Sporadic gunfire and explosions have been reported as M23 rebels advance towards a key city in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in an offensive that has forced thousands to flee across the border into Burundi.
Residents and military sources said soldiers were fleeing the assault on Uvira, the last government-held city in the mineral-rich region.
US President Donald Trump brokered a peace deal last week between DR Congo’s President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame to end the long-running conflict but fighting has continued.
Shops and schools have closed, with terrified residents staying indoors amid fears that rebels had taken control of some government buildings.
But South Kivu Governor Jean-Jacques Purusi dismissed reports that the rebels were in the city as “completely unfounded rumours”.
Residents told the BBC that Uvira was in lockdown on Wednesday, with some reporting gunfire in the city that is just 27 km (17 miles) from Burundi’s capital, Bujumbura.
A local rights official told AP news agency that there was a “risk of a massacre” if the remaining soldiers mounted strong resistance.
“It’s chaotic, nobody’s in charge. Uvira is done for,” a Burundian officer told AFP news agency.
“Three bombs have just exploded in the hills. It’s every man for himself,” a resident told AFP, while another added: “We are all under the beds in Uvira – that’s the reality.”
Military and security sources said the rebel fighters advanced from the north, near the Burundian border.
In an interview with UN-backed Radio Okapi, Purusi denied Uvira had fallen to the M23, saying the city remained under the control of government forces.
The US, European Union, and eight European nations have accused Rwanda of supporting the rebel offensive, and have called for an immediate halt to the fighting
In a joint statement, they voiced “profound concern” about the violence, and said it had a “destabilising potential for the whole region”.
They urged the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) to “immediately halt offensive operations” in eastern DR Congo, and called on its troops to withdraw from the region.
But Rwanda has denied any involvement in the fighting, accusing DR Congo’s government and its ally, Burundi, of violating a ceasefire.
In a statement on X, the Rwandan foreign ministry said the ceasefire violation “cannot be placed on Rwanda” and said the Congolese and Burundian armies had “systematically” bombed villages close to Rwanda’s border.
UN experts say Rwanda’s army is in “de facto control of M23 operations”.
About 200,000 people have fled their homes in eastern DR Congo since the latest round of fighting started early this month, the UN says.
It said at least 74 people had been killed, mostly civilians, and 83 admitted to hospital with wounds.
A Burundian administrative source told AFP that he had recorded more than 8,000 daily arrivals over the past two days, and 30,000 arrivals in one week.
The latest offensive comes nearly a year after the M23 rebels seized control of Goma and Bukavu, the other two main cities in eastern DR Congo.
The M23 is not part of the US-brokered peace deal, and is in separate talks with DR Congo’s government in mediation efforts led by Qatar.
In a national address on Monday, Tshisekedi accused Rwanda of “deliberate violations” of the peace accord.
“This is a proxy war aimed at challenging our sovereignty over a highly strategic area, rich in critical minerals and economic potential that is crucial to the future of our nation,” Tshisekedi said.
For its part, Rwanda accused the armies of DR Congo and Burundi of bombing villages near its border, forcing more than 1,000 civilians to flee into its territory.
Eastern DR Congo has been wracked by conflict for more than 30 years, since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Several peace deals going back to the 1990s have collapsed.
Numerous armed groups have competed with the central authorities for power and control of the potential fortune in this vast nation.
Representatives of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have reached a draft agreement that could end decades of conflict.
The breakthrough, mediated by the US and Qatar, provides for the “disengagement, disarmament and conditional integration” of armed groups fighting in eastern DR Congo.
It also includes provisions for a joint security mechanism to prevent future flare-ups. The peace deal is expected to be formally signed next week.
The deal could open the way for billions of dollars of western investment in the mineral-rich region, which been plagued by conflict for three decades.
However, analysts say that many questions still remain about the contents of the peace deal.
The US State Department said technical teams had initialled the draft text on Wednesday, ahead of a formal signing ceremony next Friday to be witnessed by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
In a statement, it said the deal was reached during three days of “constructive dialogue regarding political, security, and economic interests” between officials of the two countries in Washington.
The latest draft agreement builds on a previous accord signed earlier, it added.
In late April, Rwanda and DR Congo signed an agreement in Washington, promising to respect each other’s sovereignty and come up with a draft peace deal within days.
The decades-long conflict escalated earlier this year when M23 rebels – widely believed to be backed by Rwanda – seized swathes of mineral-rich territory in eastern DR Congo.
Rwanda denies supporting the M23, insisting its military presence in the region is a defensive measure against threats posed by armed groups like the FDLR – a rebel group composed largely of ethnic Hutus linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
The M23 captured Goma in late January, followed by the city of Bukavu, and has since set up governing structures in the regions under its control.
Thousands of people have been killed and hundreds of thousands of civilians forced from their homes in recent months following the rebel offensive.
Following the loss of territory, the government in Kinshasa turned to the US for help, reportedly offering access to critical minerals. Eastern DR Congo is rich in coltan and other resources vital to global electronics industries.
Peace deals between the two countries have unravelled in the past.
Last year, Rwandan and Congolese experts reached an agreement twice under Angolan mediation on the withdrawal of Rwandan troops and joint operations against FDLR – but ministers from both countries failed to endorse the deal. Angola eventually stepped down as a mediator in March.
Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have signed an agreement to respect each other’s sovereignty and come up with a draft peace deal by 2 May.
The deal was signed by the two countries’ foreign ministers in Washington, with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio also present at Friday’s ceremony.
Hundreds of thousands of civilians have been displaced in recent months as Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have seized swathes of mineral-rich territory in eastern DR Congo.
After losing territory, the government in Kinshasa turned to the US for help in exchange for access to the minerals.
M23 rebels are now controlling Goma and Bukavu – eastern Congo’s two largest cities
Relations have been so poor between DR Congo and Rwanda that the meeting in Washington and a promise to resolve disputes through dialogue is a sign of progress.
The text of the agreement says both sides now expect significant investments facilitated by the US government and private sector.
Despite the talks, fighting reportedly continued on Friday in North Kivu province.
Earlier this week, DR Congo and the M23 group said they were committed to peace, expressing hopes that a permanent ceasefire could be reached.
Officials in eastern DR Congo say some 7,000 people have been killed there since January.
The decades-long conflict has intensified since the start of the year when M23 staged an unprecedented offensive, seizing Goma and Bukavu – eastern Congo’s two largest cities – and sparking fears of a wider regional war.
DR Congo accuses Rwanda of arming the M23 and sending troops to support the rebels in the conflict.
Despite assertions from both the UN and US, Rwanda has denied supporting the M23.
(Reuters) – The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda-backed M23 rebels on Wednesday pledged in statements released after talks in Qatar to work towards peace after violence flared in January, raising fears of a wider regional war.
Their agreement to the text raised a glimmer of hope that the latest cycle of violence in a decades-long conflict rooted in the Rwandan genocide might ease. But sources in the two delegations expressed frustration over the pace of negotiations.
Each side released the same statement separately after their delegations departed Qatar earlier in the week, following more than a week of discussions.
“Both parties reaffirm their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities, a categorical rejection of any hate speech, intimidation, and call on local communities to uphold these commitments”, the statement said.
The statement described their talks as “frank and constructive”, but it was unclear if or when another round of talks would take place.
M23 has staged an unprecedented advance since January, seizing eastern Congo’s two largest cities in an assault that has killed thousands and raised fears of a wider regional war.
The latest peace push by Qatar comes after the Gulf state successfully brokered a surprise meeting last month between Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Both leaders called for a ceasefire after the meeting.
