Nairobi, Kenya – December 22, 2025 – Spiro, the electric motorcycle company that has rapidly expanded across Africa, is facing a storm of controversy in Kenya.
Marketed as a green mobility solution, Spiro’s operations have drawn praise for reducing emissions but sharp criticism for alleged exploitative practices.
At the heart of the debate is its unique business model, which combines battery leasing with carbon credit trading, allowing the company to monetize environmental benefits while riders shoulder ongoing costs.
Spiro, founded as M Auto in India in 2019 and rebranded under parent company Equitane in 2022, positions itself as Africa’s leading electric vehicle provider.
Operating in seven countries including Kenya, Benin, Togo, Rwanda, Uganda, and Nigeria, the company boasts over 22,000 electric motorbikes on the road and 1,630 battery swap stations.
In Kenya, Spiro partners with local financiers like Watu Credit, Mogo Auto, and KCB to offer bikes on credit, aiming to make eco-friendly transport accessible to boda boda riders.
The company’s “battery as a service” model is central to its operations.
Riders purchase or lease the bike frame, starting at around KSh 95,000, but do not own the battery.
Instead, they pay for swaps at Spiro stations, typically KSh 290 per swap or KSh 180 daily after an initial deposit.
This setup ensures batteries remain in circulation and under Spiro’s control, with the company handling maintenance and recycling.
Proponents argue it lowers upfront costs and promotes sustainability, with Spiro claiming to have saved 56,379 tonnes of CO2 emissions across its fleet.
But here’s the twist: Spiro isn’t just an EV company. It’s deeply involved in carbon trading.
By deploying electric bikes that replace petrol-powered ones, Spiro generates carbon credits based on avoided emissions. These credits are registered, validated, and sold on global markets, providing a key revenue stream.
In October 2025, Spiro partnered with Dutch firm Zeroca to aggregate and monetize credits from operations in Kenya and Nigeria, potentially generating millions annually.
For instance, $2.1 million from 35,000 bikes offsetting 70,000 tons of CO2.
The partnership aligns with Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, enabling international carbon transfers.
Critics, however, claim this model prioritizes carbon profits over riders. “Spiro is a carbon credit selling enterprise.
That’s why the rider can’t own the battery. Whoever owns the battery claims the carbon credits,” posted Kenyan spoken word artist Willie Oeba on X, highlighting how battery control allows Spiro to capture the environmental value.
This structure has fueled Spiro’s growth, with the company raising over $213 million in the past two years, including a landmark $100 million round in October 2025 led by Afreximbank’s FEDA fund, the largest ever in Africa’s e-mobility sector.
The funds are earmarked for expanding swap infrastructure and targeting 100,000 bikes by year-end.
Amid this expansion, allegations of predatory practices have exploded.
Popular radio presenter Rapcha The Sayantist has led the charge, calling Spiro a “criminal organisation” in a series of viral X posts that garnered thousands of likes and reposts.
He accuses the company of remotely disabling batteries if a bike is inactive for five days, due to illness, accidents, or repairs, and flagging them as “stolen,” forcing riders to tow bikes to Spiro’s Mlolongo station for reactivation.
Rapcha also claims Spiro withholds chargers in Kenya, unlike in India, creating dependency on pricey swap stations, and maintains a monopoly on spare parts sold at up to ten times market rates. “Avoid SPIRO at all costs!!! Even employed people are given leave, SPIRO is a slave plantation,” he warned.
Other voices echo these concerns.
Blogger and whistleblower Nelson Amenya alleged a shady tax deal with former Trade Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria, where Kenyan taxpayers footed KSh 2.5 billion in import duties, enabling Spiro to undercut competitors by 30%.
In October, riders protested against financing partner Huduma Credit for allegedly collecting KSh 9,500 deposits from over 2,500 people, totaling KSh 24 million, without delivering bikes.
X user Ricardo Monteblanco described the model as “exploiting Kenyans” by deceiving riders with low deposits while leasing expensive batteries.
These claims align with broader issues in Kenya’s digital lending space, where complaints of predatory practices have surged 28%.
