Kenya Insights

Tag: South Sudan

  • The President’s Daughter and The Missing Witness: How Adut Salva Kiir’s Shadow Treasury Silenced Its Most Dangerous Critic

    The President’s Daughter and The Missing Witness: How Adut Salva Kiir’s Shadow Treasury Silenced Its Most Dangerous Critic

    KEY INDIVIDUALS

    Adut Salva Kiir Mayardit — Eldest daughter of President Salva Kiir Mayardit; Senior Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes since August 2025; alleged principal of Crawford Capital / CapitalPay network; named by Athorbey in his safety filings as the person to investigate should he be harmed.

    Garang Mayom Kuoc Malek — CEO and Managing Director of Crawford Capital; holds approximately 68 percent of the company and 61.2 percent of CapitalPay; named alongside Adut in Athorbey’s safety filings.

    Ariech Wol Mayar Ariec (Ariech Mayar Wol) — CFO and Chair of Crawford Capital / CapitalPay; alleged financier of the abduction operation.

    Jeremy Gisemba — Kenyan businessman and significant shareholder in Crawford Capital and CapitalPay.

    Akec Tong — Director General of the NSS Internal Security Bureau; allegedly issued the arrest warrant for Athorbey on fabricated espionage charges.

    Brigadier General Rizik Dominic Samuel — Director General, National Communications Authority; named in the Crawford network chart.

    James Wani Igga — Vice President of South Sudan; overruled Trade Minister Atong Kuol Manyang Juuk’s suspension of Crawford Capital operations in March 2026, directly protecting the network.

    Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit (Gadafi Athorbey Guet, ‘Daffi’) — Kenyan-South Sudanese whistleblower, businessman, and Crawford Capital exposé source; abducted from Nairobi on June 10, 2026 and transported to military intelligence detention in Juba; suffers underlying medical conditions.


    THE SNATCHING

    The last person to speak with Athorbey Gadafi Guet before his world went dark was his wife. She told Radio Tamazuj she last heard his voice at approximately 10:19 p.m. on Monday, June 8. By 3 a.m. on the Wednesday morning, when he had still not come home and his phone lines had gone dead, she knew the moment she had long dreaded had arrived.

    According to a police report filed at Kilimani Police Station and seen by AFP, Athorbey had left Lucky 8 Casino near Yaya Centre in Nairobi’s upmarket Kilimani district and boarded a Bolt ride arranged by casino staff. What happened next took no more than minutes. A white pickup carrying masked, armed men blocked his vehicle, overpowered him at gunpoint and bundled him inside. His wife, tracing his phone’s last signal to a hospital on Kiambu Road and finding nothing, received a call from a relative who had seen the police report. Her husband was gone.

    Amnesty International Kenya moved with unusual speed, issuing a statement within hours expressing grave concern and naming what it believed was happening: an enforced disappearance. The rights organisation said it believed Athorbey was being held at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport awaiting deportation to South Sudan and described the incident as bearing the hallmarks of a grave violation of both Kenyan and international law.

    “If Mr Gaddhaffy-Dit is suspected of any offence, the only lawful course of action is to proceed through Kenya’s justice system, not through abduction, incommunicado detention, and deportation.” — Amnesty International Kenya

    The deportation feared by Amnesty swiftly materialised. Sources in the border towns of Lokichoggio and Nadapal confirmed that Athorbey was driven across the Kenyan frontier and transported toward Juba, where he arrived at a military intelligence detention facility. He is now reportedly held on fabricated espionage charges, the arrest warrant allegedly issued by Akec Tong, Director General of the National Security Service’s Internal Security Bureau. He is accused, in the darkly ironic language of authoritarian retribution, of leaking information about Crawford Capital.

    As for who gave the order: multiple sources with direct knowledge of the operation have identified Adut Salva Kiir Mayardit and Garang Mayom Kuoch as the principals behind the abduction. The operation is said to have been financed by Ariech Wol Mayar Ariec, who serves as CFO and Chair of Crawford and CapitalPay, and by elements within the National Communications Authority leadership.

    Athorbey had anticipated this. Before he disappeared, he filed statements at multiple Nairobi police stations warning that if he were harmed, abducted, or killed, investigators should examine links to Adut Salva Kiir and Garang Mayom Kuoch. Those statements are now evidence of something far worse than he hoped they would ever be used for.

    Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit, also styled Gadafi Athorbey Guet or ‘Daffi’, holds dual Kenyan-South Sudanese citizenship. His abduction therefore also constitutes a violation of Kenyan sovereignty and a failure of Kenya’s duty to protect its own citizens. Relatives confirm he has underlying medical conditions requiring regular attention; the conditions in military intelligence facilities in South Sudan are not compatible with adequate care.

    THE MACHINE HE EXPOSED: CRAWFORD CAPITAL’S ARCHITECTURE OF PLUNDER

    To understand why a man was snatched from the streets of Nairobi in the dead of night, you must first understand what he knew. And what Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit knew about Crawford Capital Ltd. was enough to embarrass a president, implicate a president’s daughter, and help trigger sanctions from the world’s most powerful nation.

    Crawford Capital Ltd. is registered in the United Kingdom, a corporate detail that has allowed it to present itself as a legitimate fintech company while functioning as something altogether different: a private tax collection bureau operated primarily for the benefit of South Sudan’s ruling elite. Its operational arm, CapitalPay, controls the country’s entire e-government service delivery infrastructure, the electronic gateway through which businesses must pass for e-visas, trade permits, customs clearances, and crucially the Electronic Crude Oil Accreditation Permit, the ECOAP system through which every single barrel of South Sudanese crude oil exported must be cleared.

    Crawford secured its stranglehold through a November 2019 no-bid contract with the Ministry of Information, Communication Technology and Postal Services, signed under Minister Thomas Tut Lam. The terms of that contract, reviewed by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan and reported on extensively by Radio Tamazuj and other investigators, are staggering in their audacity. Under the arrangement, Crawford retains 75 percent of all revenues collected through its platforms. The South Sudanese government, the owner of the taxes being collected and the supposed custodian of the public interest, receives 25 cents for every shilling that should flow to its treasury.

    The UN Commission’s September 2025 report, titled Plundering a Nation: How Rampant Corruption Unleashed a Human Rights Crisis in South Sudan, described profit splits of this nature as unjustifiable and indicative of abuse of public office. The more precise word is robbery. Banks were reportedly directed to route non-oil revenues into accounts controlled by Crawford rather than official treasury channels, severing the public money supply from the public good entirely.

    The crude oil levy alone illustrates the scale of the haemorrhage. Every cargo of South Sudanese crude requires ECOAP clearance, with a 0.03 percent levy on cargo values flowing directly to CapitalPay. Single shipments have generated fees of between 146,000 and 166,000 US dollars. South Sudan exported 22 cargoes of Dar and Nile blend crude oil between January and October 2025 alone. The financial accumulation for Crawford and its principals over the years of the contract is, as the UN Commission noted, enormous.

    The humanitarian cost of this arrangement is not abstract. Between 2020 and 2024, less than 48 percent of collected non-oil revenues reached core government services. Health received under 0.9 percent of the national budget on average. Education received approximately 2.3 percent. In a country where, despite receiving more than 25 billion US dollars in oil-related inflows since independence in 2011, more than half the population faces acute food insecurity and four million citizens have been displaced, the Crawford arrangement was not merely corrupt. According to the UN Commission’s own framing, it was a direct driver of the human rights catastrophe gripping the country.

    “Crawford’s e-Services, implemented through Crawford Capital Ltd., have facilitated organised corruption and predation, resulting in further revenue diversion.” — UN Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, September 2025

    In 2024, Crawford’s reach extended even further into the humanitarian sector. The company extended an unlawful fuel import levy onto tax-exempt humanitarian organisations, including organisations supplying critical food aid operations. The UN Commission documented how this move contributed to the suspension of World Food Programme distributions at a moment when tens of millions of South Sudanese were already facing acute starvation. A company capturing 75 percent of national revenues was not content with that bounty; it reached into the lifeline supplies keeping children alive and took a cut from those too.

    The 2022 Ebola and COVID preparedness project deepened the pattern. A 10 million dollar advance disbursed for pandemic response was never fully accounted for, illustrating how the Crawford network used every crisis, digital, fiscal, or public health, as another opportunity for financial extraction.

    ADUT AT THE APEX: THE SHADOW TREASURY AND ITS ARCHITECT

    The formal ownership structure of Crawford Capital lists Garang Mayom Kuoc Malek as holding approximately 68 percent of the company and 61.2 percent of CapitalPay, with Kenyan businessman Jeremy Gisemba holding a significant stake alongside him. Ariech Mayar Wol serves as CFO and Chair. Ruey Majok Guandong, the other co-founder, rounds out the disclosed principals. On paper, this is a private fintech company with South Sudanese and Kenyan shareholders, no more and no less.

