Tag: Marjan Hussein Marjan

  • Why A Multibillion Smartmatic Poll System Contract Has Been Linked To Firing Of IEBC CEO Marjan

    Why A Multibillion Smartmatic Poll System Contract Has Been Linked To Firing Of IEBC CEO Marjan

    The dramatic exit of Hussein Marjan as Chief Executive of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has been spectacularly linked to a multibillion shilling contract with scandal-tainted Venezuelan technology firm Smartmatic that was extended under murky circumstances when the commission had no leadership.

    Sources privy to the unfolding drama at Anniversary Towers have revealed that the illegal extension of the Kenya Integrated Elections Management System contract in November 2024, at a time when IEBC had no commissioners to approve such a critical procurement, became the smoking gun that triggered intense pressure on Marjan from both opposition politicians and the newly constituted commission led by Chairman Erastus Ethekon.

    The decision to extend the Smartmatic deal has now emerged as the central scandal that precipitated what many insiders describe as a carefully orchestrated removal of the electoral boss, who had served since March 2022 but found himself increasingly isolated as the weight of procurement irregularities mounted against him.

    At the heart of the controversy lies a damning memorandum that the united opposition delivered to IEBC commissioners on January 28, exactly one week before Marjan’s forced exit. The document, which has been seen by The Star, exposes what opposition figures term a calculated subversion of procurement law that could have cost taxpayers billions of shillings while compromising the integrity of the 2027 General Election.

    The opposition memo reveals that the framework contract for the supply, delivery, installation and maintenance of KIEMS kits, which started on November 25, 2021, was extended beyond its lawful three-year limit in November 2024. Under Kenya’s Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, framework contracts cannot exceed three years and are legally incapable of extension beyond this statutory ceiling.

    What makes this extension particularly explosive is that it occurred during a critical period when IEBC had no commissioners following the departure of the previous commission led by the late Wafula Chebukati. The commission would remain without leadership until July 11, 2025, when Dr Ethekon and six other commissioners were finally sworn into office.

    The procurement law is unambiguous on such matters. Strategic procurements, particularly those involving electoral technology that goes to the heart of Kenya’s constitutional democracy and national stability, must be sanctioned by the commission sitting in plenary session. The quorum for such decisions requires at least half of existing commissioners, with a minimum of three members present.

    Yet at the time this contract was extended, there were no commissioners in office to approve the procurement. Only Marjan and his secretariat were running operations at the commission, raising serious questions about who had the authority to sanction such a critical decision and whether the CEO overstepped his mandate.

    Opposition leaders, including Wiper’s Kalonzo Musyoka, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, Martha Karua, Eugene Wamalwa, Fred Matiang’i and Lenny Kivutu, have been unrelenting in their demands for accountability. During their meeting with the IEBC commissioners, they laid out a devastating case against Marjan’s stewardship.

    The memorandum noted that the procurement law requires any contract variation or extension to be justified by the vendor, reviewed by the Contract Implementation Team or a duly constituted evaluation committee, and reported quarterly to the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority through the Public Procurement Information Portal.

    According to the opposition dossier, these critical safeguards appear to have been deliberately bypassed. There are serious indications that the extension was not reported to PPRA as required, was undertaken without mandatory vendor justification, and may have been backdated to serve undisclosed interests. The extension was allegedly approved unilaterally without the involvement of the Contract Implementation Team, in clear violation of procurement law and procedure.

    The opposition has demanded that the seven IEBC commissioners act with urgency to investigate the matter, take appropriate legal and administrative action, and publicly account for how such a strategically critical procurement escaped their constitutional oversight responsibilities. They have called for all implicated officers to step aside immediately and for any public funds lost through these irregularities to be fully recovered.

    The Smartmatic shadow looming over this scandal has made the controversy even more toxic. The Venezuelan firm has been dogged by serious credibility issues globally, including recent criminal charges in the United States.

    In October 2025, the US Department of Justice charged Smartmatic with money laundering and other crimes arising from over one million dollars in bribes that company executives allegedly paid to election officials in the Philippines between 2015 and 2018. Three Smartmatic executives, including co-founder Roger Pinate, were indicted for allegedly paying bribes to secure contracts worth over 180 million dollars for the 2016 Philippine presidential election.