Partners like Mogo AutoMogo Auto face their own class-action suits for misleading loan terms and high interest rates.
Critics argue Spiro’s system traps riders in perpetual payments without full ownership, with one X user noting that after KSh 142,000 in financing costs, the battery remains leased.
Spiro has not publicly responded to these specific allegations in recent statements or on its website, which emphasizes job creation and emission reductions.
However, the company has defended its model in funding announcements, highlighting affordability and sustainability.
X user Roddie countered that the leasing approach exploits Kenya’s preference for cheap entry points, separating costly batteries from the bike sale.
Journalist Sholla Ard criticized Spiro’s handling of complaints, alleging they shared personal data without consent and rely on influencers for damage control.
As Kenya pushes for green transport, Spiro’s carbon trading ambitions could drive real environmental gains.
But for riders, the risks are clear: dependency on swaps, potential repossessions, and hidden costs.
Experts recommend alternatives like fully ownable electric bikes from other brands.
With ongoing investigations into digital lending and calls for parliamentary regulation, Kenyans are advised to read contracts carefully and report issues to the Competition Authority of Kenya.
This story draws from public records, social media, and company statements. Spiro did not respond to requests for comment by publication time.
Official documents reveal how state authority justified bypassing competitive tender for politically connected law firm despite budget being exceeded twentyfold
Public outrage is intensifying across Kenya following revelations that the state-owned Kenya Airports Authority awarded Sh243m ($1.9m) to a newly registered law firm to defend controversial petitions against the now-cancelled Adani Group lease of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.
The sum is nearly 20 times the original budget allocation.
The procurement process, which bypassed competitive bidding through direct tender provisions, has sparked accusations of systemic corruption and raised fundamental questions about fiscal accountability in one of East Africa’s most consequential infrastructure disputes.
Official correspondence obtained by the public shows KAA’s acting Managing Director Dr Mohamud M. Gedi formally sought approval from the Principal Secretary of the State Department for Aviation and Aerospace Development on 25 September 2025, requesting retrospective authorization for the inflated expenditure.
The Numbers Behind the Controversy
Documents obtained by whistleblower Nelson Amenya, a Kenyan graduate student who first exposed the Adani airport proposal in July 2024, reveal the Kenya Airports Authority initially budgeted Sh12.5m for legal representation.
The final contracted sum of Sh243,185,700 represents a 1,845 per cent increase from the original budget provision of Sh12.5m.
Triple OK Law Advocates LLP secured the tender through direct procurement citing “urgency” and “prior knowledge” of the case.
The tender was opened on 23 January 2025 and received a single bid from the firm.
According to KAA’s official letter to the ministry, a Tender Evaluation Committee initially recommended re-tendering due to budget constraints.
However, three factors led to a reversal of this position.
First, the committee cited “retrospective procurement,” noting that services were rendered urgently in high-profile, constitutionally sensitive matters already before the courts.
Second, officials argued the firm possessed critical institutional knowledge essential to KAA’s defence.
Third, a 10 per cent price reduction was secured during negotiations held on 2 May 2025, after which the firm successfully delivered on key assignments.
The cost structure breakdown remains opaque.
KAA officials have not disclosed hourly rates, staffing allocations, or disbursement schedules that would justify the expenditure.
This gap violates public procurement transparency standards, critics argue.
Legal and Constitutional Questions
The procurement raises substantive constitutional concerns.
Under Article 156 of Kenya’s Constitution, the Attorney General serves as the principal legal adviser to government entities and represents them in court proceedings. Legal experts question why KAA outsourced representation to a private firm when the AG’s office possesses statutory mandate and existing capacity.
“This is outrageous,” constitutional lawyer Karanja Matindi wrote on social platform X.
“The AG is the mandated person, under Article 156 of the Constitution, to represent KAA in the matter.
The accountable person at KAA should be required to make good this loss of public funds under Article 226(5) of the Constitution.”
Article 226(5) empowers parliament to enact legislation requiring accounting officers to personally compensate for financial losses resulting from willful violations of procurement procedures. However, such provisions have rarely been enforced, contributing to what transparency advocates characterize as a culture of impunity.