    But accountability researchers circulating an organisational chart titled The Crawford/CapitalPay Looting Squad have placed a different face at the very top. That face belongs to Adut Salva Kiir Mayardit, the eldest daughter of President Salva Kiir and the woman currently serving as Senior Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes. Africa Confidential, the authoritative intelligence outlet reporting on the continent since 1960, described Crawford’s network as her shadow treasury. The description has proven durable because every piece of subsequent investigation has reinforced it.

    The connection between Adut and Crawford runs deeper than a simple accusation. Garang Mayom Kuoc Malek and Ruey Majok Guandong, Crawford’s co-founders, have a documented history of forming companies with politically connected individuals. Notably, radio Tamazuj’s investigation revealed that the same Malek and Guandong previously formed a company together with Mayar Salva Kiir, the President’s son, through a vehicle called Air Afrik Aviation Limited in 2013. The Kiir family’s commercial entanglement with these same founders predates Crawford by years.

    Syracuse University professor Jok Madut Jok, one of South Sudan’s most respected scholars, told Radio Tamazuj in an interview published this week that Adut’s position as Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes operates without any clear constitutional basis, mandate, or limits of authority. She has effectively created a power centre outside all formal institutions, answerable to no one but her father, and wielding influence over the economic architecture of the state.

    The succession dimension is the most alarming element of this picture. Sources cited by Radio Tamazuj indicate that Adut is actively being discussed in political circles as a candidate for Vice President in place of James Wani Igga, and possibly as First Deputy Chair of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, a positioning that would place her directly on the trajectory to inherit power from her ailing father. Those within her networks, Professor Jok told Tamazuj, have heard her express precisely these ambitions.

    The Crisis Group, in a March 2026 briefing, confirmed how Kiir has dramatically concentrated power within his family as his health has deteriorated and his circle of trust has shrunk. In October 2024, Kiir dismissed his long-serving intelligence chief, General Akol Koor Kuc. He then removed long-time Vice President James Wani Igga, briefly elevated business associate Benjamin Bol Mel, and later reversed that decision. In August 2025, with his succession options narrowing and his family loyalties sharpening, he appointed Adut to the senior envoy role. The consolidation of the Crawford revenue machine and the consolidation of Adut’s political ambitions are not separate stories. They are one story.

    BACKGROUND: Adut Salva Kiir Mayardit is the eldest child of President Salva Kiir Mayardit and First Lady Mary Ayen Mayardit. She is also known as the founder and chairperson of the Adut Salva Kiir Foundation (ASK), a nominally philanthropic vehicle through which she has cultivated a public profile. She assumed the Presidential Envoy role on August 21, 2025.

    THE PROTECTED COMPANY: HOW CRAWFORD SURVIVED EVERY CHALLENGE

    That Crawford Capital has survived multiple attempts to scrutinise or suspend its operations is not an accident. It is the direct result of presidential family protection deployed at every level of government.

    The most dramatic episode unfolded in March 2026. Trade and Industry Minister Atong Kuol Manyang Juuk issued a formal directive on March 5 halting Crawford’s operations pending a 90-day review. It was a courageous move, and it lasted less than 24 hours in effective terms. Vice President James Wani Igga, writing to the minister, told her that her unilateral decision violated the principle of administrative order and the rule of law. Igga invoked the authority of the Council of Ministers, citing Resolution 34/2024 as formal cabinet endorsement of the Crawford contract, a resolution presided over by the President himself. The suspension was overturned. Crawford continued operating.

    The parliamentary route fared no better. A parliamentary committee moved to support the minister’s position, only to find itself outmanoeuvred by the same mechanisms of executive protection. Crawford’s contract, its ownership, its revenue arrangements, and its political patrons have never been subjected to parliamentary oversight, competitive bidding processes, or published contractual frameworks. The government’s own South Sudan Revenue Authority has been accused by the UN Commission of complicity in the arrangements.

    Then came Washington. On May 12, 2026, the United States State Department imposed sanctions on Crawford Capital Ltd., naming it as a corrupt entity that had siphoned money from South Sudan’s treasury and stolen foreign assistance funds intended to support the South Sudanese people. Visa restrictions were simultaneously applied to associated officials. For a company that had draped itself in the veneer of UK corporate respectability, US sanctions were a catastrophic reputational blow.

    Juba’s response was immediate and furious. At least four government ministries and the national revenue authority issued defensive statements within a day. The regime argued that Crawford was a legitimate digital services provider delivering government modernisation. It pointed to the company’s formal contract. It said the UN Commission’s findings were intended to disparage the South Sudanese people. What it could not explain was why a supposedly legitimate government technology contractor needed to keep 75 percent of the nation’s taxes.

    SILENCING THE WITNESSES: A PATTERN OF TRANSNATIONAL REPRESSION

    Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit

    The abduction of Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit did not emerge from nowhere. It is the most extreme expression of a pattern that sources inside the Crawford network and inside Juba’s political circles have been documenting for months.

    As international scrutiny of Crawford intensified following the US sanctions and the global circulation of the Looting Squad organogram, Adut Salva Kiir allegedly turned her coercive apparatus inward. Multiple sources have described her ordering the arrest of business associates and employees suspected of leaking sensitive information about her financial empire. She has reportedly used government mechanisms to file criminal cases against individuals outside South Sudan who possess knowledge of her financial dealings, designating them enemies of the state engaged in espionage. Athorbey was not the first person in her network to face these threats. He was simply the one foolish enough, or brave enough, to go public.

    What made Athorbey a uniquely dangerous target was the specificity and credibility of his knowledge. A Kenyan-South Sudanese citizen with direct familiarity with the inner workings of the Crawford structure, he had been circulating information about the company’s ownership network, revenue arrangements, and political connections. His materials, passed to investigative outlets and international accountability bodies, contributed to the evidentiary foundation that eventually informed UN reports and US sanctions decisions. He knew exactly how the money flowed, who benefited, and which officials had signed what. That knowledge, in Juba’s calculus, made him not merely an inconvenience but an existential threat.

    His preemptive police filings in Nairobi, explicitly naming Adut and Garang Mayom Kuoch as the people to investigate if he came to harm, were a calculated attempt to create a deterrent. He understood what he was dealing with. The deterrent failed. The abduction was authorised anyway.

    The message sent to the wider network around Crawford is now impossible to misread. If you worked for Adut, if you had access to documents, if you spoke to journalists or international investigators, you are now being watched and potentially targeted. Sources within the network who spoke to this publication did so only under strict conditions of anonymity, describing an atmosphere of intense fear.

    “Eventually, just like those who worked for her father, you may end up exiled, disappeared, dead, or jailed.” — Warning circulated in South Sudanese opposition networks, June 2026

    Athorbey is also not the only person believed to have been taken from Kenya in connection with the Crawford investigation, according to sources at the Kenyan border. The full scope of this transnational repression operation remains unclear, and Kenyan investigative and immigration authorities have yet to offer any public accounting of what they knew, when they knew it, and what role, if any, their personnel played in facilitating or ignoring the removal of a Kenyan citizen from Kenyan soil.

    KENYA’S COMPLICITY PROBLEM

    Kenya’s record on the forced removal of South Sudanese nationals has not been clean, and the international community has not forgotten. The deaths of South Sudanese figures previously transferred from Kenya to Juba under murky circumstances, cases that civil society organisations have cited in their condemnations of the current abduction, loom over the Kenyan government’s response to the Athorbey case.

    Amnesty International Kenya, in its June 10 statement, was blunt: Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit holds Kenyan citizenship. Abducting a Kenyan citizen at gunpoint in the capital, holding him at JKIA, and transferring him to a foreign intelligence facility on fabricated charges is not a matter for diplomatic discretion. It is a violation of Kenyan law, Kenyan sovereignty, and Kenya’s obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1969 OAU Convention, both of which prohibit refoulement to persecution.

    Kenya has spent years cultivating its reputation as a regional hub for international organisations, diplomatic missions, and civil society bodies precisely because of its nominal commitment to the rule of law. Every time Nairobi allows a foreign government to conduct an enforced disappearance on Kenyan soil, that reputation corrodes further. Kenya’s silence in the initial hours and days following Athorbey’s abduction has been conspicuous and damaging.

    It is tempting, when writing about companies and contracts and revenue splits, to lose sight of what those numbers mean on the ground in South Sudan. The UN Commission’s data does not permit that abstraction.

    Since independence in 2011, South Sudan has received more than 25 billion US dollars in oil-related inflows. It has consistently ranked at or near the bottom of every global human development index. More than half its population faces acute food insecurity. The health system has functionally collapsed. Education spending has averaged around 2.3 percent of the budget in the years of Crawford’s operation. The President’s personal medical budget, the UN Commission found, exceeded the government’s total expenditure on public health.