The session apparently paved the way towards direct talks between Congo and M23. Congo had long rejected the idea of holding talks with M23, branding it a terrorist group.
Rwanda, in turn, has long denied helping M23, saying its forces are acting in self-defence against Congo’s army and ethnic Hutu militiamen linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide that killed around 1 million people, mostly ethnic Tutsis.
Congo’s position is supported by the United Nations and Western governments, who say Rwanda is supporting the rebels by sending troops and arms.
Deep mistrust
Some participants in the Qatar talks complained that the meetings quickly bogged down in technical details.
Sources from both sides said potential confidence-building measures, such as the release of Congo-held prisoners accused of links to Rwanda and M23, inflamed tensions and almost derailed the outcome.
“They are asking for too much. They don’t even control two of the 26 provinces,” a Congo government source said. “Our justice system is independent. We cannot give in to every whim. Crimes have been committed. Some people must pay.”
A source from the rebel coalition that includes M23 said the parties left Doha when the disagreements over confidence-building measures became an insurmountable obstacle to substantive talks.
Ultimately, however, diplomats briefed on the talks said, Qatar managed to pressure the two sides into releasing a joint statement agreeing to continue to work on a truce.
“This is a crucial step towards ending the violence,” Maxime Prevot, Belgium’s foreign affairs minister, said Wednesday on X.
A United Nations source told Reuters on Wednesday that fighting had resumed in the Congolese territory of Walikale.
M23 withdrew from Walikale town, a strategic mining hub, earlier this month, a move it described as a goodwill gesture ahead of planned peace talks with the government.
The United States on Thursday said it was imposing sanctions on a Rwandan government minister and a senior member of an armed group for their alleged role in the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The Rwanda-backed M23 militant group has overrun eastern Congo’s two major cities in recent weeks, deepening a dire humanitarian crisis and sparking open talk of a coup against President Felix Tshisekedi’s government in Kinshasa.
“This aggression has undermined the territorial integrity of the DRC,” State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a statement, warning that Rwanda should end its support for M23 and return to Angola led negotiations.
“This violence risks escalating into a broader regional conflict,” Bruce added.
Lawrence Kanyuka, the spokesperson for M23.
The U.S. Treasury Department, announcing the financial sanctions, said Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Integration James Kabarebe, a retired general, was targeted for orchestrating Rwandan support for M23.
M23 itself has been under U.S. sanctions since 2013 for alleged violations of international law including targeting children, killing and maiming civilians and sexual violence.
“In addition, Kabarebe manages much of Rwanda and M23’s generation of revenue from the DRC’s mineral resources. He has coordinated the export of extracted minerals from mining sites in the DRC for eventual export from Rwanda,” the Treasury said.
Also targeted on Tuesday was Lawrence Kanyuka Kingston, an M23 and Congo River Alliance senior member and spokesperson, and two companies he controls in Britain and France, the Treasury said.
Rwanda rejects allegations from Congo, the United Nations, and Western powers that it supports M23 with arms and troops. It says it is defending itself against the threat from a Hutu militia, which it says is fighting with the Congolese military.
“Sanctions are unjustified, the international community should support not undermine ongoing regional efforts towards a political solution,” Rwanda’s government spokesperson Yolande Makolo told Reuters in a text message. “If sanctions could resolve conflict in eastern DRC, we would have had peace in the region decades ago.”
Rwanda has suspended its development cooperation with Belgium, calling out the European country for leading an aggressive campaign, together with DR Congo, to sabotage its access to “development finance, including in multilateral institutions.”
Announcing the development on Tuesday, February 18, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, said Belgium had decided to choose a political side in the eastern DR Congo conflict at a time when the international community is being called upon to support the mediation process mandated by the African Union and the Joint EAC-SADC Summit.
“Belgium has made a political decision to choose a side in this conflict, which is its right, but politicizing development is plainly wrong. No country in the region should have its development finance jeopardized as a tool of leverage,” a statement published by the foreign affairs ministry read.
“Punitive, one-sided measures can only be construed as unwarranted external interference that undermines the African-led mediation process and thereby risks delaying the peaceful resolution of the conflict. Indeed, such measures have repeatedly failed to provide a solution in the past, only adding to the problems and deferring them to the future.”
Such efforts by Belgium, demonstrate that there is no longer a sound basis for development cooperation with Belgium, Rwanda said, noting that it is accordingly suspending the remainder of the 2024-2029 bilateral aid program with the European country.
It is understood that the total value of the programme was €95 million, of which €80 million remained.
“Rwanda will not be bullied or blackmailed into compromising national security. Our only aim is a secure border, and an irreversible end to the politics of violent ethnic extremism in our region,” the statement read.
“Rwanda needs peace and a durable solution, and no one should continue to tolerate the cycles of conflict which continually recur because of the failure of the DRC Government and the international community, decade after decade, to fulfil their commitments to dismantle the UN-sanctioned genocidal FDLR militia, and protect minority rights,” it went on.
Last week, President Paul Kagame’s Press Secretary, Stéphanie Nyombayire called out Belgium’s “hypocrisy” in accusing Rwanda of mineral exploitation in DR Congo, despite the European country’s colonial exploitation of DR Congo and building its wealth from the conflict-ridden country.
Belgium’s accusation, Nyombayire said, should be “a reminder that fake outrage does not erase the facts of history” given that the European country has a fair share of blame in creating the conflicts in DR Congo.
“A country now leading the charge against Rwanda, with accusations of exploiting the very resources on which Belgium’s entire wealth is built. The irony is unmatched.”
“If anyone is to carry part of the blame, it is the nation that was an integral part of creating and fueling ethnic divisions, that continues to harbor and give legitimacy to Genocide perpetrators while Antwerp Diamond District continues to thrive off of DR Congo diamonds,” she added.
The Democratic Republic of Congo is in turmoil – fighters from the notorious M23 rebel group have been surging through the country’s east, battling the national army and capturing key places as they go.
In just a fortnight, thousands of people are said to have been killed and the fighting has sparked an ominous war of words between DR Congo and its neighbour, Rwanda.
So how did DR Congo – the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa – get here?
The origins of this complex conflict can be understood through the story of one man – M23 leader Sultani Makenga, who is the subject of various war crime allegations.
He is sanctioned by the US of using child soldiers, which he has denied. The UN has accused him of being responsible for sexual violence.
To go back through Makenga’s life so far is to look into decades of warfare, intermittent foreign intervention and the persistent lure of DR Congo’s rich mineral resources.
His life began on Christmas Day in 1973, when he was born in the lush Congolese town of Masisi.
Raised by parents of the Tutsi ethnic group, Makenga quit school at the age of 17 to join a Tutsi rebel outfit across the border in Rwanda.
This group, named the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), were demanding greater Tutsi representation in Rwanda’s government, which at the time was dominated by politicians from the Hutu majority.
They also wanted the hundreds and thousands of Tutsi refugees who had been forced from the country by ethnic violence to be able to return home.
For four years, Makenga and the RPF fought the Hutu-dominated army in Rwanda. Their battle was enmeshed with the 1994 genocide, when Hutu extremists killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
When looking back at this time in a rare 2013 interview, external, Makenga stated: “My life is war, my education is war, and my language is war… but I do respect peace.”
The RPF gradually seized more and more land before marching into Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, and overthrowing the extremist Hutu government – many of whom fled into what is now DR Congo.
With the RPF in power, Makenga was absorbed into the official Rwandan army and rose to the rank of sergeant and deputy platoon commander.