The selection of Triple OK Law through direct procurement was processed under Section 103(2)(b) of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015, which allows for restricted tendering in specific circumstances.
KAA justified this citing the firm’s prior engagement and knowledge of the cases.
However, the provision typically applies to situations where compatibility with existing equipment or services is required, or where only one supplier exists, raising questions about its appropriate application in this instance.
The firm’s recent incorporation and alleged political connections compound perceptions of favouritism. Critics have labelled it “the KANU/Raila Odinga firm,” suggesting links to opposition political machinery.
Five Petitions, One Expensive Defence
The legal fees stem from KAA’s defence against five separate petitions and judicial review matters challenging what became Kenya’s most contentious infrastructure deal. The official letter lists the cases as:
First, Judicial Review Case No. E199/2024 filed by the Kenya Human Rights Commission and the Law Society of Kenya against KAA and four others. Second, Petition No. E366/2024 brought by Isaack Lango Guyo against KAA and two others.
Third, Petition No. E466/2024 filed by Tony Gachoka and another against Adani Group and seven others. Fourth, Petition No. E624/2024 lodged by Kenya Aviation Workers Union against KAA and four others. Fifth, Petition No. E626/2024 brought by Katiba Institute against the State Law Office and others.
The disputes largely question the constitutionality, legality, and procedural compliance of the Privately Initiated Proposal by Adani Airport Holdings Limited for the development and operation of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.
Key issues include public participation, transparency, statutory adherence under the Public Private Partnership Act, and broader implications on national security and management of strategic public assets.
KAA’s letter notes that authority officials were “cited as a respondent in several petitions and judicial review matters arising from the proposed Privately Initiated Proposal (PIP) by Adani Airport Holdings Limited (AAHL) for the development and operation of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.”
The Adani Saga: From Secrecy to Scandal
In June 2024, the Adani Group proposed a 30-year lease to modernize JKIA, East Africa’s busiest airport, promising $1.85bn in upgrades. The arrangement would have granted operational control to foreign private interests in exchange for revenue-sharing terms that leaked documents suggested heavily favoured the conglomerate.
Amenya’s disclosure of the proposal in July 2024 triggered immediate backlash.
Aviation workers staged strikes, senators convened emergency hearings, and civil society organizations filed court petitions arguing the deal violated constitutional requirements for public participation and transparent procurement.
Leaked contractual provisions revealed clauses requiring Kenya to compensate Adani if the company failed to achieve projected returns.
This fiscal guarantee could expose taxpayers to hundreds of millions in liabilities, critics warned. Independent feasibility studies commissioned by parliament reportedly questioned the deal’s value proposition, though officials proceeded with negotiations.
The controversy escalated in October 2024 when Kenya’s High Court halted a separate $736m Adani power transmission contract, citing opacity and inadequate stakeholder consultation.
Then in November 2024, United States federal prosecutors indicted Adani Group chairman Gautam Adani and seven executives for allegedly orchestrating a $265m bribery scheme to secure contracts in India.
President William Ruto’s administration cancelled both the airport and energy deals within days of the US indictment, but the legal challenges continued as petitioners sought declarations on the procurement processes’ legality. It was this defensive litigation that prompted KAA’s massive legal expenditure.
In his letter seeking ministerial approval, Dr Gedi acknowledged the ballooning costs.
“In view of the expanded scope and evolving nature of the ongoing matters under litigation, the Authority respectfully seeks guidance on the review and adjustment of current budgetary estimates to ensure that they adequately reflect the expanded scope of work, the protracted timelines of the litigation, and the specialized expertise required.”
The letter was accompanied by four supporting documents: the tender document submitted by the bidder, an evaluation report dated 10 February 2025, minutes of a meeting held on 2 May 2025, and a professional opinion dated 4 September 2025.
Dr Gedi requested that the approval be communicated to both the Office of the Attorney General and the Department of Justice, indicating awareness of the sensitive nature of the procurement.