    Crawford Capital did not single-handedly create this catastrophe. The catastrophe has been decades in the making, built from civil war, elite predation, ethnic violence, and international indifference. But as the UN Commission concluded, Crawford became one of its most efficient instruments in the digital era. Every percentage point captured by the 75/25 split was a percentage point that did not reach a hospital in Juba, a school in Jonglei, a food distribution in Upper Nile.

    The 10 million dollars advanced for Ebola and COVID preparedness in 2022, which disappeared without full accounting, represents roughly the same amount that the government spent on health for hundreds of thousands of South Sudanese in an entire quarter. The fuel levy extended to humanitarian agencies in 2024, the one that contributed to WFP distribution suspensions, placed a financial toll on the organisations trying to prevent mass starvation in a country where 70 percent of the population already required humanitarian assistance.

    This is what Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit was exposing. Not an abstract financial scandal. A machine that had been eating the South Sudanese state alive from the inside for seven years, protected at every turn by the President’s daughter, her business associates, and the coercive apparatus of a regime that has never hesitated to use violence against its critics.

    THE RECKONING THAT CANNOT BE STOPPED

    Adut Salva Kiir’s response to international exposure has been to escalate. Arrests. Threats. Disappearances. The seizure of a Kenyan citizen from a Nairobi street at 3 a.m. by masked operatives. Each escalation has produced not silence but the opposite: more coverage, more investigations, more international attention, more sanctions. The regime’s desperation is visible in the crudeness of its methods.

    Major international news organisations are now actively investigating Crawford’s contracts, ownership structures, and the human cost of the 75/25 arrangement. Africa Confidential, Radio Tamazuj, the Global Trade Review, AFP, and accountability networks from New York to London are all on this story. The UN Commission has issued 54 detailed recommendations to the South Sudanese government. The United States has landed direct financial sanctions on the revenue machine that has been shielding the presidential family. And now the abduction of a whistleblower who explicitly named Adut and Garang Mayom Kuoch in his safety filings has confirmed, in the starkest possible terms, what the accountability community has been arguing for years: this network will not stop until someone forces it to.

    The Kenyan government must act. It has an obligation to demand Athorbey’s immediate and unconditional release, to investigate how a Kenyan citizen was removed from Kenyan territory without judicial process, and to hold accountable any Kenyan officials who facilitated or ignored the operation. Failure to do so is not neutrality. It is complicity.

    The United Kingdom, as the jurisdiction in which Crawford Capital Ltd. is registered and where its corporate existence is maintained, has accountability obligations of its own. UK financial crime investigators have the authority to examine the flow of funds through a UK-registered entity subject to US sanctions. The question of how a company collecting national revenues in South Sudan, retaining three quarters of those revenues for itself, and protecting that arrangement through the abduction of witnesses, maintains its UK registration in good standing is one that Companies House and the Financial Conduct Authority should be asking loudly and publicly.

    As for Crawford Capital itself, the game is over. The organogram is public. The ownership is documented. The UN Commission report is on the record. The US sanctions are in force. The arrest of Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit, far from burying the story, has guaranteed that Crawford Capital’s name will now appear in every future UN Security Council debate on South Sudan, in every future US foreign policy review of the region, and in every future accountability audit of revenue diversion in fragile states.

    Adut Salva Kiir believed she could build a shadow treasury beneath the ruins of her father’s government, capture the digital arteries of a broken state, and silence anyone who noticed. She has instead created the most thoroughly documented corruption scandal in South Sudan’s history, triggered the most significant US unilateral action against Juba’s ruling elite in years, and ensured that the name Crawford Capital will follow her, and her father’s legacy, into every historical account of how South Sudan failed its people.

    Athorbey Al-Gaddhaffy-Dit must be released immediately. His medical conditions are known. His captors are named. The world is watching.

    The South Sudanese people have paid for this empire with their hunger, their displacement, their children’s future, and now with the disappearance of one of the men brave enough to document what was being done to them. The reckoning is not coming. It is already here.

    — — —

  • South Sudan Appoints Dead Man to Election Panel

    South Sudan Appoints Dead Man to Election Panel

    South Sudan’s government has apologised after appointing a deceased man to a presidential panel set up to negotiate talks on the country’s long-delayed elections.

    Last week, President Salva Kiir announced several appointments aimed at advancing preparations for elections now scheduled for December 2026.

    Among those named was Steward Sorobo, who local media reported died about five years ago.

    “The Office of the President has learned with regret that one of the signatories… has regrettably died,” Kiir’s press secretary, David Amour Majur, said in a statement on Monday.

    “It is now evident that thorough verification was not done by one of the stakeholders, resulting in this unfortunate administrative oversight,” he added.

    Majur was dismissed the next day with immediate effect, along with Valentino Dhel Malueth, according to a statement released by the Office of the President.

    Marik Nanga Marik will take over as the Ministry of Presidential Affairs’ new Chief Administrator, replacing Malueth.

    “Note: The appointment for the position of Press Secretary, Office of the President, is currently pending and will be announced in due course,” the statement added.

    “The President further wishes to express his profound gratitude to the outgoing officials for their dedicated service and contributions to the Nation during their tenure, and conveys his best wishes to the newly appointed official in his new role.”

    Sorobo’s name has since been removed from the list of appointments, but his family said the mistake caused deep distress.

    Family representative Boboya James Edimond called for “cultural and moral reparation for the spiritual harm caused” in a statement, calling the incident “not only an administrative error but also a serious cultural and spiritual violation.”

    On social media, the mistake was widely mocked as well. The government seems to be “doing copy and paste from the previous list but they don’t know who’s there and who’s not there,” according to one Facebook user.

    The error also drew widespread ridicule on social media. One Facebook user said the government appeared to be “doing copy and paste from the previous list, but they don’t know who’s there and who’s not there.”

    Another user suggested that the deceased be retained as “a coordinator between the living and dead to embrace our peace in South Sudan.”

  • South Sudan Vice-President Charged With Murder and Treason

    South Sudan Vice-President Charged With Murder and Treason

    South Sudan’s First Vice-President Riek Machar has been charged with murder, treason and crimes against humanity in a move that some fear could reignite the country’s civil war.

    Justice Minister Joseph Geng Akech said the charges against Machar relate to an attack in March by a militia allegedly linked to the vice-president.

    The roads leading to his house in the capital, Juba, have been blocked by tanks and soldiers.

    Forces loyal to Machar fought a five-year civil war against those backing President Salva Kiir until a 2018 peace deal ending the fighting in the world’s newest country.

    Machar has been under house arrest since March, with the UN, African Union and neighbouring countries all calling for calm.

    The 2018 peace deal ended the conflict that had killed nearly 400,000 people, however the relationship between Machar and Kiir has become increasingly strained amid ethnic tensions and sporadic violence.

    The March attack was carried out by the White Ant militia, largely made up of fighters from the Nuer ethnic group, the same as Machar.

    They overran an army base in the north-eastern town of Nasir, reportedly killing 250 soldiers and a general. A UN helicopter also came under fire, leading to the death of its pilot.

    South Sudan gained its independence from Sudan in 2011 following decades of conflict.

    But within two years, civil war broke out.

  • South Sudan Prints More Money to Address Cash Shortages and Pay Civil Servants

    South Sudan Prints More Money to Address Cash Shortages and Pay Civil Servants

    The Bank of South Sudan has announced emergency plans to print additional currency as the world’s youngest nation grapples with a severe liquidity crisis that has left thousands of civil servants without salaries for months.

    The drastic monetary measure, revealed by Central Bank Governor Dr. Addis Ababa Othow, underscores the deepening financial turmoil facing a country already battered by years of conflict and economic mismanagement.

    Speaking before the Finance and Economic Planning Committee of the Transitional National Legislative Assembly in Juba, Dr. Othow acknowledged that printing money represents a short-term solution to meet what he described as “high demand for liquidity.”

    The governor’s candid admission highlights the government’s desperate attempt to address a crisis that has left public sector workers unpaid and undermined confidence in the South Sudanese pound.

    The cash shortage has become so acute that the government is unable to pay civil servants due to a cash shortage, according to Finance Minister Dr. Marial, who identified this as a major challenge during recent government proceedings.

    This crisis extends beyond mere inconvenience, affecting the livelihoods of thousands of families dependent on government salaries and threatening the basic functioning of state institutions.

    The roots of South Sudan’s current predicament trace back to multiple interconnected crises.

    Officials warned by mid-2024 that the state could no longer pay salaries for soldiers, police, and civil servants due to the revenue collapse following damage to critical oil infrastructure and ongoing security challenges.

    Oil revenues, which form the backbone of South Sudan’s economy, have been severely disrupted, creating a cascade of fiscal problems that have culminated in the current cash crisis.

    While the International Monetary Fund recently reached a staff-level agreement with South Sudan on a nine-month monitored program, the fundamental problems persist.