    US prosecutors claim the executives created a slush fund by overcharging per voting machine and used coded language, fraudulent contracts and sham loan agreements to conceal corrupt payments routed through bank accounts in Asia, Europe and the United States.

    The company has also been linked to controversial elections in Venezuela under the regimes of Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro, with allegations that its systems could be manipulated to rig results. In 2017, Smartmatic itself accused President Maduro’s government of manipulating tallied results in elections for a constituent assembly, prompting the company to exit Venezuela.

    Opposition leaders in Kenya have seized on this troubled history to question why IEBC would extend a contract with such a vendor. They argue that the failure of Smartmatic to deliver comprehensive technical knowledge transfer to IEBC staff on Biometric Voter Registration, Electronic Voter Identification and Results Transmission Systems constituted a material breach of contract, yet no enforcement action was taken. Instead, the vendor was allegedly rewarded with an unlawful contract extension.

    The opposition memo also highlights technical deficiencies in the current system, noting that it exhibits weaker biometric data capture capabilities compared to the previous solution, relies on an inefficient iris capture methodology that requires absolute stillness, and operates on offline-only data capture, creating risks of duplication, double registration and compromised data integrity.

    Senior Counsel Paul Muite has publicly questioned IEBC’s decision to work with a company rooted in Venezuela, a country with zero democratic credentials, calling for lifestyle audits of both past and current IEBC commissioners to ensure they acted properly when awarding and extending contracts to the firm.

    DAP-Kenya leader Eugene Wamalwa has been particularly vocal, declaring that the opposition will move to court to challenge the legality of the contract extension. He has demanded that the Smartmatic contract be terminated immediately and that the company should return to Venezuela.

    For Marjan, the pressure became unbearable. Sources at Anniversary Towers reveal that the CEO faced intense scrutiny in meetings held both with and without his presence. Central to these deliberations were procurement issues and public trust ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    Upon learning of his impending dismissal, Marjan reportedly approached Chairman Ethekon seeking a negotiated exit. He requested written confirmation that his departure would be by mutual consent, which the chairman granted. However, once he received the letter, Marjan engaged legal counsel and responded with several demands, including full payment through the end of his contract in March 2027 and compensation for unused leave.

    His counter-proposal prompted an emergency meeting of five commissioners on Monday, February 3, with deliberations minuted and used as formal basis for terminating his contract. The move brought an abrupt end to Marjan’s tenure with 399 days remaining on his five-year term that was set to conclude on March 9, 2027.

    In a statement released on Tuesday, February 3, IEBC announced Marjan’s formal exit after reaching an agreement to terminate his services by mutual consent. The commission said it would embark on critical reforms within the Secretariat and assured Kenyans that changes were designed to ensure effective institutional preparedness, strengthen internal accountability and results-oriented systems, and maintain leadership continuity.

    The commission emphasized that the Secretariat remains central to delivering credible elections and that the restructuring is intended to enhance performance rather than disrupt operations. An interim replacement will be named to ensure continuity while the recruitment process for a substantive CEO and Commission Secretary commences.

    However, the opposition is not done. Lawyer Ndegwa Njiru has hinted that legal action will be pursued against Marjan for executing functions not designated to him. He has called for Marjan to be surcharged for decisions made before the commission was fully reconstituted and has urged the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions to direct the Inspector General to commence investigations.

    The opposition has also formed a technical committee of election, procurement and governance experts to push for reforms. They have demanded that IEBC publicly disclose how it will announce and fill the CEO position, the quality and caliber of the preferred candidate, and the timeline for this critical appointment.

    The united opposition has further called for investigative agencies to expand the scope of inquiry to establish whether similar procurement breaches may have occurred in the printing of ballot papers contract that was awarded to Greek firm Inform Lykos in the 2022 general election.

    As the dust settles on Marjan’s dramatic exit, questions remain about the full extent of procurement irregularities during the period when IEBC operated without commissioners. The Smartmatic contract extension appears to have been the most visible manifestation of a deeper governance crisis that the new commission must now address with urgency.

    The stakes could not be higher. With the 2027 General Election on the horizon, public confidence in IEBC’s ability to deliver credible, free and fair elections hangs in the balance. The handling of the Smartmatic contract saga and the accountability measures taken against those responsible will be a critical test of whether the reconstituted commission can restore trust in Kenya’s electoral process.