Following the Money
The inflated legal costs represent only a fraction of the Adani affair’s fiscal impact.
Application fees, administrative expenses, and parliamentary inquiry costs have reportedly exceeded Sh500m, according to social media estimates cited by critics.
The cancelled deals themselves involved potential government guarantees worth billions.
Dr Miguna Miguna, a prominent political commentator, characterized the legal fee arrangement as “theft of public resources,” alleging the law firm serves as a conduit. “The law firm is paid, it takes one hundred million and distributes the rest through shell companies and offshore accounts! We know their handwriting!”
Such allegations, whilst unsubstantiated, reflect deep public cynicism about procurement integrity.
Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index ranked Kenya 123rd of 180 countries, with public procurement identified as a key vulnerability.
Nelson Amenya questioned the process directly.
“Have they disclosed how much they have paid and to whom? They meandered between the quotation by their handpicked firm and the ‘budget’ and failed to say how they got the hundreds of millions to bridge the gap. Mere applications cost Kenyans a half a billion shillings? Completely crazy!”
Amenya has called for citizens to file counter-petitions challenging the legal expenditure. “Can we file a counter petition?” he asked on X, suggesting litigation to compel personal accountability from KAA officials under constitutional provisions.
ScreenshotScreenshot
Accountability Vacuum
The controversy exposes systemic weaknesses in Kenya’s public finance management. Whilst constitutional and statutory frameworks mandate competitive procurement, transparency, and personal accountability for officials, enforcement mechanisms remain inconsistent.
The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, Kenya’s primary anti-graft agency, has not publicly announced investigations into the KAA procurement. Parliamentary oversight committees, which possess subpoena powers, have yet to summon officials for testimony on the cost inflation.
This accountability vacuum perpetuates what activists describe as “budgeted corruption.” The practice involves building inflated costs into initial appropriations to obscure subsequent misallocation.
The Sh12.5m to Sh243m trajectory suggests either gross initial underestimation or deliberate budget manipulation to accommodate predetermined recipients.
The timing of KAA’s request for ministerial approval on 25 September 2025, months after services had been rendered and contracts executed, raises further questions about governance protocols. The letter’s reference to seeking “guidance on the review and adjustment of current budgetary estimates” suggests retrospective authorization for expenditure already incurred.
The country requires substantial capital investment to maintain competitiveness, yet procurement scandals repeatedly undermine investor confidence and drain public resources.
The episode also highlights tensions between executive urgency and democratic oversight. Officials justified direct procurement citing litigation deadlines and the need for firms with institutional knowledge.
Yet critics argue proper planning would have enabled competitive bidding without compromising legal defence, and question why the Attorney General’s office could not have handled the cases.
The justification that Triple OK Law Advocates possessed “critical institutional knowledge essential to the Authority’s defence” raises additional concerns.
If the firm gained this knowledge through previous engagement, questions arise about when and how that initial relationship was established, and whether it too bypassed competitive procurement.
As legal proceedings continue, the Sh243m fee has become a focal point for public frustration with opacity in government contracting.
Whether accountability mechanisms will produce consequences for officials or merely generate further rhetoric remains uncertain.
What is certain is that Kenyan taxpayers are bearing the cost, not only in shillings spent, but in eroded trust in institutions meant to safeguard the public interest. The scandal has reignited calls for comprehensive procurement reform and stronger enforcement of existing anti-corruption statutes.
Public pressure continues to mount on social media platforms, where citizens are documenting the expenditure and demanding answers.
The Kenya Kwanza government faces growing scrutiny over its handling of major infrastructure projects and the transparency of its decision-making processes.
Nelson Amenya, the man who exposed Kenya’s controversial Adani airport deal, has made explosive new allegations about a secretive network planning to use ethnic violence and armed militias to manipulate the 2027 presidential election.
In a detailed social media exposé, Amenya claims that influential politicians close to President William Ruto are orchestrating a campaign to suppress certain ethnic communities, particularly targeting the Mt. Kenya region’s Kikuyu population and the Kamba community recently included in the GEMA cultural association.