“He was very good at setting up ambushes,” one of Makenga’s fellow RPF fighters told the Rift Valley Institute, external non-profit research organisation.
His progress in the Rwandan army hit a ceiling however. The fact that he only had a basic education and spoke broken French and English was “an obstacle to his military career”, the Rift Valley Institute said.
Makenga’s M23 fighters are now in charge in Goma. AFP
Makenga is also said – to this day – to be very reserved and to struggle with public speaking.
In 1997, he was part of the Rwanda-backed forces who ended up seizing power in DR Congo, ousting long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko. In his place they installed veteran Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila.
However, Makenga began to clash with his superiors – he was arrested by the Rwandan authorities after refusing orders to return to Rwanda, a UN Security Council report, external said.
He was therefore imprisoned for several years on the island of Iwawa.
Meanwhile, relations between Kabila and Rwanda’s new leaders deteriorated.
Rwanda had sought to crush the Hutu militiamen who were responsible for the genocide but had fled across the border in 1994. Rwanda’s fear was that they could return and upset the country’s hard-won stability.
But Kabila had failed to stop the militants from organising and he also started to force out Rwandan troops.
As a result, Rwanda invaded DR Congo in 1998. When Makenga was released from prison, he was appointed to serve as a commander on the front line with a Rwanda-backed rebel group.
The recent violence in the advance towards Goma and in the city itself reportedly killed thousands of people in just two weeks. Photo: AFP
Over the years, he gained a reputation for being highly strategic and skilled at commanding large groups of soldiers into battle.
After Rwandan troops crossed into DR Congo, there was a surge in discrimination against the Tutsi community. Kabila alleged that Tutsis supported the invasion, while other officials incited the public to attack members of the ethnic group.
Makenga – still in DR Congo – accused the Congolese leader of betraying Tutsi fighters, saying: “Kabila was a politician, while I am not. I am a soldier, and the language that I know is that of the gun.”
Several neighbouring countries had been drawn into the conflict and a large UN military force was deployed to try to maintain order.
More than five million people are believed to have died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.
The fighting officially ended in 2003 but Makenga continued to serve in armed groups opposed to the Congolese government.
In the spirit of reconciliation, Tutsi rebels like Makenga were eventually amalgamated into the Congolese government’s armed forces, in a process called “mixage”.
But the political sands in DR Congo are ever shifting – Makenga eventually defected from the army to join the rising M23 rebellion.
The M23 had become increasingly active in DR Congo’s east, stating that they were fighting to protect Tutsi rights, and that the government had failed to honour a peace deal signed in 2009.
Makenga was elevated to the rank of an M23 general, then soon after, the top position.
In November 2012 he led the rebels in a brutal uprising, in which they captured the city of Goma, a major eastern city with a population of more than a million.
DR Congo and the UN accused Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government of backing the M23 – an allegation which Kigali has persistently denied. But recently, the official response has shifted, with government spokespeople stating that fighting near its border is a security threat.
By 2012, Makenga and others in the M23 were facing serious war crimes allegations. The US imposed sanctions on him, saying he was responsible for “the recruitment of child soldiers, and campaigns of violence against civilians”. Makenga said allegations that the M23 used child soldiers were “baseless”.
Elsewhere, the UN said he had committed, and was responsible for, acts such as killing and maiming, sexual violence and abduction.
Makenga has been involved in several rebellions against the DR Congo government. AFP
Along with asset freezes, Makenga was facing a bitter split within the M23. One side backed him as leader while the other backed his rival, Gen Bosco Ntaganda.
The Enough Project, external, a non-profit group working in DR Congo, said the two factions descended into a “full-fledged war” in 2013 and as a result, three soldiers and eight civilians died.
Makenga’s side triumphed and Gen Ntaganda fled to Rwanda, where he surrendered to the US embassy.
However, months after Makenga’s triumph, another, larger threat appeared. The UN had deployed a 3,000-strong force with a mandate to support the Congolese military in reclaiming Goma, prompting the M23 to withdraw.
The rebel group was expelled from the country and Makenga fled to Uganda, a country which has also been accused of supporting the M23 – an allegation it denies.
Uganda received an extradition request for Makenga from DR Congo, but did not act on it.
Eight years passed. Dozens of other armed groups roamed the mineral-rich east, wreaking havoc, but the Congolese authorities were free of the most notorious militants.
That is, until 2021.
Makenga and his rebels took up arms again, capturing territory in North Kivu province.
Several ceasefires between the M23 and the Congolese authorities have failed, and last year a judge sentencing Makenga to death in absentia.
During the M23’s latest advance, in which the rebels are said to be supported by thousands of Rwandan troops, Makenga has barely been seen in public.
He instead leaves the public speeches and statements to his spokesperson, and Corneille Nangaa, who heads an alliance of rebel groups including the M23.
But Makenga remains a key player, appearing to focus on strategy behind the scenes.
He has said his relentless fighting has been for his three children, “so that one day they will have a better future in this country”.
“I shouldn’t be seen as a man who doesn’t want peace. I have a heart, a family, and people I care about,” he said.
But millions of ordinary people are paying the price of this conflict and if he is captured by the Congolese forces, Makenga faces the death penalty.
A diplomatic impasse occurred on Saturday during the high-stakes EAC-SADC summit in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, when African Union Commission (AUC) Chair Moussa Faki was asked to leave the closed-door session on the escalating crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo).
Announced by the masters of ceremonies, the closed-door session of the meeting held in the Tanzanian capital Dar es Salaam was only open with delegations of the two regional blocs.
Each delegation was only allowed to have 5+1 delegates in the room.
The summit, aimed at addressing the worsening security situation in eastern DR Congo, began smoothly with opening remarks from Kenya’s President William Ruto and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the respective chairs of the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC).
However, during the opening session, Faki’s name was notably absent from the list of dignitaries acknowledged by protocol, an unusual oversight considering his pivotal role in the ongoing peace efforts in the region.
Tensions flared shortly after the session commenced when the Master of Ceremony requested Faki’s departure, despite the AUC Chair’s initial invitation to attend the meeting.
Reliable sources indicate that Faki was invited to the high-level summit by President William Ruto, the current Chairperson of the EAC.
The incident immediately caught the attention of other leaders, including President Paul Kagame, who voiced concerns over the decision.
“Who made this misguided decision and why?” Kagame questioned, emphasizing that Faki, as the AUC Chair and a key figure in ongoing peace efforts in eastern DRC, should not have been excluded from the meeting.
According to sources at the summit, it was unclear who had issued the instruction for Faki to leave. “There was no justification,” one source added.
Recognizing the diplomatic misstep, summit organisers quickly sent a message to reinvite Faki to rejoin the closed-door session. However, by the time the invitation arrived, the damage had already been done.
“Nobody knows who gave that instruction and why it was reversed. But by then, Faki refused to return,” the source said.
A growing rift
Faki had been invited to the summit in his capacity as the AUC Chair and guarantor of both the Luanda Process and Nairobi Process, key peace initiatives in eastern DRC.
He had already participated in the opening ceremony and joined the regional leaders for the traditional family photo. The African Union plays a central role in peace efforts within the EAC and SADC regions, especially regarding the ongoing crisis in eastern DR Congo.
The incident raised concerns about the growing diplomatic rift and fragmented approaches between the African Union and regional organizations.
This confusion about Faki’s participation signals potential challenges in coordinating peace efforts for DR Congo.
