DAKAR, Feb 24 (Reuters) – The military spokesperson for the M23 rebel group, Willy Ngoma, was killed in an army drone strike in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo on Tuesday, a regional diplomat, a senior rebel official and a Western adviser to the government said.
The killing comes as Qatar‑mediated ceasefire effortscontinue, with Kinshasa and M23 having signed agreements in Doha to establish a joint ceasefire monitoring and verification mechanism involving Qatar, the United States and the African Union as observers.
M23, which the United Nations says is backed by Rwanda, controls large swathes of North and South Kivu provinces after a rapid offensive last year in which the rebels seized the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu.
The attack happened near Rubaya, in North Kivu, at around 3 a.m. (0100 GMT), and came after several days of sustained drone attacks on the area by the Congolese army, the senior M23 official told Reuters.
Rubaya is a strategic coltan-mining hub that produces around 15% of the world’s supply, making it a key financial stronghold for the M23 rebels.
A spokesperson for the Congolese presidency declined to comment and a spokesperson for Congo’s army did not immediately respond.
The treason trial of the former president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Joseph Kabila, has begun in a military court in the capital, Kinshasa.
He also faces other charges, such as murder, linked to his alleged support for M23 rebels – who control a large part of the mineral-rich east of the country. He denies the charges and did not appear at the hearing.
Kabila’s successor, President Félix Tshisekedi, has accused him of being the brains behind the rebels.
The former president has rejected the case as “arbitrary” and said the courts were being used as an “instrument of oppression”.
A ceasefire deal between the rebels and the government was agreed last week, but fighting has continued.
Kabila had been living outside the country for two years, but arrived in the rebel-held city of Goma, in eastern DR Congo, from self-imposed exile in South Africa in May.
Pointing to overwhelming evidence, the UN and several Western countries have accused neighbouring Rwanda of backing the M23, and sending thousands of its soldiers into DR Congo. But Kigali denies the charges, saying it is acting to stop the conflict from spilling over onto its territory.
In May, the upper house of the legislature lifted Mr Kabila’s immunity as senator for life to allow his prosecution on charges that include treason, murder, taking part in an insurrectionist movement, and the forcible occupation of Goma.
The 53-year-old led DR Congo for 18 years, after succeeding his father Laurent, who was shot dead in 2001. Joseph Kabila was just 29 at the time.
He handed power to President Félix Tshisekedi following a disputed election in 2019, but they later fell out.
In a now-deleted YouTube video released in May, Kabila lashed out at the Congolese government calling it a “dictatorship”, and said there was a “decline of democracy” in the country.
At the time the Congolese government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, rejected Kabila’s allegations, saying he had “nothing to offer the country”.
Ahead of Friday’s trial, Ferdinand Kambere – a close ally of Kabila who served in his now-banned PPRD party, accused the government of “double standards”. He said it was too soft in its peace deal but too hard on Kabila, adding that the trial was a way to exclude Kabila from the country’s politics.
(Reuters) – The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda-backed M23 rebels on Wednesday pledged in statements released after talks in Qatar to work towards peace after violence flared in January, raising fears of a wider regional war.
Their agreement to the text raised a glimmer of hope that the latest cycle of violence in a decades-long conflict rooted in the Rwandan genocide might ease. But sources in the two delegations expressed frustration over the pace of negotiations.
Each side released the same statement separately after their delegations departed Qatar earlier in the week, following more than a week of discussions.
“Both parties reaffirm their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities, a categorical rejection of any hate speech, intimidation, and call on local communities to uphold these commitments”, the statement said.
The statement described their talks as “frank and constructive”, but it was unclear if or when another round of talks would take place.
M23 has staged an unprecedented advance since January, seizing eastern Congo’s two largest cities in an assault that has killed thousands and raised fears of a wider regional war.
The latest peace push by Qatar comes after the Gulf state successfully brokered a surprise meeting last month between Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Both leaders called for a ceasefire after the meeting.
The session apparently paved the way towards direct talks between Congo and M23. Congo had long rejected the idea of holding talks with M23, branding it a terrorist group.