The whistleblower alleges the scheme involves several high-profile figures, including presidential adviser Dr. David Kipkoech Muge, First Lady Rachel Ruto, and MPs William Kamket, Oscar Sudi, Musa Sirma, and Kimani Ichung’wa. According to Amenya, this group reports directly to President Ruto and has been actively working since June 2024 to manipulate voting patterns in key regions.
The most serious allegation involves the reported oath-taking of 50 Kalenjin warrior leaders on September 27, 2024.
Amenya claims participants were told the oath would bind them to defend the Kalenjin community against alleged aggression from the Kikuyu community.
He further alleges that when the plan was leaked, President Ruto ordered the decommissioning of hidden weapons caches, but the group quietly restocked and relocated the arms.
These allegations emerge against a backdrop of documented political violence in Kenya.
Recent months have seen organized gangs, backed by police, attacking peaceful protesters with whips and clubs.
On 25 June, organized criminals armed with whips and clubs, and backed by the police unleashed terror on a peaceful march commemorating the GenZ uprising against tax increases.
Police showcase guns recovered in an operation against bandits in the North Rift Valley region in May 2023 PHOTO INTERIOR MINISTRY
Kenya has a troubled history with election violence. Elections in Kenya are never just a matter of casting ballots.
Historically, they have been marred by ethno-political violence, exacerbated by vigilantes and militias deployed by politicians.
The country’s 2007-2008 post-election violence left over 1,000 people dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.
Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen recently issued a public statement about politicians buying weapons from across borders, which Amenya suggests indicates his allegations may have struck a nerve.
Meanwhile, inflammatory rhetoric from some politicians has escalated, with MPs like Kamket making threatening statements about extending Ruto’s term and attacking protesters.
Amenya gained international recognition for exposing the multi-billion dollar Adani airport deal, which President Ruto subsequently cancelled after the Indian conglomerate’s founder was indicted in the United States.
The JKIA-Adani deal whistleblower Nelson Amenya has been listed among the 100 Most Influential Africans of 2024.
However, his activism has come at a personal cost. Like many Kenyan whistleblowers under threat, he fled to France after exposing a $2 billion scandal. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders expresses deep concern over the case of Mr Nelson Amenya, a Kenyan whistleblower facing harassment and death threats.
While Amenya has previously demonstrated access to sensitive government documents through his Adani exposé, these new claims about militia recruitment and weapons caches remain unverified by independent sources.
The Kenyan government has not issued an official response to the specific allegations about ethnic militias and the 2027 election plot.
The allegations come as President William Ruto is embracing his political opponents to secure a second term in office in 2027, amid growing discontent with his government.
The serious nature of these claims, if substantiated, would represent a grave threat to Kenya’s democratic processes and inter-ethnic harmony.
Amenya’s warning is clear: “We must firmly reject any scheme by powerful individuals to incite inter-community conflict as a pathway to power.”
As Kenya approaches the 2027 election cycle, these allegations underscore the critical challenges facing the nation in maintaining peaceful, democratic transitions while protecting vulnerable communities from political manipulation.
Nelson Amenya, a a renowned whistleblower and digital activist, says he cannot return to Kenya after exposing a controversial $2 billion airport deal involving India’s Adani Group.
In a recent interview with Bloomberg, Amenya linked his safety concerns to President William Ruto’s administration, stating, “I can’t return to Kenya after exposing the Adani scandal—maybe only when Ruto goes.”
Amenya, once an implementing manager at Carrefour’s Kenyan franchise, blew the whistle on the proposed 30-year lease of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) to the Adani Group in July 2023.
The deal, which he exposed via a tweet that garnered over a million views, promised modernization but was criticized for its lack of transparency and plans to slash jobs.
Public outrage and Amenya’s revelations triggered a chain of events that led to its initial cancellation.
However, the victory came at a steep personal cost. “I’ve received threats that will keep me out of Kenya for the foreseeable future,” Amenya told Bloomberg.
He believes these threats stem from powerful figures tied to the deal, which had early backing from President Ruto’s government.
