjiku is a shareholder of Roirie with one ordinary share.

    In her documents, International House Limited is worth two million nominal capital shares. There are two types of shares; ordinary A and B and they are worth Sh20 each. According to the CR12, the listed shareholders are the estate of the late Christopher John Kirubi, Mwaki Kibaki, Mary Ann Kirubi and Robert Maina Kirubi as trustees of Intertrust, Kiruma Holdings Limited and Stephen Njoroge Waruhiu.

    Others are Roirie Investment, David Kagai Kibaki, Robert Maina, Angela Pearl Namwakira, and Mary Ann Kirubi.

    “It is clear that the petitioners were very economical with the truth and misrepresentation or withheld truthful facts from the court.

    “It is therefore clear that my father held a total 20,033 ordinary shares plus another 27,000 ordinary shares through his company Roirie Investment Company Limited, making him the half shareholder of International House Limited that owns International Life House with a total 47,033 shares out of the total 100,000,” she said.

    The other company in JNL’s claim is Lucia and Company Limited. In Lucia, she said Kibaki owned 69 out 100 shares.

    In Lucia, those listed are Kagai (director), Wanjiku (director), Gucharam Das Tandon, former First Lady Lucy Muthoni Kibaki (director or shareholder), Patrick Kamau Gacheru (secretary) and Kibaki.

    The other company in JNL’s reply is Gingalili (1968) Limited which has Githinji, the former president, his wife, and Wanjiku as directors or shareholders.

    JNL also produced the CR12 of Pinpoint Investments Limited. The document indicates Kibaki and Wanjiku are the shareholders while Kamau is the secretary.

    Two days before Christmas Eve of 2016, Kibaki penned his signature to a six-page document and sealed his wishes on how he intended to pass his wealth to his generation.

    With four strikes of a pen, Kenya’s third president and an economist by profession mapped out how his earthly wealth would be increased by his children and his legacy name etched from one generation to another.

    Kibaki, in his will, kept his children-in-law out of his succession matrix and ordered that his wealth should be managed through a holding company.

    Kibaki’s will, written three years after his exit from the government that he served for 10 years, meticulously details his preferred interment place, his executors, specific gifts, residues, and how his grandchildren will inherit the wealth.

    In the will, Kibaki appointed his children Judy Wanjiku, Jimmy Kibaki, David Kagai and Anthony Githinji as the executors. He instructed them to work as a one unit and not as independent executors.

    “I appoint my children to be joint and not several executors and executrix of my will,” Kibaki said in the will, adding that he would refer to the four as his children. According to him, cash in bank which is under his sole name should be distributed equally and absolutely between them.

    At the same time, Kibaki directed that any amount of identified assets ought to be distributed according to the will and memorandum which would be addressed to the executors.

    Kibaki also wished that his personal effects should be bequeathed to the Mwai Kibaki Foundation. According to the will, the effects that include his personal papers may not be disposed by the foundation.

    If the Mwai Kibaki Foundation will not have been established, he directed that his personal effects be given to any other charitable organisation that would be founded in his memory.

    Kibaki said that the assets, personal effects and money that he had not gifted his children and which would remain after sorting out his debts and duties would be treated as residue and be transferred to a holding company.

    According to him, he and his children would be shareholders in the firm but upon his death, his shares would be evenly distributed to the children.

    He, however, had a caveat that executors would issue the shares only if each of his children agreed to be bound by a shareholding agreement.

    Kibaki was among the administrators of his wife Lucy’s wealth. She was estimated to be worth around Sh200 million. Mama Lucy died at Bupa Cromwell Hospital in London aged 80 on April 26, 2016.

    Her estate comprised of prime properties in Mombasa, money in banks and shares in a blue chip company. In addition to his, the heirs may be solidifying their count in the millionaire’s club.

    However, JNL and Jacob Ocholla Mwai are opposed to the succession process, arguing that Kibaki did not include them in the will albeit them being his children.

    JNL narrated that she was born in 1961. According to her, her mother and the late Kibaki met while they were both students in the United Kingdom in late 1950s.

    In another set of fresh court filing, her mother who is now 98 years has affirmed her story.

    “H.E Emilio Mwai Kibaki is the biological father of my daughter,” said the woman, codenamed NML.

    According to her, she met Kibaki in the UK in the late 1950s. At that time, she said, Kibaki was in London School of Economics and Political Science studying economics, while she was in the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine studying nutrition.

    “Our relationship continued even after we both returned to Kenya, having completed our studies, and having taken up jobs. Out of the relationship, the above named daughter was born on Friday, December 1, 1961 at the Aga Khan Hospital Nairobi,” claimed NML.

    She said that Kibaki was aware about it and he knew about her progress over the years. In her application, JNL claimed that she had tried to involve a Catholic Church bishop to have Kibaki’s four children meet for a possible out-of-court settlement.

    “In recognition of the familial relationships, I made efforts on numerous occasions to reach out to the petitioners multiple times with a view of finding a resolve to the succession cause amicably,” says JNL, adding that her efforts were in vain.