Rwanda, in turn, has long denied helping M23, saying its forces are acting in self-defence against Congo’s army and ethnic Hutu militiamen linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide that killed around 1 million people, mostly ethnic Tutsis.
Congo’s position is supported by the United Nations and Western governments, who say Rwanda is supporting the rebels by sending troops and arms.
Deep mistrust
Some participants in the Qatar talks complained that the meetings quickly bogged down in technical details.
Sources from both sides said potential confidence-building measures, such as the release of Congo-held prisoners accused of links to Rwanda and M23, inflamed tensions and almost derailed the outcome.
“They are asking for too much. They don’t even control two of the 26 provinces,” a Congo government source said. “Our justice system is independent. We cannot give in to every whim. Crimes have been committed. Some people must pay.”
A source from the rebel coalition that includes M23 said the parties left Doha when the disagreements over confidence-building measures became an insurmountable obstacle to substantive talks.
Ultimately, however, diplomats briefed on the talks said, Qatar managed to pressure the two sides into releasing a joint statement agreeing to continue to work on a truce.
“This is a crucial step towards ending the violence,” Maxime Prevot, Belgium’s foreign affairs minister, said Wednesday on X.
A United Nations source told Reuters on Wednesday that fighting had resumed in the Congolese territory of Walikale.
M23 withdrew from Walikale town, a strategic mining hub, earlier this month, a move it described as a goodwill gesture ahead of planned peace talks with the government.
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) government has “ordered” legal proceedings against former President Joseph Kabila and ordered the seizure of all his movable and immovable assets.
Authorities accuse Kabila of supporting and participating in armed conflict alongside M23 rebels.
In a communiqué released on Friday, April 18, the Congolese ministry of justice stated that it had directed the Auditor General of the DR Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and the Prosecutor General at the Court of Cassation to begin legal action against Kabila for his alleged “direct participation” in the aggression carried out by the AFC/M23.
“Furthermore, movement restrictions have been imposed against all of his collaborators implicated in this case,” it went on.
Last week, Kabila’s wife, Olive Lembe, said she was facing persecution at the hands of the country’s security agencies.
Lembe, who married Kabila in 2006, continues to reside in DR Congo even though her husband has been in exile for over a year before his recent announcement that he is returning to the country.
“It is persecution that we are suffering from the security services and this regime,” Lembe said in an interview with local media.
Kabila said in early March that he had suspended his studies in South Africa to “deal with the worsening situation,” in eastern DR Congo, where a government coalition has been fighting the AFC/M23 rebels for over three years. The rebels now control the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu.
On Friday, April 18, Kabila reportedly arrived in Goma, 10 days after he said he would return to the country after six years of silence and exile.
Since the beginning of 2025, the rebel alliance, which includes the M23 rebels, has gained more Congolese support, with a growing number of political leaders and businesspeople joining its cause.
Government soldiers and police forces, as well as a number of armed groups have joined the ranks of the rebels, who fight for the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities who have suffered decades of ethnic violence.
The AFC/M23 rebels also condemn widespread corruption and bad governance, which have rendered the mineral-rich country ungovernable.
The Congolese government and the rebels held direct talks in Doha, Qatar on April 10, the first of its kind since the M23 rebellion resurfaced in late 2021 after nearly a decade of hibernation.
On Friday, April 18, former DR Congo President Joseph Kabila reportedly arrived in Goma, fulfilling his promise to return to the country after six years of silence and exile.
In early March, President Kabila announced the suspension of his studies in South Africa to address the escalating crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The conflict, which has been ongoing for over three years, involves a government coalition engaged in a protracted struggle against the AFC/M23 rebels in eastern DR Congo. The rebels now control the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu.
Kabila, whose family has accused the Congolese government of abuses, is expected to address the nation from the rebel-controlled capital of North Kivu province, RFI reported on Friday, citing sources close to the former president.
The immediate former president has previously accused his successor Felix Tshisekedi of mismanaging the security crisis and of bringing the vast country “close to imploding.”
Tshisekedi has previously accused Kabila of being behind the AFC/M23 rebels.