    Structural bottlenecks partly hinder the effective distribution of salaries to civil servants due to cash shortages, even as oil revenue is expected to recover substantially in the coming fiscal year.

    Dr. Othow emphasized that the central bank recognizes the unsustainable nature of simply printing more money, stating that medium and long-term strategies are being developed to address the crisis more comprehensively.

    A special committee, headed by the First Deputy Governor, has been established to explore lasting solutions for cash and currency management, while the bank is simultaneously developing a new National Payment Strategy.

    The governor’s remarks on state television revealed the dual approach being taken: “In the short-term plans, we have made it very clear that there is an urgent need for us to print money just to meet the high demand for liquidity. But in the medium and long term, we are looking at how to address the issue of currency management.”

    Michael Ayuen, Chairperson of the Finance Committee, confirmed that policymakers are exploring multiple options beyond monetary expansion.

    A dedicated committee is researching best practices from both regional and global contexts to develop recommendations that could provide sustainable solutions to the crisis.

    The decision to print more money, while providing temporary relief, raises serious concerns about inflation and further weakening of the South Sudanese pound, which has already suffered significant depreciation.

    Economic experts warn that monetary expansion without corresponding increases in economic output typically leads to inflationary pressures that can erode purchasing power and worsen the very problems the policy aims to solve.

    The timing of this announcement is particularly significant as the economic cluster promised to pay civil servants from the 24th of every month, but it seems not to be working at all, according to recent local media reports.

    This failure to meet payment schedules has heightened public frustration and raised questions about the government’s ability to manage its fiscal responsibilities effectively.

    South Sudan’s economic challenges are compounded by its heavy reliance on oil exports, which make the country vulnerable to external shocks and infrastructure disruptions.

    The recent revenue collapse has exposed the urgent need for economic diversification, though such structural changes require time and resources that the government currently lacks.

    The current crisis also highlights broader governance issues that have plagued South Sudan since its independence in 2011.

    Previous financial scandals, including corruption in letters of credit programs, have contributed to the depletion of foreign currency reserves and undermined economic stability.

    As the central bank prepares to increase money supply, the success of this strategy will largely depend on the parallel implementation of structural reforms and improved governance mechanisms.

    The formation of specialized committees and development of a National Payment Strategy suggest recognition that printing money alone cannot solve the underlying economic challenges.

    The situation remains fluid, with the government promising additional decisions on the country’s economic direction in the coming weeks.

    For now, thousands of civil servants continue to wait for their salaries while policymakers grapple with the difficult balance between providing immediate relief and maintaining long-term economic stability.

    The unfolding crisis in South Sudan serves as a stark reminder of the complex challenges facing post-conflict nations as they attempt to build sustainable economic institutions while managing immediate fiscal pressures.

    The outcome of the current monetary intervention may well determine the country’s economic trajectory for years to come.

  • The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    How a US-sanctioned businessman has maneuvered into position to potentially lead one of Africa’s most troubled nations

    JUBA, South Sudan — In the labyrinthine corridors of South Sudan’s political establishment, few ascents have been as meteoric—or as controversial—as that of Dr. Benjamin Bol Mel. Once a businessman operating in the shadows of President Salva Kiir’s inner circle, Mel has emerged as the regime’s heir apparent despite being under active US sanctions for corruption since 2017.

    The latest chapter in this remarkable political transformation unfolded this week when President Kiir appointed Mel as First Vice Chairperson of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), positioning him directly in line for the presidency according to the country’s transitional arrangements.

    Mel’s journey to the apex of South Sudanese power began in the commercial sector, where he built a business empire centered around road construction and government contracts.

    His companies including the now-sanctioned ABMC Thai-South Sudan Construction Company and Home and Away Ltd secured lucrative deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, often without competitive bidding processes.

    The businessman’s proximity to President Kiir proved invaluable. Serving as Kiir’s principal financial advisor and later as Presidential Envoy on Special Programmes, Mel cultivated relationships that would later translate into political capital.

    His appointment as Vice President for the Economic Cluster in February 2025, replacing long-time Kiir ally James Wani Igga, marked his formal entry into the highest echelons of government.

    But it was Tuesday’s announcement that truly signaled Mel’s ascendancy.

    By naming him First Vice Chairperson of the SPLM, Kiir has effectively positioned his protégé as his potential successor, should the presidency become vacant during the current transitional period.

    The Sanctions Shadow

    Mel’s rise occurs under the long shadow of US sanctions imposed during the first Trump administration in December 2017.

    The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated Mel and several of his companies under the Global Magnitsky Act, citing their involvement in corruption schemes that diverted public resources for personal gain.

    The sanctions were renewed in April 2025, with OFAC maintaining that Mel continues to pose risks to South Sudan’s financial integrity.

    According to US authorities, his network of companies received over $3.5 billion in no-bid government contracts, including questionable deals for road construction projects that vastly exceeded standard costs.

    Perhaps most damaging are allegations that Mel operated under the alias “Kuol Akol Wieu” to obscure his business dealings.

    Investigative reports suggest this false identity was used to register companies and secure contracts while evading scrutiny, a practice that has drawn sharp criticism from anti-corruption advocates.

    Bol Mel.
    Bol Mel.

    The South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission itself has reportedly been blocked from investigating Mel’s activities, with Commission Chairperson Ngor Kolong Ngor revealing that his agency discovered a UAE bank account linked to Mel containing $457.2 million, but was ordered not to pursue the matter.

    Constitutional and international implications

    Mel’s elevation raises serious questions about South Sudan’s commitment to good governance and transparency.

    His appointment appears to violate multiple provisions of the country’s Transitional Constitution, including Article 121(2), which prohibits public officials from engaging in private business activities.

    More broadly, his rise to power puts South Sudan at odds with international anti-corruption frameworks.

    The country is signatory to both the UN Convention Against Corruption and the African Union Anti-Corruption Convention, both of which require the exclusion of officials credibly implicated in graft.

    The financial implications extend beyond symbolic concerns.

    As a designated person under US sanctions, any dollar-based transactions involving Mel carry legal risks for international partners.

    This reality threatens to complicate South Sudan’s relationships with international financial institutions, donors, and correspondent banks, potentially triggering a cascade of economic consequences for the oil-dependent nation.

    The appointment comes at a particularly sensitive moment for South Sudan’s international relationships.

    The country remains on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list for money laundering risks, and has missed key reform benchmarks that would improve its financial credibility.

    Meanwhile, South Sudan’s oil revenues—the government’s primary source of income—are already heavily mortgaged through a controversial $13 billion loan agreement with a UAE shell company that has pledged the country’s crude exports until 2042.

    UN experts have flagged this deal as potentially corrupt, with some reports suggesting Mel’s involvement.

    The US Embassy in Juba has already expressed concern about the promotion of sanctioned individuals to senior government positions, warning that such moves could further strain bilateral relations.

    A planned South Sudanese delegation to Washington faces the challenging task of addressing not only visa disputes and deportation issues, but also US concerns about the elevation of sanctioned figures to positions of influence.

    The succession question

    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.
    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.

    While President Kiir has given no indication of retirement plans, political observers increasingly view Mel’s appointments as laying groundwork for an eventual transition.

    Under Article 1.6.5 of the 2018 peace agreement, should the presidency become vacant, the replacement would be nominated by the top leadership body of the ruling party—a position Mel now holds as First Vice Chairperson.

    This succession planning occurs against the backdrop of ongoing tensions with First Vice President Riek Machar, who remains under house arrest following clashes in Upper Nile state.

    Some of Kiir’s allies have suggested that the peace process can continue without Machar, potentially clearing the path for alternative succession arrangements.

    The 2018 peace agreement contains provisions that could theoretically bar both Kiir and Machar from future elections, given their citation by a 2015 commission for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    However, the hybrid court meant to adjudicate such matters has never been established, leaving these restrictions largely theoretical.

    Mel’s ascent represents more than individual ambition—it signals a fundamental transformation in the nature of the South Sudanese state.

    What began as a post-conflict nation struggling toward democratic governance increasingly resembles what critics describe as a “criminal enterprise with a seat at the UN.”

    The integration of a sanctioned individual into the highest levels of government sends a stark message about the regime’s priorities and its relationship with international norms.

    For a country already grappling with economic crisis, humanitarian challenges, and weak institutions, the elevation of a figure under active corruption sanctions represents a particularly troubling development.

    Civil society groups have warned that Mel’s appointment marks “South Sudan’s final descent into kleptocracy,” arguing that his control over economic policy could institutionalize corruption at unprecedented levels.

    The Reclaim Campaign, a South Sudanese civil society coalition, has characterized the move as crossing a “dangerous threshold” that transforms the country from a fragile post-conflict state into something far more problematic.