    For now, the multibillion shilling Smartmatic deal remains at the center of a political and legal storm that has already claimed one high-profile casualty and threatens to expose more irregularities as investigations deepen into procurement decisions made during one of the most controversial periods in IEBC’s history.

  • IEBC Appoints Moses Ledama CEO

    IEBC Appoints Moses Ledama CEO

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has announced the appointment of Moses Ledama Sunkuli as the Acting Chief Executive Officer and Commission Secretary, effective immediately.

    In a statement issued in Nairobi on February 5, 2026, the Commission said the move comes after a leadership change at the top of its secretariat. It noted that the appointment follows the exit of the former Chief Executive Officer, Marjan Hussein Marjan.

    Sunkuli currently serves as the Commission Director of Electoral Operations.

    The IEBC Chairperson Erastus Edung Ethekon said he “brings extensive experience and internal institutional knowledge to this role.”

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    His background within the institution places him at the centre of the Commission’s operational structures.

    The appointment is temporary. The Commission stated that Sunkuli “will serve in an acting capacity for a period of six (6) months or until the recruitment and appointment of a substantive Chief Executive Officer is finalised.” This sets a defined timeline for the transition period.

     

    At the same time, the electoral body signalled that the process to fill the position on a permanent basis is under way.

    The Commission said it “is committed to fast-tracking the recruitment of a substantive Chief Executive Officer/Commission Secretary and ensuring a seamless transition.”

    The IEBC emphasised that service delivery will remain a priority during the interim period. It underlined its focus on maintaining the highest standards of excellence in service delivery to the Kenyan people.

    IEBC is under the watchful eye of a public demanding transparency and efficiency as the country prepares for the 2027 elections.

    Marjan exited on February 3 before the lapse of his tenure on ‘mutual consent’ with the commission, which now has the task of finding a replacement.

    He expressed deep gratitude for his time at the IEBC, where he first served as Deputy Commission Secretary/CEO from April 2015 before assuming the top role.

    “It has been an honour to work with a professional, dedicated, and resilient team committed to the constitutional mandate of the IEBC,” he wrote.

    He singled out staff for their commitment during the 2022 General Election, noting that they maintained “continuity, stability, and institutional readiness during a time of transition.”

    Marjan urged staff to “stand firm in adhering to the rule of law, uphold integrity in the execution of your duties, and always remain guided by the supreme obligation to protect the democratic rights and interests of the citizens of our beloved Republic.”

    He thanked Commissioners, senior management, and staff for their support and collegiality, adding: “It has been the greatest honor of my professional life to walk this journey with you. I am confident that the Secretariat will continue to uphold its mandate with integrity, professionalism, and excellence.”

    Marjan joined the IEBC in March 2022 and served during a period when the Commission operated without a fully constituted team of commissioners.

  • IEBC CEO Marjan Hussein Marjan Resigns

    IEBC CEO Marjan Hussein Marjan Resigns

    Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Marjan Hussein Marjan has resigned.

    Marjan revealed he had mutually agreed to proceed on a structured transition as the CEO of the electoral body.

    “As you may be aware, the Commission and I have mutually agreed on a structured transition in the Office of the Commission Secretary/Chief Executive Officer. I write to you today to express my sincere appreciation to each one of you for the privilege of serving alongside you over the years,” Marjan wrote after a meeting with top IEBC officials on Tuesday, February 3, 2026.

    Marjan, who joined the commission in 2015, started as a deputy commission secretary and later rose in rank to the chief executive officer.

    “Since joining the Commission in April 2015, first as Deputy Commission Secretary/Chief Executive Officer and later as Commission Secretary/Chief Executive Officer, it has been an honour to work with a professional, dedicated, and resilient team committed to the constitutional mandate of the IEBC,” he explained.

    The resignation comes days after he joined other IEBC officials and the State Department of Public Service and Human Capital Development to review and validate key human resource tools that will guide the commission’s operations going forward.

    Pressure to exit

    Meanwhile, his exit comes weeks after pressure from former Nairobi Town Clerk Philip Kisia calling for his resignation.