The residence of the former president in Kinshasa have recently been searched by security agencies, which his wife Marie Olive Lembe accused of “persecution.” She was quoted by RFI, saying the agencies “came looking for weapons.” “Generators, solar panels, vehicles… They took everything!”
The French radio said a seizure report by the military police confirmed the confiscation of several vehicles, batteries, generators, and a batch of solar equipment.
Kabila, who was based in South Africa and Zimbabwe, told Jeune Afrique on April 8 that he would be returning after having met with various presidents and former presidents in the region as well as Congolese politicians. He had said he would return to his country through the eastern part, which has been volatile for three decades.
“I decided to start with the eastern part, because there is danger there,” he told the French publication.
Kabila has recently voiced concern over the ongoing instability in DR Congo, emphasizing the importance of internal solutions to national problems.
He has emphasised that the conflict with the rebels, whom Tshisekedi alleges get support from Rwanda, can only be resolved by dialogue within the Congolese people.
He criticized Tshisekedi’s tendency to blame foreign actors for the crisis and outsourcing security by hiring European mercenaries and using foreign armies. He urges Congolese leaders and citizens to take responsibility in resolving the crisis.
Kabila left office in 2019 and had remained silent until February this year. Tshisekedi has accused Kabila of being behind the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) that is led by Corneille Nangaa, DR Congo’s former electoral chief. Kabila dismissed allegation in March saying that the conflict would be different if he was personally involved.
The conflict in eastern DR Congo escalated in January after the AFC/M23 rebels took control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, before seizing Bukavu the capital of South Kivu in mid-February.
Since the beginning of 2025, the rebel alliance, which includes the M23 rebels, has gained more Congolese support, with a growing number of political leaders and businesspeople joining its cause.
Government soldiers and police forces, as well as a number of armed groups have joined the ranks of the rebels, who fight for the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities who have suffered decades of ethnic violence.
The AFC/M23 rebels also condemn widespread corruption and bad governance, which have rendered the mineral-rich country ungovernable.
The Congolese government and the rebels held direct talks in Doha, Qatar on April 10, the first of its kind since the M23 rebellion resurfaced in late 2021 after nearly a decade of hibernation.
The Democratic Republic of Congo is in turmoil – fighters from the notorious M23 rebel group have been surging through the country’s east, battling the national army and capturing key places as they go.
In just a fortnight, thousands of people are said to have been killed and the fighting has sparked an ominous war of words between DR Congo and its neighbour, Rwanda.
So how did DR Congo – the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa – get here?
The origins of this complex conflict can be understood through the story of one man – M23 leader Sultani Makenga, who is the subject of various war crime allegations.
He is sanctioned by the US of using child soldiers, which he has denied. The UN has accused him of being responsible for sexual violence.
To go back through Makenga’s life so far is to look into decades of warfare, intermittent foreign intervention and the persistent lure of DR Congo’s rich mineral resources.
His life began on Christmas Day in 1973, when he was born in the lush Congolese town of Masisi.
Raised by parents of the Tutsi ethnic group, Makenga quit school at the age of 17 to join a Tutsi rebel outfit across the border in Rwanda.
This group, named the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), were demanding greater Tutsi representation in Rwanda’s government, which at the time was dominated by politicians from the Hutu majority.
They also wanted the hundreds and thousands of Tutsi refugees who had been forced from the country by ethnic violence to be able to return home.
For four years, Makenga and the RPF fought the Hutu-dominated army in Rwanda. Their battle was enmeshed with the 1994 genocide, when Hutu extremists killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
When looking back at this time in a rare 2013 interview, external, Makenga stated: “My life is war, my education is war, and my language is war… but I do respect peace.”
The RPF gradually seized more and more land before marching into Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, and overthrowing the extremist Hutu government – many of whom fled into what is now DR Congo.
With the RPF in power, Makenga was absorbed into the official Rwandan army and rose to the rank of sergeant and deputy platoon commander.
“He was very good at setting up ambushes,” one of Makenga’s fellow RPF fighters told the Rift Valley Institute, external non-profit research organisation.
His progress in the Rwandan army hit a ceiling however. The fact that he only had a basic education and spoke broken French and English was “an obstacle to his military career”, the Rift Valley Institute said.