    As South Sudan approaches scheduled elections in December 2026, Mel’s positioning raises fundamental questions about the country’s trajectory.

    His rise illustrates how individuals can leverage proximity to power and control over resources to achieve political prominence, even while under international sanctions.

    The international community faces difficult choices in responding to these developments.

    Continued engagement risks legitimizing a regime increasingly dominated by sanctioned individuals, while isolation could further destabilize an already fragile state with significant humanitarian needs.

    For South Sudan’s 12 million citizens, Mel’s ascent represents both continuity and change—continuity in the dominance of a small elite over the country’s resources, and change in the brazenness with which such dominance is now exercised.

    Whether this trajectory can be altered, or whether it represents South Sudan’s new normal, may well determine the country’s future for decades to come.

    The rise of Benjamin Bol Mel thus stands as more than a political appointment—it represents a test case for international efforts to promote good governance in fragile states, and a stark reminder of how quickly democratic aspirations can give way to more troubling realities.

  • South Sudan Replaces Foreign Minister With Deputy After Dispute With US

    South Sudan Replaces Foreign Minister With Deputy After Dispute With US

    South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir has replaced its foreign minister with his deputy, Monday Simaya Kumba, state media reported, following a migration dispute with the United States.

    No explanation was given for the sacking of Foreign Minister Ramadan Mohamed, which was announced on the state radio station late on Wednesday.

    The move follows a row with Washington over Juba’s refusal to admit a Congolese man deported from the United States, which led to the Trump administration threatening to revoke all U.S. visas held by South Sudanese citizens.

    South Sudan yielded to Washington’s demands on Tuesday and allowed the man to enter the country.

    Separately, a faction of South Sudan’s main opposition party (SPLM-IO) said on Wednesday it had replaced its chairman, First Vice President Riek Machar, with an interim leader, Peacebuilding Minister Stephen Par Kuol, until Machar was released from house arrest.

    The move, which was criticised by other members of the party, could allow Kiir to sack longstanding rival Machar and consolidate his power over the government by appointing Kuol, analysts said.

    “President Kiir (would) want people who would agree with him … so that now the government’s legitimacy will be created,” said Kuol Abraham Nyuon, professor of political science at the University of Juba.

    Machar, who has served in a power-sharing administration with Kiir since a 2018 peace deal ended a civil war between fighters loyal to the two men, was accused of trying to stir up rebellion and detained at his home last month.

    Machar’s party denies government accusations that it backs the White Army, an ethnic militia which clashed with the army in the northeastern town of Nasir last month, triggering the latest political crisis.

    African Union mediators arrived in Juba last week to try and rescue the peace deal, but did not appear to have made any immediate progress.

    On Thursday, embassies based in Juba, including France, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, the United Kingdom, United States, the European Union, reiterated their call for the immediate release of all political detainees.

    “It is urgent that South Sudan’s leaders meet their obligations and demonstrate that their priority is peace,” they said in a joint statement.

    The SPLM-IO said Machar’s detention had effectively voided the agreement that ended the five-year civil war in which hundreds of thousands of people were killed. The party later said they were committed to upholding the deal.

    The SPLM-IO’s military wing remained loyal to Machar, and was “not part and parcel of the betrayers in Juba”, its spokesperson Lam Paul Gabriel said in a statement on Wednesday.

    Analysts say Kiir, 73, appears to be trying to shore up his position amid discontent within his own political camp and speculation about his succession plan.

    (Reuters)

  • Ryan O’Grady and the Infamous Rise of Kush Bank: Inside Corporate Deception (Part 1)

    Ryan O’Grady and the Infamous Rise of Kush Bank: Inside Corporate Deception (Part 1)

    In the heart of South Sudan, a nation grappling with corruption and economic instability, a Canadian businessman has quietly built a sprawling empire of interconnected companies under the banner of Kush Bank.

    Ryan O’Grady, a name once associated with scandal in Canada, has resurfaced as a central figure in South Sudan’s financial and humanitarian sectors.

    But behind the façade of a rising star lies a web of alleged corporate swindling, opaque deals, and questionable partnerships that threaten to unravel the fragile economy of the world’s youngest nation.

    This is the story of how Ryan O’Grady, a man with a controversial past, allegedly exploited South Sudan’s kleptocratic system to build a dizzying network of corporate entities—and how his actions may have far-reaching consequences for the country and its people.

    A Mysterious Arrival in South Sudan

    Ryan O’Grady’s entry into South Sudan around 2016 might have gone unnoticed by many, but his impact has been anything but subtle.

    According to a recent exposé by the South Sudan Truth Defenders (SSTD), O’Grady quickly embedded himself in the country’s financial and humanitarian sectors, leveraging his connections to secure influential positions.

    He served as the Director of Organizational Development for the Humanitarian Development Consortium (HDC), a South Sudanese NGO with ties to Canada, while simultaneously holding a full-time advisory role at Kush Bank PLC—a move described as ethically dubious and riddled with conflicts of interest.

    The report exclusively obtained by Kenya Insights suggests that O’Grady’s arrival in South Sudan was no accident.

    With a history of financial controversies in Canada, including a scandal involving Durham College’s failed international campuses in Panama and India, O’Grady allegedly found the perfect environment to apply his skills in a country where corruption and weak oversight institutions are rampant.

    The Durham College Scandal: A Blueprint for South Sudan?

    The SSTD report draws striking parallels between O’Grady’s current activities in South Sudan and his past controversies in Canada. In 2010, O’Grady was at the center of a scandal involving Durham College’s international expansion efforts, which left the institution with significant financial losses.

    Investigative reports at the time described O’Grady as the “evil genius” behind an elaborate scheme that involved opaque contracts, questionable partnerships, and a lack of oversight.

    Now, over a decade later, the SSTD report alleges that O’Grady is employing similar tactics in South Sudan.

    Through Kush Bank and its affiliated entities, O’Grady has allegedly created a complex network of companies with little financial justification, using Dubai as a hub for questionable transactions.

    The report claims that these entities, including Kush Investments and Kush Logistics, may be facilitating money laundering and the diversion of public funds, all while operating under the radar of South Sudan’s weak regulatory framework.

    Dubai: A Hub for Shadowy Deals

    One of the most intriguing aspects of O’Grady’s alleged operations is his use of Dubai as a base for Kush Bank’s international activities.

    The SSTD report highlights how Dubai’s lax financial regulations have made it a global hotspot for money laundering and shady financial dealings.

    Under O’Grady’s leadership, Kush Investments and other Dubai-based entities have reportedly entered into multimillion-dollar contracts with companies linked to organized crime and financial scandals.

    For example, Kush Investments recently signed a deal with Sparkle, an Italian telecommunications company with a history of legal troubles, including allegations of money laundering.

    Despite Sparkle’s questionable reputation, O’Grady’s team hailed the partnership as a groundbreaking move to develop digital infrastructure in East Africa. The SSTD report questions the ethics of such deals, suggesting that O’Grady and his associates prioritized financial gain over due diligence.

    A Network of Questionable Partnerships

    The report also sheds light on O’Grady’s alleged use of personal connections to secure lucrative contracts.

    One such example is his collaboration with Orus Consulting, a firm with no proven track record, which was awarded a significant advisory role in Kush Bank’s operations.

    The SSTD report suggests that Orus Consulting’s ties to O’Grady played a key role in securing the contract, raising concerns about favoritism and a lack of transparency.

    These partnerships, combined with O’Grady’s rapid expansion of Kush Bank’s operations, have led to growing concerns about the long-term impact on South Sudan’s economy.

    The report warns that without proper oversight, O’Grady’s actions could lead to significant financial losses for the country, echoing the fallout from his previous scandals in Canada.

    What’s Next for Ryan O’Grady and Kush Bank?

    As the allegations against Ryan O’Grady continue to mount, the SSTD report has sparked calls for greater transparency and accountability in South Sudan’s financial sector.

    But with O’Grady’s extensive network of legal counsel and his ability to evade scrutiny in the past, holding him accountable may prove to be a daunting task.

    In Part 2 of this series, we will delve deeper into the specific allegations against O’Grady, including his alleged involvement in the South Sudanese oil and gas sector, the role of his associates in facilitating questionable deals, and the potential consequences for South Sudan’s economy.

    We will also explore the SSTD’s recommendations for holding O’Grady and his network accountable—and whether justice can be served in a system rife with corruption.

    Stay tuned for Part 2, where we uncover the full extent of Ryan O’Grady’s alleged corporate swindling and its impact on South Sudan’s future.

    Update: Read Part Two HERE.

  • South Sudan Lifts Social Media Ban

    South Sudan Lifts Social Media Ban

    South Sudan government on Monday lifted a ban on social media platforms Facebook and TikTok, a week after it was imposed by a regulatory authority in hope to curb the spread of inflammatory content following violent protests.