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s Foreign minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner has urged football clubs Arsenal, Bayern Munich and Paris St Germain to end their “blood-stained” sponsorship agreements with “Visit Rwanda” following the worsening humanitarian crisis in the country.
The DR Congo Health ministry said on Saturday there were almost 800 bodies in hospital morgues around Goma following the offensive by Rwanda-backed M23 rebels to seize east Congo’s largest city, home to lucrative gold, coltan and tin mines.
The latest escalation has worsened a long-standing humanitarian crisis that has driven hundreds of thousands to seek shelter in Goma after fleeing fighting between M23 and Congolese troops.
The fighting has led to human rights violations including summary executions, the bombing of displacement camps, reports of gang rape and other sexual violence, according to the United Nations.
Wagner wrote to the three clubs this week and questioned the morality of their sponsorship deals, citing a U.N. report that suggested there were 4,000 Rwandan troops active in DR Congo.
“Thousands are currently trapped in the city of Goma with restricted access to food, water, and security,” Wagner said in her letters to the clubs, according to a media statement from her ministry on Sunday.
“Countless lives have been lost; rape, murder and theft prevail. Your sponsor is directly responsible for this misery. If not for your own consciences, then the clubs should do it (end their sponsorship agreement) for the victims of Rwandan aggression.”
Rwanda says it is defending itself, accusing Congo’s military of joining forces with ethnic Hutu-led militias bent on slaughtering Tutsis in Congo and threatening Rwanda, where Hutus targeted Tutsis in a 1994 genocide and some later fled to Congo.
Congo denies this and accuses Rwanda of using M23 to pillage valuable minerals from Congolese territory.
“Visit Rwanda” began their sponsorship of Arsenal in 2018, with the latest deal reported to be worth more than 10 million pounds ($12.39 million) per year.
Bayern Munich signed a five-year football development and tourism promotion partnership with Rwanda in 2023, while “Visit Rwanda” has been a sponsor of PSG since 2019.
Reuters has contacted the three clubs and “Visit Rwanda” for comment.
British foreign minister David Lammy told parliament on Tuesday Rwanda received over $1 billion in global aid every year, including around 32 million pounds of bilateral UK assistance, but “all of that is under threat when you attack your neighbours.”
The past weeks have seen significant gains by the allegedly foreign-backed rebel group M23, which claims to defend the rights of ethnic Tutsis in the region
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with reports indicating that over 100 armed groups operating in the region as conflict has displaced thousands, and killed dozens in the latest rebel offensive
Weeks of renewed fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have culminated in the capture of Goma, a key border city targeted by rebels allegedly backed by foreign rivals.
The M23 rebel group stepped up its push towards Goma, a city of about 3 million people located on the northern shore of Lake Kivu on the boundary with Rwanda.
As the capital of North Kivu province, Goma is the largest settlement to fall in a series of rebel advances that have overtaken key frontier towns.
While the DRC government has denied that the rebels had taken full control, M23 spokesman Willy Ngoma told the press on Tuesday that fighters were “in control of the city.”
“I am in Goma now. Everything is very nice, very good, and there is no problem,” Ngoma said, claiming “total control” of the city, which also serves as a gateway to some of the world’s most mineral-rich areas.
The Congolese government is supported by UN peacekeepers from the MONUSCO mission and regional troops under the Southern African Development Community Mission in Congo (SAMIDRC), which includes forces from Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania.
Since last week, fighting in the region has left at least 42 people dead, including 17 foreign peacekeepers. Hundreds more have been injured amid ongoing clashes between the Congolese army and rebel forces. Over half of Goma’s population are children, according to Save the Children, while about 1 million are displaced people.
Rwanda claims at least nine of its citizens were killed in an alleged cross-border exchange of gunfire originating from Goma.
UN experts accuse Rwanda and Uganda of supporting M23 by providing sanctuary and enabling Rwandan troops to join the fighting in eastern Congo.
Both nations deny the allegations, countering that the armed groups targeting their own territory have used the DRC as a sanctuary.
Why is Goma important?
Goma’s strategic location as a commercial hub has long made it a focal point in local power struggles during Congo’s wars.
The city’s proximity to mineral-rich areas has embedded it in the war economy, drawing settlers, traders, and criminals. Control over Goma has historically shaped political power and trade networks in the region.
Much of the conflict in eastern Congo is driven by the region’s mineral riches, including coltan, cobalt, tantalum, and lithium reserves, essential to modern technology.
Goma, home to several ethnic groups, including Tutsi, Hutu, Hunde, Kano, Nande, and Nyanga, has also been affected by ethnic tensions, often rooted in economic rivalries.
Local militias frequently clash over control of land and mining areas, from which armed groups fund their activities by smuggling minerals.
Who are the M23 and what do they want?
The M23 movement has its origins in the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a rebel group that claimed to fight for the rights of the Tutsi minority in eastern Congo.
The CNDP signed a peace deal with the Congolese government in March 2009. Under the agreement, its fighters were integrated into the national army.
In April 2012, a faction of former CNDP rebels broke away from the military, accusing the government of failing to implement the agreement. They formed the March 23 Movement, or M23, named after the date of the 2009 deal.
Why are Rwanda and Uganda allegedly backing rebels?
Conflicts in eastern Congo trace back to the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, when about 1 million people, most of them members of the Tutsi ethnic group and moderate Hutus, were killed by Hutu extremists within a span of 100 days.
The subsequent resettlement of Hutus in the region sparked widespread violence, as many of the genocide perpetrators fled to Congo. Meanwhile, Rwanda has supported Tutsis, aiding their reorganization efforts across the border.
M23 asserts that minority Congolese Tutsis face discrimination due to their ethnic links to their kin in Rwanda. The group claims the Congolese government has failed to address their concerns about safety and military integration.
Kinshasa, for its part, accuses M23 of destabilizing the region with external backing, particularly from Rwanda and Uganda.
Both nations deny the allegations, with Kampala accusing the DRC of sheltering rebels fighting Uganda, including the ISIS/Daesh-linked Allied Democratic Forces and the People’s Redemption Army.
Rwanda, likewise, accuses the Congolese army of allying with rebels in the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose members are blamed for the 1994 genocide.
Why is eastern DRC a hotspot for conflicts?
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with over 100 armed groups operating in the region.
Analysts attribute the ongoing fighting to efforts by foreign powers to maintain influence and profit from the extraction of minerals such as gold, coltan, and cobalt.
Rwanda is accused of facilitating the illegal trafficking of these minerals, which are worth more than $1 billion and play a significant role in the ongoing conflict, according to Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
The Congolese army has been deployed repeatedly to eastern Congo to protect mining sites belonging to Chinese companies. Most of the cobalt mines owned by US companies were sold to firms connected to Beijing since, according to the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations.
Key reserves in eastern Congo also include tantalum, tin, tungsten, and copper. These resources dominate Congo’s economy, with minerals and petroleum comprising the majority of its export value.
How does the ongoing conflict affect civilians?
Over 26 million people in Congo are in need of humanitarian assistance, according to Save the Children.
In Goma, hospitals are overwhelmed as they struggle to manage rising patient numbers, while electricity and water supplies have been disrupted. Internet services have also been unavailable since Monday.
Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner reported that more than 100 people have been treated at health centers in recent days, while over 500,000 people have been displaced.
Amnesty International notes that over 400,000 were displaced in January alone, with Goma already hosting more than 600,000 internally displaced persons.
The World Food Program has raised alarms over food shortages in Goma, where rising prices and blocked access roads have worsened the crisis. The UN deputy special representative to MONUSCO has said nearly 3 million people have been displaced in North Kivu province to date.