“So many people have been killed, kidnapped—some found alive, some dead—for small things like posting criticisms online,” he said, underscoring the risks he faces.
The Adani deal resurfaced in 2024, only to face legal challenges and protests.
In September, the Kenyan High Court suspended it, and airport workers took to the streets, chanting “Adani must go,” causing flight disruptions.
On November 21, 2024, President Ruto canceled the deal—along with a $736 million energy contract with Adani—following US indictments against the conglomerate’s founder, Gautam Adani, for fraud.
Despite this, Amenya remains wary, suggesting his exile may persist until Ruto, who assumed office in September 2022, leaves power.
“I really love my country,” Amenya said, reflecting on his motivation. A self-described patriot, he aimed to use his education to combat Kenya’s “tribal and kingpin politics.”
His journey took a pivotal turn during the 2023 protests against a contentious finance bill, when a government source tipped him off about the airport deal via X.
“After seeing my fellow Kenyans dying on the street, I thought, ‘If these people paid the ultimate price, the least I could do is expose this,’” he recounted.
The fallout has been bittersweet.
While Amenya’s actions may have inspired a generation to demand accountability, he now lives in limbo, unable to return home.
“Of course, I will go back to Kenya—it may be after this government is out of power,” he told Bloomberg, hinting at a long wait given Ruto’s term could extend to 2032 (since he plans to seek reelection in 2027) unless political shifts occur sooner.
Critics, including the Law Society of Kenya, had slammed the deal as a threat to national interests. Ruto’s eventual reversal came amid international pressure, but for Amenya, it hasn’t erased the personal risks tied to his whistleblowing.
As of now, Amenya’s future remains uncertain.
His story is a stark reminder of the high stakes faced by those who challenge power in Kenya—and the enduring hope that political change might one day pave the way for his return.
Kenyan business student Nelson Amenya has been hailed as a hero by those campaigning for greater transparency in the deals his government makes with private firms.
Recent Kenyan history is littered with stories of huge contracts that have resulted from corruption – and despite laws that are supposed to prevent this from happening, there are suspicions that it continues to take place.
Thirty-year-old Mr Amenya, who is studying in France for an MBA, leaked details on social media of what he said was a proposed agreement between Kenya and the Adani Group, an Indian multinational, in July.
It concerned the management of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) – the country’s – and region’s – biggest airport, which is long overdue a complete overhaul.
“The first feeling I had [when I was passed the documents] was that it was just another government deal… I did not understand the magnitude or the seriousness of it,” Mr Amenya, whose profile as an anti-corruption activist had been on the rise, tells the BBC.
The documents detailed a $2bn (£1.6bn) proposal by the Adani Group to lease JKIA for 30 years in order to modernise and run it.
As he started to go through the papers, he felt that if it was to go ahead, it “was going to hurt the Kenyan economy” while all the benefit would go to the Indian multinational.
The deal appeared unfair to him, according to what he read, as Kenya would still be putting in the largest share of the money but not reaping the financial rewards.
Mr Amenya had good reason to think the papers were genuine as “the people who were giving me these documents were from very legitimate departments of government”, he says.
The Adani Group is involved in infrastructure, mining and energy projects globally, in countries such as Israel, the UAE, France, Tanzania, Australia and Greece. Its founder Gautam Adani is a big player in India’s economy and is a close ally of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Through further reading, Mr Amenya says he discovered that the Adani deal with Kenya could have left his country with an obligation to pay the company if it did not recoup its investment.
“This was a great breach of trust of the people by the leadership of the president, the Kenya Airports Authority, the minister – they all betrayed the people,” he alleges.
Despite the evidence in his hands, Mr Amenya wrestled with what to do next. His own safety was at risk, though being in France he was better off than being in Kenya, where anti-corruption activists have been targeted and some killed.
“I was a bit scared. I didn’t know what’s going to happen. I’m risking my career, I’m risking my life, why should I take the risk to do this?” he asked himself at the time.
However, in the end he felt that staying quiet was not an option.
“You know, it’s only cowards who live long.”
After spending weeks going through what he had been sent, Mr Amenya leaked the documents on his X page in July, immediately sparking outrage in Kenya.