    Last week, protests sparked by gruesome videos of killings in Sudan’s Al Jazira state erupted in Juba and quickly spread across South Sudan, leading to the deaths of 16 Sudanese nationals, mostly businessmen, and the looting of businesses. In response, the government blocked access to Facebook and TikTok.

    In a directive to internet providers, the National Communications Authority (NCA) lifted the ban on social media platforms, effective from midnight, stating that the primary objective for which it was imposed had been achieved.

    “Following our directives issued on Wednesday, January 22nd, 2025, regarding the blockage of Facebook and TikTok in the Republic of South Sudan, we are pleased to report that the primary objective of removing graphic and inflammatory content has been successfully achieved,” he said.

    “As a result of this achievement, the NCA hereby announces the lifting of the blockage of Facebook and TikTok, effective today at 00:00 hours, January 27th, 2025,” said NCA Director General Napoleon Adok Gai in the document addressed to Internet providers.

    He appreciated the cooperation of internet providers in helping the Authority fulfill its mandate.

    “In conjunction with this decision, we urge all our licensees with cache servers of Facebook and Tik Tok being hosted in South Sudan to actively participate in monitoring these social media platforms and to assist in reporting inflammatory and graphic content that should be pulled down by the social media platform operators (Meta and Tik Tok),” he said.

    Gai said the rise of violence linked to social media content in South Sudan underscores the need for a balanced approach that addresses the root causes of online incitement while protecting the rights of the population.

    “By lifting of this blockage of Facebook and TikTok operations, they wish to foster a safer digital environment and promote peace and stability the country. The authority will be reaching out for consolidated approach to avoid shutdowns,” he added.

    Local mobile operators, including Zain, MTN, and Gemtel, confirmed they had received the government directive and had lifted the block, which had drawn strong criticism from local and international rights groups.

    The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) in a statement yesterday called on the government authorities to reverse the social media ban and ensure that the public has open and reliable internet access, saying social media was essential for news gathering amid unrest in the country.

    “Blocking social media access is a blanket act of censorship and a disproportionate response to unrest that makes it difficult for journalists to do their jobs and robs the public of the diverse sources of news. South Sudanese authorities should immediately lift this social media suspension,” the press release quoted the CPJ Africa Program Coordinator, Muthoki Mumo, as saying.

  • South Sudan Threatens To Shutdown Stanbic Bank In Sh722M Row With Airline

    South Sudan Threatens To Shutdown Stanbic Bank In Sh722M Row With Airline

    South Sudan’s banking regulator has threatened to suspend Stanbic Bank’s licence within 14 days in an escalation of a Sh722 million dispute pitting the lender and an airline.

    In his letter to the lender, Bank of South Sudan (BOSS) Governor John Ohisa directed Stanbic Bank South Sudan to immediately cooperate with the country’s investigative bodies concerning the dispute between it and Air Afrik.

    He also directed Stanbic to re-register its subsidiary as a stand-alone unit in compliance with the country’s laws and discussions.

    The governor said BOSS would crack the whip if the lender did not heed the directives.

    “As the regulator, we hereby direct Stanbic Bank South Sudan to immediately co-operate with the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU), the Anti-Corruption Security Division, and all relevant investigative and legal authorities by ensuring full disclosure and documentation relating to the allegations and recording of statements by required personnel from your bank,” said Ohisa.

    “Failure to comply with these directives will result in immediate and decisive action within two weeks of receipt of this letter, including the suspension of Stanbic Bank South Sudan’s banking licence.”

    The lender in its reply said it is complying fully with the security agencies. However, the bank’s head of Brand and Marketing Lilian Onyach said the dispute between it and Air Afrik was a civil one and ought not to be criminalised.

    “It is our view that the matter is civil and should be treated as such in any jurisdiction which calls for the requisite judicial process aligned to a civil dispute. Stanbic Bank is committed to complying with South Sudan laws, regulations and guidelines of BOSS and looks forward to the amicable conclusion of our discussions,” said Onyach.

    On re-registering the subsidiary as a stand-alone entity, Onyach said they were in discussions with BOSS to resolve the issue. Nevertheless, she maintained that the bank is vouching for the maintenance of the current arrangement.

    “Regarding the conversion of the branch into a subsidiary, we confirm we are engaging with the regulator with a view of eliciting an amicable resolution,” she noted.

    While we have expressed our preference to maintain our current branch structure, we are committed to a mutually beneficial agreement on the matter. We have committed to provide a comprehensive update to the Bank of South Sudan by January 31, 2025.”

    The dispute revolves around BOSS, Air Afrik and Stanbic. It has resulted in multiple cases, with the lender’s chief executive Joshua Oigara obtaining orders barring Kenyan authorities from either questioning or arresting him over the dispute.

    High Court

    There is also a separate battle between Stanbic and Air Afrik at the Court of Appeal.

    Stanbic moved to the Court of Appeal, arguing that a High Court ruling had made it impossible for it to tell its side of the story.

    According to the lender’s lawyer Kamau Karori, the orders by Justice Nixon Sifuna meant that it had to get the approval of Air Afrik to file its witness statement. According to him, this was unheard of. Air Afrik argued that the bank intended to delay the case by filing an appeal. According to the firm, the High Court had already heard at least five witnesses. Air Afrik alleged that Stanbic had not adduced evidence to show that it would be prejudiced by the orders issued in the lower court.

    In the case, Afrik said it offers airline carriage and chartered flight services in South Sudan and the East African region. Its main route is Nairobi Juba.

    It claimed that in 2014, the South Sudan government inked a deal to lease several aircraft for a year but with a likelihood of being extended for five years. According to the firm, the total cost for the deal was around Sh2 billion.

    The court heard that the agreement was renewed and the South Sudan government committed to pay a 35 per cent deposit for the same. That was at least Sh722 million.

    The firm said it maintained its account with Stanbic Bank in Juba and the Salva Kiir government wired the money on February 8, 2016.

    Afrik said the lender reversed the money on May 27, 2016, on a claim that the money had been paid in error.

    The South Sudan firm stated that Stanbic first wired back Sh600 million and then debited close to Sh100 million from its account stating that he had mistakenly withdrawn the money.

    Afrik in its case said it lost money plus the business. Meanwhile, Stanbic decried harassment by South Sudan authorities over the dispute. The bank said it had received a summons from the South Sudan prosecution attorney, which it claimed was a similar intimidatory tactic employed by the Kenyan counterparts.

    The lawyer said the investigative body is probing a false complaint which had already been previously investigated and the bank cleared. He asserted that Air Afrik had filed a complaint with the Central Bank of Kenya over the same issue.

    Still, he said, the regulator threw it out after finding that the bank had done nothing wrong by debiting amounts it had erroneously wired to the firm.

    At the same time, he argued that Air Afrik filed a separate case before the commercial court and was handled by Prof Sifuna. Kamau said Oigara he wasn’t working with Stanbic at the time the transaction is alleged to have happened.

    According to Stanbic’s legal officer Janet Wanjohi, the row stemmed from a transaction in 2016.

    Wanjohi explained that Air Afrik was Stanbic’s customer and it operated a business account in Juba, South Sudan in its South Sudan branch.

    She narrated that on February 5, 2016, Stanbic received a credit advice note from South Sudan’s banking regulator advising it that its clearing and settlement account had been credited with $7.2 million (Sh770 million) for Air Afrik.

    The officer said that three days later, Stanbic credited the aviation company’s account with the money after deducting its commission.

    Subsequently, Wanjohi said, Air Afrik withdrew at least Sh101 million from the account.
    However, she explained that Stanbic realised that BOSS had not remitted the money it had instructed it to wire Air Afrik.

    The court heard that the lender opted to freeze any further withdrawals and it notified the aviation company that the money in the account would be reversed.

  • ‪South Sudan Shuts Down Social Media For Three Months‬

    ‪South Sudan Shuts Down Social Media For Three Months‬

    South Sudanese authorities on Wednesday ordered telecoms to block access to social media for at least 30 days, citing concerns over the dissemination of graphic content relating to the ongoing violence against South Sudanese in neighboring Sudan.

    The temporary ban, which could be extended to up to 90 days, will come into force at midnight Thursday, according to a directive from the National Communication Authority, NCA, to telecom companies stressing that the measure was necessary to protect the public.

    “This directive may be lifted as soon as the situation is contained,” the NCA said. “The contents depicted violate our local laws and pose a significant threat to public safety and mental health.”

    However, the decision has sparked widespread concern among social media users and civil society activists in South Sudan, with many viewing the move as a violation of citizens’ rights.

    Ter Manyang, a prominent civil society activist, criticized the government for “infringing upon the freedom and rights guaranteed under Articles 24 and 25 of South Sudan’s transitional constitution.”

    “MTN and Zain, the telecommunications companies operating in South Sudan, have received directives from the NCA to suspend and restrict access to Facebook and TikTok for 90 days. This action represents a violation of citizens’ rights,” Manyang said.