Britain has warned Rwanda that its involvement in an escalating conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo could jeopardise the over $1 billion of aid it receives every year.
Rwanda-backed M23 rebels captured Goma, a city of 2 million people in the DRC, on Monday, ignoring widespread calls for them to halt their offensive and enact a ceasefire. They extended their advance on Wednesday.
Rwandan forces backed up M23 in Goma, according to Congo, the United States and other Western powers. Rwanda has denied its involvement.
Members of the M23 rebel group gather at their position amid fighting between them and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), in Goma, Easter Congo. Reuters
British foreign minister David Lammy told parliament on Tuesday Rwanda received over 1 billion dollars in global aid every year, including around 32 million pounds ($39.80 million) of bilateral UK assistance but “all of that is under threat when you attack your neighbours”.
“We in this House are clear that we cannot have countries challenging the territorial integrity of other countries,” Lammy said. “Just as we will not tolerate it in the continent of Europe, we cannot tolerate it wherever in the world it happens.”
“We have to be clear about that,” Lammy added.
This week’s events represent the gravest escalation of the decades-old conflict in eastern Congo since 2012. The hostilities are rooted in the spillover of Rwanda’s 1994 genocide into Congo and the struggle for control of Congo’s lucrative minerals.
The M23, a Rwanda-backed armed group, has seized most of Goma, a key city of a million people in the mineral-rich eastern DR Congo. Analysts say their motives combine security and economic interests with the deadly momentum of war.
Why did Rwanda and M23 take Goma?
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame says its priority in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo is to destroy the Democratic Liberation Front of Rwanda (FDLR in French), formed from remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 genocide.
Many say Rwanda is more interested in the region’s rich resources of tantalum and tin used in batteries and electronics worldwide as well as gold.
“There is a desire to control the resources of eastern Congo,” said Thierry Vircoulon, of the French Institute of International Relations, dismissing talk of the FDLR as a “pretext”.
But Bram Verelst, of Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, said it was vital to understand that Rwanda’s security concerns stemmed from its horrific recent history.
“The Rwandan state today is largely built on the experience of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. It’s extremely sensitive to what it perceives as genocide ideology or any form of opposition,” he said.
“The way it perceives the FDLR as an existential threat goes beyond the actual military capabilities of the group.”
He also said there was an inescapable momentum to the conflict.
“A lot of what is happening now is the result of this mutual pursuit of a military approach that leads to more and more escalation.”
Can M23 hold Goma?
The M23 took Goma once before in 2012 but international pressure on Rwanda and internal divisions within the group led to its defeat.
“This time we’re less likely to see a split because it is much more deeply involved with the Rwandan Defence Forces,” said an analyst for Janes, a defence intelligence company, who asked not be named.
Romania mercenaries going through security check with Rwandan police after they surrendered to M23 fighters.
The M23 is determined to show it can govern effectively.
“They spend a lot of time in their propaganda critiquing the poor governance and corruption of the Congolese government,” said the analyst.
Vircoulon was sceptical about its prospects.
“The M23 does not have a lot of fighters. It will be very difficult to hold a city of one million,” he said.
Rwanda ultimately wants to force the Congolese into talks with the M23, which they have so far refused.
“As long as Kinshasa maintains this position, Kagame will not budge either. And so we risk a stalemate that lasts,” said Vircoulon.
Will the M23 go further?
Rwanda’s ambassador for the Great Lakes region, Vincent Karega, told AFP on Wednesday that the M23 could seize territory far beyond Goma, even going all the way to Kinshasa.
“It’s possible because all the (DRC) forces and military capabilities were concentrated in Goma. The rest of the country is not as protected,” he said.
Analysts said that was highly unlikely given the vast size of the country and the conflict’s dynamics.
But Verelst said it will keep pushing north to Lubero, south to Bukavu and west to Walikelo.
“It is certainly a possibility that we could see further expansion on multiple fronts, but it’s also a bit uncertain now, because the M23 needs to consolidate its gains,” he said.
The recent offensive has demonstrated the challenges faced by the Congolese army.
“The Congolese military has had significant issues with corruption, misappropriation of funding for equipment. Lack of pay has been a huge problem for morale,” said the Janes analyst.
He said the DRC army had invested $280 million since 2022, expanding training, taking on Israeli private military contractors and European partners to create Rapid Reaction Brigades.
“But although they look the part, we’ve seen they haven’t stood up to the M23 and Rwandan Defence Forces.”
Last month, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi dismissed his army chief of staff, Christian Tshiwewe, following failures on the eastern battlefield and reports of mass corruption in the recruitment of new troops.
Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels are moving south towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province, in what appears to be an attempt to expand their area of control in the country’s east after capturing the city of Goma.
The latest advances are part of a major escalation of a decades-old conflict over power, identity and resources that has killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced more than 1 million since its recent resurgence.
What is happening in Goma?
After entering Goma on Monday night, the rebels faced pockets of resistance, particularly around strategic areas including the airport. They took control of the airport by Tuesday evening, and hundreds of government troops and allied militia laid down their weapons.
By Wednesday morning, the rebels were in control of the devastated city, where some corpses could still be seen in the streets. Corneille Nangaa, leader of the Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels, told Reuters on Tuesday that they plan to govern Goma.
M23 forces were later advancing south from the town of Minova, along the western side of Lake Kivu, towards Bukavu, five diplomatic and security sources said.
Who are M23?
M23, which refers to the March 23, 2009, accord that ended a previous Tutsi-led revolt in eastern Congo, is the latest group of ethnic Tutsi-led insurgents to take up arms against Congolese forces. It launched the current rebellion in 2022.
The group has accused the government of Congo of not living up to the peace deal and fully integrating Congolese Tutsis into the army and administration.
It also vows to defend Tutsi interests, particularly against ethnic Hutu militias such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), founded by Hutus who fled Rwanda after participating in the 1994 genocide of close to 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
Since the start of 2025, the rebels have seized new territory and reached Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, prompting hundreds of thousands more people to flee their homes.
For more than a year, M23 has controlled Congo’s coltan-mining region of Rubaya, generating an estimated $800,000 per month through a production tax, according to the U.N. Coltan is used in the production of smartphones and other equipment.
The group’s spread into new territories in recent weeks gives it scope to acquire more mining revenue, analysts say.
Why is Rwanda involved?
The government of Congo, U.N. officials and Western powers including the United States have accused Congo’s neighbour Rwanda of fuelling the conflict by deploying thousands of its own troops and heavy weapons on Congolese soil in support of M23.
The accusations are based on a 2022 report by a U.N. Group of Experts that said it had “solid evidence” that Rwandan troops had been fighting alongside the M23 rebels.
Rwanda, which denies backing the rebels, says it has taken what it calls defensive measures and accuses Congo of fighting alongside the FDLR, which has attacked Tutsis in both countries.
Rwanda has a long history of military intervention inside Congo. It and Uganda invaded in 1996 and 1998, claiming they were defending themselves against local militia groups and going after the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
What are UN peacekeepers and other forces doing?
U.N. peacekeepers had been supporting the Congolese army’s efforts to curb the M23 as part of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (MONUSCO) years-old mandate to counter the many rebel groups active in eastern Congo.
An agreed withdrawal of the mission from Congo has been paused because of the deteriorating security situation. As of December, there were nearly 11,000 peacekeepers on the ground, mostly in the east.
Since the fall of Goma, the mission has evacuated some of its staff and families. Its base has received a large number of people seeking refuge, including government and army officials and various elements including the pro-government Wazalendo militia fighters who have surrendered their arms.