JKIA airport workers went on strike demanding that the deal be scrapped.
Airport workers at JKIA went on strike after Nelson Amenya released details of the alleged deal
“It felt like a duty for me, for my country. Even if I am far away, I still have a duty for my country. I want to see a better Kenya, my home country becoming developed, industrialised and an end to corruption.”
He worried that the airport deal was a harbinger of what might come next.
Mr Amenya says it was not just the unusual terms and lack of transparency that rang alarm bells, it was also, he alleges, that Kenyan laws appeared to have been systematically ignored.
“[The authorities] never did due diligence for this company… they did not follow the due process of procurement.”
He alleges that some government officials hoped to bypass the legal requirements, including public consultation, that are supposed to prevent taxpayers’ money from being misspent.
A report in April by the Kenya Airports Authority on the proposed deal highlighted that there was no plan to consult stakeholders on the plan.
“This was in April, and by July when I was exposing this, they had not done any public participation. It was quite secret this deal, and by that time they were just a month away from signing the deal,” Mr Amenya alleges.
“After I exposed this deal is when they hurriedly tried to come and do like a sham public participation – they called the Kenya Airports Authority staff and started to have stakeholder meetings.”
Various officials and branches of the state denied allegations of corruption in the process and the authorities went ahead to sign another multimillion dollar deal with the Adani Group – this time to construct power lines.
The Adani Group said Mr Amenya’s claims were baseless and malicious.
A spokesperson told the BBC that “the proposal was submitted following Kenyan Public Private Partnership regulations and was intended to create a world class airport and significantly enhance the Kenyan economy by creating numerous new jobs”.
The Adani Group further says that no contract was signed as “discussions did not progress to a binding agreement”.
The company also says the proposal for the energy deal was above board and that the company “categorically refutes all allegations and insinuations of any violation of Kenyan laws in our operations or proposals.
“Every project we undertake is governed by a strong commitment to compliance, transparency and the laws of the respective countries in which we operate,” the statement read.
But it was not Mr Amenya’s leak that actually changed the government’s mind.
It was only when the US authorities indicted Gautam Adani for alleged involvement in a $250m (£200m) bribery scheme that Kenya acted.
Representatives from the Adani Group denied the allegations from US prosecutors and called them “baseless”.
At a state-of-the-nation address in parliament last month, Kenya’s President William Ruto announced the cancellation of both Adani deals.
“In the face of undisputed evidence or credible information on corruption, I will not hesitate to take decisive action,” Ruto said in a speech met with loud cheers inside parliament.
Kenyans celebrated the decision which Ruto attributed to new information provided by investigative agencies and partner nations.
“I was in class when this announcement came. I couldn’t believe it,” Mr Amenya says.
“I think in the first one hour, I had tears in my eyes. I was so happy.”
Although he does not see himself as a hero, messages of support poured in from everywhere, including from India.
Forty minutes after the class ended, he posted his now-famous tweet “Adios Adani!!” – goodbye Adani.
“It was momentous… All that I did finally paid off.”
The feeling of triumph, however, came after months of personal struggle and pressure.
Soon after exposing the airport deal, Mr Amenya was sued for defamation by an Adani Group representative and a Kenyan politician, making him question whether he should continue.
“Some people were coming to me from the government, they were even ready to pay me, they were telling me: ‘You need to cash out and just stop this fight with the government,’” he recalls.
“It would have been the biggest mistake of my life to give up, a betrayal to the Kenyan people.”
But even after scrapping the deals, President Ruto still questions why Kenyans opposed this and many other projects he has championed. He says he will find a way to upgrade the airport.
“I saw them saying that those who stopped the upgrading of our airport are heroes. Heroes? What do you gain when you stop the building of an airport in your country?” Ruto asked at a public function in early December.
“You have no clue how it’s going to be built, and those who are opposed have never even stepped foot inside an airport, you just want to oppose.”
Mr Amenya, who is still facing the defamation cases, is now fundraising to help with his legal fees, and says his future in Kenya is uncertain.