    He also warned that the move could tarnish the image of the current administration and called for unity among South Sudanese citizens.

    “I urge all South Sudanese to unite against the current administration and any potential future leaders who seek to limit their rights to access social media,” Manyang added.

    Edmund Yakani, another well-known civil society activist, also criticized the ban, describing it as unacceptable. He suggested that the NCA should have focused on blocking individual accounts responsible for spreading hate speech, misinformation, and violent content, rather than imposing a blanket ban on entire platforms.

    “The South Sudan National Communication Authority should have directed telecommunication companies to block specific social media accounts promoting hostility, disinformation, or inhumane content, rather than shutting down Facebook and TikTok entirely,” Yakani said.

    He further emphasized the negative impact the shutdown could have on individuals who rely on social media for work and business. “Blocking or banning these platforms for 90 days will have serious consequences for those who earn a living online,” he said. “The NCA should reconsider this decision and explore more targeted measures to address the issue.”

    Yakani concluded by urging the NCA to review its approach and focus on restricting individual accounts responsible for human rights violations or promoting violence, rather than punishing the South Sudanese population.

    Many South Sudanese have been angered by footage from Sudan that purports to show killings by militia groups of South Sudanese in Gezira state. South Sudanese authorities imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew on Jan. 17 after a night of retaliatory violence during which shops owned by Sudanese traders were looted.

    Moussa Faki Mahamat, chairperson of the African Union Commission, condemned “the brutal killings of South Sudanese nationals” in Sudan and urged restraint.

    Civil war in Sudan has created a widening famine and the world’s largest displacement crisis. Fighting between forces loyal to rival military leaders exploded in the capital, Khartoum, in April 2023 and has since spread to other areas.

    The conflict has been marked by atrocities, including ethnically motivated killing and rape, according to the U.N. and rights groups.

  • Kiir Awarding Billion Dollar Contracts To US-Sanctioned Businessmen Kur Ajing, Bol Mel- The Sentry

    Kiir Awarding Billion Dollar Contracts To US-Sanctioned Businessmen Kur Ajing, Bol Mel- The Sentry

    The government of South Sudan is awarding billions of dollars in contracts to companies that appear to be controlled by sanctioned persons close to the president, warns The Sentry in a new investigative report released on Thursday, Radio Tamazuj reports.

    The report details how Kur Ajing Ater and Benjamin Bol Mel Kuol, two influential South Sudanese businessmen who are sanctioned by the United States and are part of President Salva Kiir’s inner circle, are potentially skirting US sanctions.

    Several companies that have received billions in US dollar-denominated contracts from the government of South Sudan over the last three years are owned by relatives of Ajing and Bol Mel, who are the likely beneficial owners, according to incorporation records, contracts, and social media posts reviewed by The Sentry. These companies were registered after Ajing and Bol Mel were designated for sanctions by the US.

    Debra LaPrevotte, Senior Investigator at The Sentry, said: “The awarding of lucrative government contracts to companies beneficially owned by sanctioned individuals is a sad indication of the Kiir regime’s lack of interest in fighting corruption. The activities detailed in our recent investigation further expose the unchecked looting of the country’s wealth and resources, as those in power continue to line their pockets, undermine stability, and sell out South Sudan’s future.”

    Justyna Gudzowska, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “A well-worn scheme for sanctioned persons to evade the internal compliance controls at banks is to establish new companies with unsanctioned associates and family members serving as proxies. Financial institutions should urgently tighten up their compliance systems to identify and scrutinize such potential proxies. Most critically now, banks and other financial institutions should be on the lookout for, and conduct appropriate due diligence on, the individuals and entities spotlighted in this report.”

    According to the Sentry, the size of the contracts, totaling over $4 billion, and Ajing and Bol Mel’s level of influence and access in Juba make it likely that officials involved in the contracting process knew the alleged beneficial owners of the companies. The United Nations Panel of Experts on South Sudan has flagged at least one of the contracts given to a Bol Mel-connected company, ARC Resources, for inconsistencies with the national budget.

    “The Sentry was able to verify that at least some of these contracts were no-bid, indicating that government spending continues to provide opportunities for large-scale corruption. The fact that the contracts were in US dollars makes it likely that the funds have touched the US financial system,” The Sentry report warned.

    The report recommended that the United States Treasury Department should investigate and, if appropriate, impose sanctions according to Executive Order 13818 (Global Magnitsky) on the individuals and entities named in this report: Amuk for Trading and Investment Co Ltd; Christine Achol Akot; Kuol Akol Wieu; Africa Resource Corporation (ARC); Save Nation Co. Ltd.; Winners Construction Co. Ltd.; and Equip Logistics Co. Ltd.

    “The US should also engage partners in the United Kingdom (UK) to urge them to designate Ajing, Bol Mel, and their networks using the UK’s new anti-corruption sanctions authority,” The report recommended. The US government should amend the South Sudan and Global Magnitsky Executive Orders to include a provision concerning immediate family members of sanctioned individuals.”

    The other recommendation was that the US Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) should update the existing 2017 advisory on political corruption risks in South Sudan to include sanctions evasion red flags.

    “FinCEN advisories play a critical role in anti-corruption and sanctions enforcement efforts. Both US and international banks should be alerted to pay closer attention to collecting information on South Sudanese entities under sanctions,” The Sentry said. “The US should continue to engage South Sudan on taking steps to build strong corporate transparency, oversight, and accountability mechanisms. Sanctions are often only as effective as their implementation.”

    The report also suggested that the US should closely engage South Sudan’s government and relevant stakeholders on sanctions enforcement and better implementation of anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) laws.

    “South Sudan’s government should enforce the country’s AML/CFT laws. South Sudan’s existing AML/CFT legal framework is plagued by a lack of implementation and a dearth of accountability mechanisms, opening the door to misconduct. To shield its financial system from future abuse, the government of South Sudan should take steps to operationalize its AML/CFT statutes,” the report recommended.

    The Sentry is an investigative and policy team that follows the dirty money connected to African war criminals and transnational war profiteers and seeks to shut those benefiting from violence out of the international financial system.

    [pdf-embedder url=”https://cms.kenyainsights.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/SouthSudaneseSkirtingSanctions_Alert_TheSentry.pdf”]

  • South Sudan Minister Accused Of Using Kenyan Bank To Launder Millions

    South Sudan Minister Accused Of Using Kenyan Bank To Launder Millions

    The High Court is investigating South Sudan’s minister of cabinet affairs Elia Lomoro for money laundering after authorities said there have been suspicious transactions being made by the senior South Sudanese government official using its Kenyan bank account.

    Justice James Wakiaga issued the orders freezing Martin Elia Lomuro’s bank accounts containing Sh13.42 million following a case filed by Asset Recovery Agency. He is Minister for Cabinet Affairs.

    In a case filed by senior state council Stephen Githinji on behalf of ARA director, the agency said Lomuro’s bank account at the Bank made several suspicious transactions pointing to money laundering.

    “There is reasonable grounds to believe that the funds held by the respondent in the specified bank account are direct benefits, profits and or proceeds of crime obtained from a complex money laundering scheme and are liable to be forfeited to the state under the Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act, 2009,” the application reads in part.

    In December 2019, the US, through the Treasury’s office of foreign assets control (OFAC) sanctioned Lomuro and his defence counterpart Kuol Manyang Juuk for allegations of fanning violence in the country for their own personal enrichment.

    “The United States stands by the people of South Sudan who continue to suffer under this political instability that has led to thousands of deaths. The South Sudanese deserve leaders who are committed to laying the groundwork for a successful, peaceful political transition,” reads the statement by OFAC.

    According to a supporting affidavit sworn by Isaac Nakitare, an investigative officer attached to the agency, Lomuro operated two banks accounts at the Bank – one of them a dollar only account.

    The dollar account received $351, 317.81 as credit out of which $351, 293.52 was debited for the period September 2017-January 2020, Nakitare said in the affidavit.

    It adds, “On December 24, 2019 the respondent instructed Bank to close down his dollar account and send the funds to his local account.”

    Further, preliminary analysis of the bank statement for the dollar established a total of $460,896.20 was transferred to Lomuro’s local currency account.

    Several transactions were made in the account between January 4, 2018 and January 2, 2020 to the tune of Sh46.20 million.

    Nakitare stated in the affidavit that Lomuro made suspicious cash transfers to a bank account held in the name of a Ms Rejah Kedi Ladu Kenyi, an indication that they worked jointly in the suspected money laundering racket.

    The probe also revealed that Lomuro’s account had been credited with Sh122.78 million out of which, Sh109.36 was debited.

    This left a balance of Sh13.42 million which the agency sought to be preserved. The amount is declared as salary.