Private military contractors who were hired by the Congolese government to help in the fight against M23 and to train troops have also surrendered.
Rwanda’s defence force said 280 of them had surrendered to M23. Reuters reporters saw dozens of Romanian mercenaries who had been hired by Congo crossing into Rwanda — the start of their journey home, one said
The 16-member Southern African Development Community (SADC), which extended its military mission in Congo late last year to help the Congolese army fight the rebels, remains in place.
Both forces have suffered losses since the start of 2025.
In a stern rebuke that could escalate into a regional crisis, Rwandan President Paul Kagame has sharply warned South African President Cyril Ramaphosa that any preference for confrontation over diplomacy in the ongoing turmoil in Eastern Congo will be met with decisive action.
The rare statement, made via a public post on X (formerly Twitter), underscores a dramatic escalation in the already tense relations between Kigali and Pretoria.
Following confidential conversations held virtually by the two Heads of State on two occasions, Ramaphosa and other South African officials made statements which Kagame said contained a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks, and even lies.
The duo held talks following the fall of Goma, the capital of North Kivu Province of DR Congo, to the M23 rebel group, a Congolese outfit.
“If words can change so much from a conversation to a public statement, it says a lot about how these very important issues are being managed,” Kagame said.
At the core of the dispute is the role of various military forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Kagame firmly rejected Ramaphosa’s characterization of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) as a militia, stating, “The Rwanda Defence Force is an army, not a militia.” This was in response to Ramaphosa’s claim that the fighting in eastern DRC “is the result of an escalation by the rebel group M23 and the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) militia engaging the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) and attacking peacekeepers from the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC).”
Kagame clarified that SAMIDRC is not a peacekeeping force but rather a belligerent force with no legitimate role in the situation. He argued that SAMIDRC was authorized by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to engage in offensive combat operations, aiding the Congolese government in fighting its own people. He further accused SAMIDRC of collaborating with genocidal armed groups like the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which Rwanda views as a direct threat to its security. Kagame warned that these actions not only destabilize the region but also threaten to bring the war to Rwanda itself.
“Rwanda will never fail to protect its sovereignty and people,” Kagame emphasized, underscoring the nation’s commitment to security and peace.
Kagame also criticized the South African-led SADC mission in the DRC, labeling it not as a peacekeeping force but as a “belligerent force.” He accused SAMIDRC of aligning with the DRC government and collaborating with the FDLR, a group Rwanda considers a direct threat to its national security. According to Kagame, SAMIDRC’s intervention has not only failed to bring peace but has exacerbated the conflict by undermining the previous efforts of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF).
“SAMIDRC displaced a true peacekeeping force, the East African Community Regional Force, and this contributed to the failure of the negotiation processes,” Kagame said.
Rwandan army match during a national public ceremony.
In a revealing twist, Kagame disclosed details of private conversations with Ramaphosa, asserting that the South African president had privately acknowledged that the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC)—not the M23 rebels—were responsible for the deaths of South African troops. This contradicts Ramaphosa’s public claims that the M23 was to blame.
During intense fighting earlier this week, South Africa lost 13 soldiers who were fighting alongside Congolese government forces (FARDC), European mercenaries, and a coalition of other groups, including the FDLR—a militia formed by perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
“If South Africa wants to contribute to peaceful solutions, that is well and good. But South Africa is in no position to take on the role of a peacemaker or mediator. And if South Africa prefers confrontation, Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day,” Kagame stated.
This public spat signals a significant diplomatic standoff, with Kagame’s comments being interpreted by some as an informal declaration of war. The tone of his message raises concerns that the situation could escalate beyond harsh words, potentially pushing both nations toward military engagement if diplomatic efforts continue to falter.
The backdrop of this confrontation includes historical tensions, notably the 2014 assassination of Patrick Karegeya, a former Rwandan intelligence chief, on South African soil. This incident has long strained relations between the two countries.
In recent weeks, the M23 rebel group has captured the towns of Minova in South Kivu and Masisi in North Kivu, advancing toward the city of Goma. The rebels are demanding direct peace talks with the Congolese government, which has ruled out any possibility of negotiations, labeling the M23 a terrorist movement.
Regional initiatives to end the conflict politically have failed, with the Congolese government showing little political will and instead pursuing a military solution.
EAC calls for ceasefire
The East African Heads of State under the chairmanship of President William Ruto have called for a cessation of hostilities and protection of diplomatic missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The call followed a virtual meeting convened by President Ruto, over the conflict on Wednesday.
President William Ruto chairs a virtual Extra-Ordinary Summit of the EAC Heads of State on DRC/PCS
The leaders urged the conflicting parties to facilitate access to humanitarian support for the affected people.
“The summit also expressed concern about the expanding crisis manifesting in attacks on diplomatic missions, embassies and staff based in Kinshasa. Accordingly, the summit urged the government of DRC to protect diplomatic missions, lives and property,” a communique from the summit reads in part.
“All parties to the conflict in Eastern DRC to cease hostilities and observe immediate and unconditional ceasefire and facilitate humanitarian access to the affected population.”
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Félix Tshisekedi did not attend the summit.
The EAC heads of state further noted that President Ruto will engage the chairperson of the South African Development Community (SADC) for a joint summit to discuss the way forward.
This is a result of their forces being involved in efforts to stabilise the DRC.
The leaders further urged President Felix Tshisekedi to engage the M23 and all other armed groups, as well as all other critical stakeholders to arrive at a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
In recent weeks, the M23 captured the towns of Minova, in South Kivu, and Masisi, in North Kivu, ahead of taking the city of Goma on Sunday night.
The rebels demand direct peace talks with the Congolese government, which has ruled out any possibility of talks with the rebels, accusing them of being a terrorist movement.
Regional initiatives have failed to end the war politically, with the Congolese government declining political will and pursuing a military solution.
As the international community watches closely, the possibility of a broader conflict looms large, threatening the stability of the Central African region. The urgency to mediate and de-escalate this burgeoning crisis is palpable, with both leaders needing to navigate this diplomatic minefield carefully to avoid an all-out confrontation.
The implications of this exchange could reshape regional alliances, peacekeeping strategies, and the geopolitical landscape of Central Africa, highlighting the critical need for swift and effective diplomatic intervention.
Dozens of Romanian security contractors in the eastern DR Congo crossed the border into neighbouring Rwanda on Wednesday to surrender to authorities following days of deadly fighting, according to Kigali.
Rwanda-backed fighters controlled almost all of the DR Congo city of Goma, a key mineral trading hub, Wednesday after a lightening offensive.
A long line of men, many wearing jeans and T-shirts, flanked by armed Rwandan soldiers calmly entered Rwandan territory on foot via the Gisenyi border post, according to images filmed by AFP.
With the help of sniffer dogs, the Rwandan soldiers inspected their backpacks and other belongings, opened on the ground, before the men underwent body searches and registered.
“We weren’t on a battlefield, we were here to train and help with artillery,” one of the Romanians told AFP, only giving the name Emil.
More than 280 Romanian “mercenaries” fighting alongside Congolese forces have surrendered to M23 in the Rwandan border town of Gisenyi, Rwanda’s army said on X.
They are being evacuated in buses to Kigali, according to the Rwandan Ministry of Defence.
In Romania, the foreign ministry said an evacuation of its citizens was “under way”.
The ministry on Tuesday convened a crisis unit to address “the acute deterioration of the security situation” in the eastern DRC, where “Romanian citizens, private employees of the DRC government, are present on an army training mission”.