“I have received threats from credible intelligence agencies and people in Kenya that have warned me not to go back because obviously there’s some people who are very angry with what I did,” he says.
A hefty price, but one Mr Amenya says he would gladly pay again.
“We don’t really need to wait for someone to save us,” he says.
The whistleblower of the controversial Adani Group secret deal for the takeover of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) has named Dr. Samier Muravvej, Board Chairman, Kenyatta National Hospital (KNH), as one of the key players who’s silently facilitating the hostile takeover of the airport, an issue that has dominated national conversation since the protests.
Nelson Amenya, the whistleblower, places Dr. Samier at a key role in what he describes as an ‘Indian Syndicate’ working with the Adani Group to takeover the operations of the airport.
Dr. Samier is not new to controversies, as portrayed by his tenure at the national healthcare facility. Recently, he was linked to a multimillion-dollar oxygen tender row that saw the key infrastructure stalled amid war with corrupt CEO Dr. Evans Kamuri, who’s under EACC investigation for looting the hospital millions.
During an appearance in parliament, it emerged Dr. Samier had conflict of interest in the oxygen plant tender as he had his own preferred suppliers.
Insiders also accuse him of flaunting procurement procedures and more than often brings in his own suppliers and has placed himself as a cartel boss rather than a chairman of the facility.
Aaron Cheruiyot
Back to the JKIA saga, Kericho Senator has also been named as the man who brokered the controversial deal and the link to Dr. Samier. During a live interview with KTN on Wednesday, Amenya revealed the unholy relationship between the two and untold details about the behind-the-scenes of the Adani deal.
“I am the one who shared the documents with politicians. Nobody, including Senator Onyonka, knows anything about this deal except Aaron Cheruiyot, who is the broker in this deal, and he was the one who went to India, met with Adani, and brought Adani to Kenya.” Amenya said.
“I am challenging Aaron Cheruiyot to come and say I’m lying that he didn’t go to India and that he doesn’t know the KNH chairman takes him to the airport, picks him, and all this Indian syndicate that he is working with. He should come out and say that this is false.” He went further.
More revelations
One of the key fears of the Kenya Airports Authority (KAA) staff with the Adani deal has been loss of jobs after takeover. While the group has tried to allay fears, Amenya didn’t have kind words for them: “Basically, everything I have talked about on my X account is what they will find in these documents. They will find that Adani proposes to KAA that they (Adani) will reduce the workforce exponentially because obviously governments all over the world employ too many people and sometimes they are not working, which also happens in Kenya. What Adani is asking KAA is to allow them to trim the team. They even put in that proposal that KAA needs to look for departments to redeploy because they will let go of those people from JKIA.”
The Adani Group Deal
The plan for airport takeover involves leasing the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to the Adani Group for 30 years in exchange for $1.85 billion of investment by Adani into the airport’s expansion.
However, the deal shrouded in secrecy sparked anger among Kenyans and triggered a strike last week by the country’s aviation workers. Earlier, Gen Z protesters had dared to storm and takeover the airport following the reports of the takeover.
The Adani Group operates seven airports in India and has often faced criticism from Indian opposition parties for winning favours from ruling governments. Indian officials and the Adani Group have denied such accusations.
Kenya is struggling with a high debt load accumulated from years of splurging on infrastructure.
A proposal by the government to hike taxes to generate extra money needed for debt repayments sparked deadly protests recently and forced the government to rescind the proposal.
The plan involves leasing the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to the Adani Group for 30 years in exchange for billions of shillings of investment by Adani into the airport’s expansion.
According to senators, the controversial takeover of the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport by Indian tycoon Adani is a done deal, according to the Senate.
This emerged when senators disapproved of the 30-year proposed takeover of JKIA airport operations by the Adani Group of India.
Several organizations have filed suits against this deal.
[pdf-embedder url=”https://cms.kenyainsights.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Feasibility-Report-by-Adani-Airports-Holdings-Limited-for-the-development-of-JKI.pdf” title=”Feasibility Report by Adani Airports Holdings Limited for the development of JKI”]