    Speaking during an interview on Saturday, December 6, 2025, Kisia argued that Marjan should either be fired or voluntarily resign, noting that his prolonged stay at the commission has begun affecting the quality of his work.

    He maintained that Marjan has overseen two elections and has served in the commission for many years, yet continues to insist on remaining in office despite having exceeded a reasonable tenure for such a sensitive position.

    Kisia emphasised that principles of good governance require periodic leadership turnover, especially in institutions that handle critical national functions.

    He questioned why the same individual should occupy the role for over a decade, suggesting that the commission or Marjan himself should have nurtured other professionals capable of taking up the responsibility after his exit.

    He insisted that Marjan must leave office before the 2027 polls, adding that he personally has no confidence in the IEBC boss.

    He further stated that leaders within the United Opposition, and a significant portion of Kenyans also lack trust in Marjan’s ability to deliver credible elections.

    “This man must be shown the door before 2027; he actually must resign. This Marijan man must resign. I personally don’t have any confidence in Marjan. I can tell you from where I’m sitting that our leadership in the opposition and Kenya, to a large extent, have no confidence in him,” he said.

  • By-Elections in 24 Areas To Cost Sh1 Billion, IEBC Announces

    By-Elections in 24 Areas To Cost Sh1 Billion, IEBC Announces

    The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has sparked fresh controversy over Kenya’s escalating electoral costs after announcing that the upcoming November 27 by-elections across 24 electoral areas will require a staggering Sh1.046 billion from taxpayers.

    The announcement has reignited fierce debate about Kenya’s position as one of the world’s most expensive electoral democracies, with critics questioning whether the country can sustain such astronomical costs for relatively small-scale elections.

    IEBC Chief Executive Officer Marjan Hussein Marjan defended the budget allocation, stating that it covers “all critical aspects required to deliver free, fair, and credible polls.”

    According to Marjan, the billion-shilling price tag encompasses personnel costs, transport, ballot materials, technology infrastructure, security arrangements, and voter education programs, though the commission has not provided a detailed breakdown of these expenses.

    The cost revelation comes as Kenya prepares for by-elections in 24 electoral areas, including the high-profile Baringo Senate seat and National Assembly constituencies of Banissa, Kasipul, Magarini, Malava, Mbeere North, and Ugunja.

    These vacancies have arisen through various circumstances, from the tragic deaths of legislators to Cabinet appointments that triggered constitutional requirements for fresh elections.

    The Baringo Senate seat became vacant following the death of Senator William Cheptumo on February 16, 2025, while Banissa’s parliamentary seat opened up after MP Hassan Kullow died in a road accident on March 29, 2023.

    Meanwhile, Ugunja requires a by-election after Opiyo Wandayi’s appointment to Cabinet on August 8, 2024, and Mbeere North became available following Geoffrey Ruku’s Cabinet appointment on April 17, 2025.

    Kenya’s electoral expenses have consistently drawn criticism for their disproportionate scale compared to international standards.

    The 2022 General Election consumed Sh44.18 billion, translating to approximately Sh2,200 per registered voter, a figure that dwarfs the international Average Cost per Registered Voter Index benchmark of just Sh646.

    This pattern of expensive elections has placed Kenya in an unenviable position globally.

    In 2017, Kenya’s per-voter cost of Sh2,000 ranked second worldwide, trailing only Papua New Guinea at Sh6,300.

    By contrast, other African democracies operate their elections at fraction of Kenya’s costs. Ghana’s 2016 elections required merely Sh9 per voter, while Rwanda’s 2017 polls cost Sh136 per voter, and Uganda managed with Sh517 per voter.

    Democratic Party leader Justin Muturi, who previously served as Attorney-General and National Assembly Speaker, has expressed alarm at the unsustainable trajectory of electoral spending.

    “Compared with the cost of the General Election, IEBC’s request for the pending by-elections is exaggerated,” Muturi argued, echoing concerns that have persisted across multiple election cycles.

    These worries gained official recognition in a damning February 2019 Public Accounts Committee report that found the 2017 General Election costs “highly inflated.”

    The committee, then chaired by current Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi, concluded that taxpayers did not receive value for money and warned that the true extent of financial losses from procurement manipulation and creative accounting might never be fully known.

    Recent by-elections have demonstrated the pattern of excessive spending.