Four of them were injured in the fighting, their leader Constantin Timofte told Romanian public television.
“The national army gave up fighting and we had to withdraw,” he said.
Since late 2022, nearly 1,000 Western soldiers, working for two private military companies, have been in Goma.
One of the military contractors, Congo Protection, is managed in Goma by Horatiu Potra, a Romanian ex-member of the French Foreign Legion.
Congo Protection’s mostly Eastern European soldiers are involved in training Congolese army units and protecting Goma. They have also joined in combat against the rebels.
Agemira, the other company, is run by French nationals and includes retired French military personnel.
It initially provided maintenance services to the Congolese Air Force but is now part of the military’s operational command and has taken part in bombing raids on M23 positions.
Protesters in Kinshasa, the capital of Democratic Republic of Congo, have been burning portraits of Rwanda’s president and tearing up Rwandan flags as M23 rebels have taken control of most the eastern city of Goma.
Their fury is focused on Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who they accuse of backing the rebels – an accusation long made by the UN.
To put it bluntly, a group of UN experts maintains the Rwandan army is in “de facto control of M23 operations”, detailing how M23 recruits are trained under Rwandan supervision and supported by high-tech Rwandan weaponry.
Goma, which lies at the foot of a volcano near Lake Kivu, sits on the border with Rwanda. It is the capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province – and is an important trading and humanitarian hub and the base for the UN’s largest peacekeeping mission.
The city had also become a refuge for those fleeing the conflict between M23 fighters and the army that erupted again in late 2021 – with the population swelling to around two million.
They all face further turmoil as fighting erupted there on Sunday night with loud explosions echoing through the streets, which are now strewn with bodies. The exact circumstances of what is going on is unclear as phone lines are down and electricity and water supplies have been cut off. But the M23 seem to have captured most, if not all, of the city.
“There was no question that there are Rwandan troops in Goma supporting the M23,” said UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix, though he added that it was it was difficult to tell the exact numbers on the ground in Goma.
Tellingly some Congolese army soldiers in Goma who surrendered on Monday, did so by crossing over the border into Rwanda.
Since the conflict begun, President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels, who are well equipped, well armed and well trained.
However, this response has noticeably shifted as accusations continue to grow with “overwhelming evidence” showing Rwanda’s support for the rebel group, according to Richard Moncrief, International Crisis Group’s project director for the Great Lakes
“The tone has changed to justification for defensive measures,” he told the BBC. “It has become harder to deny Rwanda’s support for M23.”
On Sunday, Rwanda’s foreign ministry said in a statement: “This fighting close to the Rwandan border continues to present a serious threat to Rwanda’s security and territorial integrity, and necessitates Rwanda’s sustained defensive posture.”
It said it was concerned by “misguided or manipulative” statements that lacked context about the conflict.
For Kagame, the context all comes down to the Rwandan genocide that took place over 100 days in 1994.
The ethnic Hutu militia involved in killing up to 800,000 people – the vast majority from the Tutsi community – fled to what is now DR Congo, some forming the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
This rebel group is still active in the notoriously unstable eastern DR Congo – and still includes some of those responsible for the genocide.
Kagame, who headed the rebel Tutsi force that ended the killing more than three decades ago, sees this “genocidal militia” as an existential threat.
This month alone 400,000 people have fled their homes because of the fighting
His government has twice invaded DR Congo, saying it wants to stop Hutu rebel groups from staging cross-border attacks.
Earlier this month he called out his Congolese counterpart, Félix Tshisekedi, for failing to deal with the FDLR and talk to the M23, saying this was exacerbating the conflict.
Mr Moncrief believes that the targeting of Goma is more about making a political point as he says the M23 does not need the city strategically as it already “controls many more lucrative areas”.
“It is President Kagame’s way of exerting power over who is in charge of North Kivu,” said the Great Lakes expert.
Rwanda accused the military governor of North Kivu, who was killed in fighting last week, of collaborating with the FDLR.
The discovery of this kind of high-level collaboration, experts agree, would have been like a red flag to a bull for Rwanda.
Rwandan soldiers escorted surrendering Congolese troops over the border into Rwanda on Monday. Reuters
The M23’s origins are tied to these tensions – it is the latest incarnation of a rebel group that says it is fighting for the interests of the minority Tutsi community in eastern DR Congo.
Its first uprising more than a decade ago ended with a peace deal – when its fighters disarmed and mainly moved into camps in Uganda.
But three years ago, they began leaving the camps saying the deal was not honoured and within a couple months was seizing territory.
The UN peacekeeping mission – first deployed in 1999 – is not mandated to go on the offensive. Two regional forces – an East African one followed by a southern African one – specially deployed over the last few years at the request of Tshisekedi have failed to contain the M23.
This gives an indication of the M23’s sophisticated operations.
According to the UN group of experts, this includes five months of training at the M23’s main base in Tchanzu, hilly terrain not far from Rwanda’s border, that incorporates courses on theory and ideology and then practical elements including “war tactics”, “engagement rules” and “bush tactics”.
It said Rwandan officers were often at the camp, where recruits, including children, were brought – some joining up on a voluntary basis, others forced to do so in a systematic operation where local chiefs had to provide conscripts.
The experts said Sultani Makenga, who once fought for Kagame in the early 1990s in Rwanda and is now the M23’s military chief, attended some of the passing-out ceremonies between 25 September and 31 October 2024 that involved 3,000 recruits.
Rwanda’s spokesperson Yolande Makolo did not address the question of whether Rwandan officers were in the M23 camp but she did deny the charges about child soldiers, telling the BBC last year: “The claim about recruiting minors in camps is absurd, it’s blatant information warfare against Rwanda.”
However UN expert reports detail how the M23’s strength has grown since May when numbers were put at around 3,000.
The experts estimate that between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan army troops are on the ground in DR Congo – saying it based this on authenticated photographs, drone footage, video recordings, testimonies and intelligence.
Captured M23 fighters said that the Rwandans were known as the “Friendly Force”, with the experts’ December report saying the English term was “generically used” even when interviewees were speaking in other languages.
UN experts included photos of a short-range air defence system in their most recent report, saying three were spotted in M23 territory (Kibumba, Kitchanga and Karuba) in November being operated by soldiers using weaponry and backpacks similar to standard Rwandan army issue
They said these Rwandan special forces were there to train and support the rebels, and they did not interact with M23 regulars.
Rwanda’s ally Uganda, unhappy about another rebel group in DR Congo that threatens its security, has also been accused of helping the M23 – with its officers also spotted at Tchanzu. The UN experts say Uganda has also supplied weapons, hosted rebel leaders and allowed cross-border movements of M23 fighters – accusations Kampala denies.
Kagame recently expressed his frustration that after Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, his suggestion that Rwanda work alongside the Congolese army to tackle the FDLR had been rebuffed – unlike a joint offensive by DR Congo and Uganda against the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels.
This may explain the re-emergence of the M23 in 2021 – with evidence showing Rwanda’s backing of the group continues to grow.
Clémentine de Montjoye, senior researcher in the Africa division at Human Rights Watch, told the BBC that geolocated images placed Rwandan troops in Sake, a town just outside Goma last week.
The UN experts say the M23’s decision to capture the mining town of Rubaya, which fell to its forces in May, was “motivated by a strategic need to monopolise” the lucrative trade in coltan, which is used to make batteries for electric vehicles and mobile phones.
Its December report says the group now collects at least $800,000 (£643,000) a month from the taxation of coltan in Rubaya – and ensures that around 120 tonnes of the coveted mineral is sent directly to Rwanda every four weeks.