    “The preliminary analysis of the bank statement held in the name of the respondent does not demonstrate a consistent source of funds which could reasonably be said to be salary,” the officer noted.

    The investigation further revealed that Rejab’s accounts received Sh42.322 million

    Out of the amount, Sh39.68 million was received from various sources on diverse dates between September 14, 2017 and December 29, 2020.

    “That investigation has established that MS Rejah Kedi Ladu Kenyi Martin Elias Lomuro received a total of Sh49.43 million as forex reversal. Of this amount, Sh46.20 million was from his USSD account,” it says.

    The investigative office concluded, “That there are reasonable grounds to believe that the bank accounts of the respondent were used as conduits of illicit financial flows and money laundering”.

  • South Sudan suffers blow in Sh5.4bn dispute with Jirongo

    South Sudan suffers blow in Sh5.4bn dispute with Jirongo

    The government of South Sudan government has suffered a blow after the Court of Appeal in Kenya ordered that its bank accounts at NCBA and Stanbic be frozen in the wake of a legal battle with a company associated with the ex-Cabinet minister Cyrus Jirongo, which is demanding Sh5.4 billion for a construction work in Juba.

    The three bench judge on Thursday restored freezing orders on the accounts after YU Sung Construction Company successfully appealed on an initial ruling by the High Court that allowed South Sudan government to partially operate the two accounts but reserve the disputed Sh5.4 billion.

    Yu Sung was represented by lawyer Ken Kiplagat who argued that the High Court ruling was in conflict with orders in the dispute which would render the outcome of the suit null.

    “The honourable Judges of the High Court have issued conflicting orders which conduct by Judges of concurrent jurisdiction points to a collapse of due process and administrative order in the Judiciary to the grave detriment of the Applicant herein who stands to suffer a miscarriage of justice,” Kiplagat said.

    Jirongo’s lawyer also faulted the Attorney-General of South Sudan for failing to provide any security for the satisfaction of the consent issued against Juba at the East African Court of Justice, in favour of his client’s firm.

    The freezing orders on the accounts were granted in December but have been extended from time to time by different judges until February 2021 when Justice Said Chitembwe reversed them after South Sudan complained that the freeze was hurting some government functions.

    Justice Chitembwe lifted the orders after he was persuaded that the government of South Sudan could not meet some of its obligations including paying of staff salaries.

    But after hearing the case, justices Daniel Musinga, Patrick Kiage and Gatembu Kairu of the appellate court ordered status quo to be maintained which means that South Sudan cannot withdraw money from the accounts until all the pending cases are heard and determined.

     

     

  • South Sudan gets partial access of accounts as row with Jirongo intensifies

    South Sudan gets partial access of accounts as row with Jirongo intensifies

    A Kenyan court has allowed South Sudan authorities to partially access their bank accounts at NCBA and Stanbic bank amidst a legal battle with a firm belonging to ex- Cabinet minister Cyrus Jirongo who is demanding more than Sh5 billion form Salva Kiir’s administration.

    The move comes after South Sudan challenged a decision to freeze the accounts which they protested as a declaration of war by Kenya since it would hinder delivery of services unable to it’s population.

    The court has now allowed them to operate the accounts on condition that they leave a balance not less than Sh5.4 billion as Yusung Construction continues to appeal the order that lifted the a complete freeze on the accounts.

    Jirongo’s firm won the deal to construct John Garang Military Academy and Natinga Warehouses in 2008 but later fell out with the government of Salva Kiir following a contract breach pushing the ex-minister to rush to court.

    Ex-minister Cyrus Jirongo during a past court session [p/courtesy]
    The freezing order was granted last December but has been extended by different judges until Justice Said Chitembwe lifted the order in favour of South Sudan authorities on February 26 since the government could not meet some its obligations.

    Judge Chitembwe allowed South Sudan to operate the bank accounts held at NCBA and Stanbic Bank freely pushing Jirongo’s firm to challenge the move where Justice Joseph Sergon granted Juba partial access to the accounts.

    The court was told that South Sudan paid Yusung Construction Sh2.6 billion to begin the works but nothing was done after the foundation was laid down till two years ago when Jirongo’s firm moved to the East African Court demanding Sh5.4 billion as sums due with interest.

    Yusung Construction had complained that they were forced to move construction to different sites four times due to violence in the war-torn country with some areas also proving prone to flooding.

    The case was the forgotten till November last year when the firm reached an out of court deal after one Biong Pieng Kuol Arop, an official of South Sudan’s Finance and Planning ministry committed to have Jirongo paid the claimed Sh5.4 billion.

    The deal gave Yusung Construction permission to attach South Sudan’s assets to recover the sums in case of a default but it is that deal that has now seen South Sudan’s accounts in  Kenyan banks frozen with Juba now claiming that Mr Arop did not have the authority to negotiate deals on its behalf.

    Juba administration is also accusing Jirongo of using fraudulent means to obtain the out-of-court settlement which it later used it to dupe Milimani High Court into freezing their two accounts.

     

  • Kenya bows to #BringKenyansBack pressure, starts evacuating citizens trapped in South Sudan

    Kenya bows to #BringKenyansBack pressure, starts evacuating citizens trapped in South Sudan

    Nairobi, 16th July 2016 – Kenya has started evacuating her nationals from South Sudan following a surge in insecurity and violence in the world’s newest nation.

    The announcement was made by Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs PS, Monica Juma.

    Kenya’s evacuation begun on Friday with one 1 plane and at least 100 people making it home. Two more flights are expected to head to Kenya with more people.

    There has been growing anger towards the Kenyan Government from all corners for taking too long to act.

    No non-essential travel to South Sudan

    Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Ministry has also warned Kenyans against travelling to South Sudan.

    CCTV Africa has reported that at least 2 Kenyans have been killed in the violence.

    Sudan and Uganda have been evacuating their nationals since Wednesday amidst fears that fighting may intensify between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir and his Vice President Riek Machar.

    The recent security deterioration in South Sudan has been occasioned a conflict between troops loyal to President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek Machar last week July 8. At least 300 people, mainly soldiers have been killed in the latest spate of violence.

  • Kenyan Government Abandons Its Citizens in South Sudan, Embassy Unhelpful

    Kenyan Government Abandons Its Citizens in South Sudan, Embassy Unhelpful

    Stranded Kenyans at a refugee camp in South Sudan
    Stranded Kenyans at a refugee camp in South Sudan

    The freshly ignited war in South Sudan that has seen nearly 500 people dead under a week and hundreds of thousands displaced continue to wreak havoc. Despite President Kiir and his Deputy Machar calling for a ceasefire, the tension is still high in Africa’s youngest country and many live in fear.

    Countries have put in place evacuation strategies for their citizens held up in the bullet ridden country. US, UK, China, France, Italy, India and other serious countries who mind the safety of their citizens have sent chartered planes to fly out their trapped citizens to safety. While those governments are doing what they’re rightfully meant to do, protect and ensure safety of its citizens in and out of the country, Kenyan government doesn’t seem to have been moved by the bloodbath taking place in its neighboring country.

    Since the gunfight began and news of deaths started coming in as the situation worsened, social media have put heavy pressure on the foreign ministry and the Kenyan embassy in Sudan to issue a statement and its plan on ensuring safety of Kenyan citizens holed up in the warring country. They responded by giving out hotline numbers that should be used by Kenyans trapped in South Sudan to communicate with the embassy to ensure their safety. It would later turn out that the numbers were unreachable.

    Kenyan citizens have been left in the cold, feeling betrayed by their own government who doesn’t seem to be doing much to rescue them from the bloody streets of South Sudan. I have been contacted by the association of Kenyans living in South Sudan to highlight on their plight and remain unamused by the flimsy efforts put by the government to save them.

    “The embassy is unhelpful, they don’t even have an evacuation plan yet, all they’re saying is they can only facilitate issuance of passports and it ends there.” Says a furious Kenyan in South Sudan on her predicament. “While other countries are bringing in planes to evacuate their people, we’re left here on our own like we don’t have a government back home and we pay taxes. We are mad.” She adds.

    Most of the trapped Kenyans have resorted to plot their own exit strategies with a huge number left with no option but to wait for the tension to go down. As at the time of publishing, Uganda had sent its army to go rescue its citizens from South Sudan via road and some Kenyans are hoping to hike a ride back home under the protection of the Ugandan army as that is their only remaining hope.

    The Kenyan embassy is flocked with distressed citizens but there is little hope for relief. “Our hands are tied, there’s little we can do but were trying to organize something.” This has become the chorus in the embassy’s corridors. Just the other day, some truck drivers braved through the gunshots to try and come back home but were killed by the forces before they could cross the border.

    Travelling back home by road is very risky and Kenyans in South Sudan are left living in full fear. It is not clear for how long our brothers and sisters have to suffer before the government can wake up and do what is expected of them- ensure the security of her citizens.