    Under former IEBC chair Wafula Chebukati, the commission spent Sh471.12 million on just four contests in Bungoma, Elgeyo Marakwet, Kandara, and Garissa Township, with individual constituency costs ranging from Sh44.41 million in Garissa Township to Sh233.2 million in Bungoma.

    Elections expert and lawyer Koki Muli attributes Kenya’s ballooning electoral costs to a fundamental trust deficit that permeates the entire electoral ecosystem.

    “We do not trust IEBC, each other, or the processes. To manage this mistrust, we adopt expensive safeguards,” Muli explained, highlighting how suspicion drives up costs through redundant security measures and oversight mechanisms.

    The mistrust manifests in several costly practices. Kenya imports ballot papers with more than ten security features, making them more secure than the country’s banknotes.

    The commission refuses to reuse leftover materials, instead procuring everything afresh for each election.

    Additionally, Kenya relies on expensive foreign-hosted servers for its electoral technology, creating both security risks and financial burdens.

    Nairobi-based lawyer David Ochami has accused IEBC of failing to justify “soaring and unconscionable expenditure that defies logic.” He points to vested interests that allegedly inflate procurement budgets for personal gain, noting that much of the election budget benefits top poll managers while police officers and clerks wait months for their allowances.

    Ochami proposes radical reforms, including exploring a single-ballot system where voters choose party symbols rather than individual candidates, which could eliminate the need for millions of individual ballot papers.

    However, such changes would require abandoning Kenya’s current first-past-the-post system in favor of proportional representation.

    Structural inefficiencies compound the cost problem. Kenya maintains an unusually high number of polling stations, with fewer than 1,000 voters per station, necessitating more staff and higher wage bills.

    Muli suggests that IEBC could halve the number of stations and accommodate up to 2,000 voters per station without requiring parliamentary approval, potentially achieving significant savings.

    Transport arrangements add another layer of expense. IEBC’s reliance on private companies due to inter-agency mistrust results in exorbitant charges, while the need to pay allowances to large numbers of security officers and temporary poll officials further strains budgets.

    The National Treasury’s delayed fund disbursements often force last-minute procurement at inflated prices, exacerbating cost pressures.

    IEBC acknowledges the rising electoral costs but attributes them to “over-legislation” driven by political mistrust.

    In official reports, the commission cites technology requirements, the proliferation of polling stations, reliance on satellite transmission due to weak 3G coverage, multiple ballot security features, transport logistics, and temporary staff allowances as primary cost drivers.

    Despite the criticism, international comparisons provide some perspective on electoral spending. The United States spent USD21 billion on its 2024 elections, equivalent to USD63.44 per capita, double Kenya’s level.

    The United Kingdom’s 2019 parliamentary elections cost £4.55 per voter, while India managed its 2024 elections with 969 million voters at USD12.38 per voter.

    Kenya’s Constitution Implementation Oversight Committee has explored cost-reduction strategies, including a 2019 visit to India to observe the Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail system.

    This technology allows electronic voting machines to generate paper verification slips, potentially improving transparency while reducing costs.

    IEBC Chairperson Erastus Ethekon has indicated that the upcoming by-elections will serve as a trial run for the 2027 General Election, which the commission projects will require at least Sh61 billion.

    This projection includes significant allocations for technology procurement, personnel remuneration, security arrangements, and logistics.

    The debate over electoral costs reflects broader governance challenges in Kenya, where procurement corruption, over-legislation, and institutional mistrust combine to inflate public expenditure. Without comprehensive reforms addressing these underlying issues, Kenya risks maintaining its position among the world’s most expensive electoral democracies.

    As the November 27 by-elections approach, the Sh1 billion price tag serves as a stark reminder of the urgent need for electoral reform.

    The challenge lies not just in reducing costs but in rebuilding the trust that would make such expensive safeguards unnecessary.

    Until then, Kenyan taxpayers will continue bearing the burden of what many consider an unjustifiably expensive democratic process.

    The upcoming by-elections will test whether IEBC can deliver credible results while beginning to address the cost concerns that have dominated Kenya’s electoral discourse.

    Success in managing both credibility and cost-effectiveness could provide a template for the more affordable democracy that Kenya’s fiscal situation increasingly demands.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​