It includes satellite images to show how a road was widened by September on the Congolese side of the Kibumba border crossing to allow access for heavy trucks that were previously unable to use the route into Rwanda.
The M23 and the Rwandan army are accused of jamming GPS signals, making it impossible to operate drones and other aircraft
Ms De Montjoye explained how the advanced weapons being used by the M23 were not available to any other of the numerous armed groups operating in eastern DR Congo.
“Earlier last year, we documented how Rwandan forces, and M23 had fired 122mm rockets, hitting displacement camps,” she told the BBC.
“It’s certainly with the kind of military support that the M23 has received that they’ve been able to make such an advance [on Goma].”
The UN experts have documented many such examples, including the use of Israeli-made anti-tank guided missiles.
Mr Moncrief said the M23 was also using technology to interfere with Global Positioning System (GPS) that had stopped the Congolese army from flying drones it had acquired from China.
The UN experts said the “spoofing and jamming” near areas controlled by M23 and the Rwandan army had also disrupted other aircraft.
President Kagame has dismissed these UN reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise” and saying they ignore many outrages committed in DR Congo to focus on “imaginary problems” created by the M23.
The East African Community – currently headed by Kenya’s president – is now trying to mediate, though Tshisekedi has said he will not attend a hastily organised emergency summit.
Observers say Rwanda’s president will be telling any mediator that the FDLR is the only subject up for discussion as he is adamant their presence makes DR Congo an unsafe neighbour – something he reiterated at a press conference earlier this month.
“Honestly, for the last 30 years if anyone wanted to understand what the problems are [in DR Congo] and what solutions should be, you don’t even need to be an expert,” Kagame said.
Angry protesters attacked the French Embassy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo on Tuesday morning, setting fire to tires outside the mission in the capital Kinshasa, where protests were also held outside embassies of several African countries, as well as of the US.
“The French Embassy in Kinshasa was attacked this morning by protesters, who caused a fire that has now been brought under control. These attacks are unacceptable,” French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot confirmed the attack on his X account.
Videos shared on social media showed the angry crowd setting fire outside the French Embassy as protesters accused Paris of “supporting the Rwandan army, who have invaded Congo disguised as M23 rebels.”
The situation in eastern Congo is deteriorating, with at least 17 South African, Ugandan, and UN peacekeepers killed in clashes with M23 rebels on Monday.
A demonstrator was also seen in another viral video and social media post climbing the French Embassy wall, while others wrote slogans against French President Emmanuel Macron on street walls.
Protesters also demonstrated outside the US Embassy in Kinshasa as the M23 rebels continued their offensive in eastern Congo, according to local sources and media reports.
Security forces used tear gas to disperse the protesters outside the US Embassy.
While welcoming the mobilization of support for the Congolese Armed Forces, the Kinshasa government condemned the vandalism.
A spokesman said the government is “strengthening the security measures of the embassies.”
Earlier on Monday, M23 rebels, who are allegedly backed by Rwanda, claimed to have taken control of eastern Goma city, while Kinshasa claimed Rwandan forces were present.
So far, at least 25 people have been killed in Goma and nine in Rwanda. Hundreds have been injured in the ongoing clashes.
Locals say both government forces and rebels control parts of the city of 3 million people, including internally displaced persons.
Meanwhile, demonstrators also stormed and looted the Uganda’s Embassy, accusing Uganda of supporting Rwandan proxies, referring to M23 rebels.
Protesters also attacked the Kenyan Embassy in Kinshasa.
The Kenyan Foreign Ministry said in a statement that protesters attacked Kenyan, Ugandan, and South African embassies.
The “marauding protesters … are voicing their discontent on the conflict in the eastern part of that country,” the ministry said, urging Kinshasa authorities to take appropriate action.
In a dramatic escalation of one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts, M23 rebels claimed control of Goma, the largest city in eastern Congo, early Monday.
“We urge all residents of Goma to remain calm. The liberation of the city has been successfully carried out, and the situation is under control,” said the group in their Monday’s communique.
The capture of this strategic hub has sent shockwaves through the region, with the United Nations reporting “mass panic” among its 2 million residents and Congo’s government declaring the rebel advance a “declaration of war.”
The Fall of Goma
The M23 rebels announced their capture of Goma just minutes before a 48-hour ultimatum for the Congolese army to surrender expired. In a statement, the group urged residents to remain calm and called on Congolese soldiers to assemble at the city’s central stadium. This bold move marks a significant shift in the ongoing conflict, which has already displaced over a third of the population in North Kivu province, where Goma is located.
The city’s fall threatens to exacerbate an already dire humanitarian crisis. According to UN reports, the region is home to millions of displaced civilians, many of whom are now fleeing once again as the rebels advance. Late Sunday night, UN peacekeepers began processing surrendering Congolese soldiers on the outskirts of the city, while the Uruguayan army, part of the UN mission, reported that over a hundred soldiers had laid down their weapons.
A Region in Turmoil
The M23’s recent territorial gains along Congo’s border with Rwanda have reignited tensions in the mineral-rich region. Despite Rwanda’s denials, Congo, the United States, and UN experts accuse Rwanda of backing the rebels, who are primarily ethnic Tutsis that broke away from the Congolese army over a decade ago. Rwanda has acknowledged deploying troops to eastern Congo for security reasons but denies direct support for M23.
Congo’s government has responded by severing diplomatic ties with Rwanda, pulling all diplomatic staff from the country. Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe called the move unilateral, stating that Rwanda had evacuated its remaining diplomat from Kinshasa due to safety concerns.
Humanitarian Crisis Deepens
The capture of Goma has left the city’s residents in a state of fear and uncertainty. Heavy gunfire echoed across the city on Sunday, prompting scores of civilians to flee. Many sought refuge in Rwanda, while others expressed despair over the lack of safe havens. “I heard that there are bombs in Goma, too, so now we don’t know where to go,” said Adèle Shimiye, a displaced resident.
The UN has warned that the situation could deteriorate further if hostilities spill into Goma, a densely populated urban center. UN deputy humanitarian chief Joyce Msuya emphasized the potential for devastating civilian casualties, urging immediate action to de-escalate the conflict.
International Response
The United Nations Security Council held an emergency meeting late Sunday, where UN special representative Bintou Keita described the dire situation. She reported that M23 fighters were advancing into Goma’s outskirts, using residents as human shields and causing mass panic. Keita also noted that the rebels had declared the airspace over Goma closed, effectively trapping UN personnel and civilians.
The United States and France have called for an immediate ceasefire and urged Rwanda to withdraw its support for M23. Acting US Ambassador Dorothy Shea warned that the US would “consider all the tools at its disposal” to hold those responsible for the conflict accountable.
A History of Conflict
This is not the first time Goma has fallen to M23. The rebels captured the city in 2012 but withdrew under international pressure. Since then, Congo’s government, supported by UN peacekeepers and regional forces, has managed to keep the rebels at bay. However, the recent surge in violence, which has claimed the lives of at least 13 peacekeepers in the past week, underscores the fragility of the region’s security.
What’s Next?
As the conflict intensifies, the international community faces mounting pressure to intervene. The capture of Goma represents a significant setback for peace efforts in the region and highlights the urgent need for a coordinated response to address the root causes of the conflict.
For now, the people of Goma remain caught in the crossfire, their lives upended by a war that shows no signs of abating. As one resident, Bahati Jackson, put it: “If we’re going to die, it’s better to die here.”