Makenga’s M23 fighters are now in charge in Goma. AFP
Makenga is also said – to this day – to be very reserved and to struggle with public speaking.
In 1997, he was part of the Rwanda-backed forces who ended up seizing power in DR Congo, ousting long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko. In his place they installed veteran Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila.
However, Makenga began to clash with his superiors – he was arrested by the Rwandan authorities after refusing orders to return to Rwanda, a UN Security Council report, external said.
He was therefore imprisoned for several years on the island of Iwawa.
Meanwhile, relations between Kabila and Rwanda’s new leaders deteriorated.
Rwanda had sought to crush the Hutu militiamen who were responsible for the genocide but had fled across the border in 1994. Rwanda’s fear was that they could return and upset the country’s hard-won stability.
But Kabila had failed to stop the militants from organising and he also started to force out Rwandan troops.
As a result, Rwanda invaded DR Congo in 1998. When Makenga was released from prison, he was appointed to serve as a commander on the front line with a Rwanda-backed rebel group.
The recent violence in the advance towards Goma and in the city itself reportedly killed thousands of people in just two weeks. Photo: AFP
Over the years, he gained a reputation for being highly strategic and skilled at commanding large groups of soldiers into battle.
After Rwandan troops crossed into DR Congo, there was a surge in discrimination against the Tutsi community. Kabila alleged that Tutsis supported the invasion, while other officials incited the public to attack members of the ethnic group.
Makenga – still in DR Congo – accused the Congolese leader of betraying Tutsi fighters, saying: “Kabila was a politician, while I am not. I am a soldier, and the language that I know is that of the gun.”
Several neighbouring countries had been drawn into the conflict and a large UN military force was deployed to try to maintain order.
More than five million people are believed to have died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.
The fighting officially ended in 2003 but Makenga continued to serve in armed groups opposed to the Congolese government.
In the spirit of reconciliation, Tutsi rebels like Makenga were eventually amalgamated into the Congolese government’s armed forces, in a process called “mixage”.
But the political sands in DR Congo are ever shifting – Makenga eventually defected from the army to join the rising M23 rebellion.
The M23 had become increasingly active in DR Congo’s east, stating that they were fighting to protect Tutsi rights, and that the government had failed to honour a peace deal signed in 2009.
Makenga was elevated to the rank of an M23 general, then soon after, the top position.
In November 2012 he led the rebels in a brutal uprising, in which they captured the city of Goma, a major eastern city with a population of more than a million.
DR Congo and the UN accused Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government of backing the M23 – an allegation which Kigali has persistently denied. But recently, the official response has shifted, with government spokespeople stating that fighting near its border is a security threat.
By 2012, Makenga and others in the M23 were facing serious war crimes allegations. The US imposed sanctions on him, saying he was responsible for “the recruitment of child soldiers, and campaigns of violence against civilians”. Makenga said allegations that the M23 used child soldiers were “baseless”.
Elsewhere, the UN said he had committed, and was responsible for, acts such as killing and maiming, sexual violence and abduction.
Makenga has been involved in several rebellions against the DR Congo government. AFP
Along with asset freezes, Makenga was facing a bitter split within the M23. One side backed him as leader while the other backed his rival, Gen Bosco Ntaganda.
The Enough Project, external, a non-profit group working in DR Congo, said the two factions descended into a “full-fledged war” in 2013 and as a result, three soldiers and eight civilians died.
Makenga’s side triumphed and Gen Ntaganda fled to Rwanda, where he surrendered to the US embassy.
However, months after Makenga’s triumph, another, larger threat appeared. The UN had deployed a 3,000-strong force with a mandate to support the Congolese military in reclaiming Goma, prompting the M23 to withdraw.
The rebel group was expelled from the country and Makenga fled to Uganda, a country which has also been accused of supporting the M23 – an allegation it denies.
Uganda received an extradition request for Makenga from DR Congo, but did not act on it.
Eight years passed. Dozens of other armed groups roamed the mineral-rich east, wreaking havoc, but the Congolese authorities were free of the most notorious militants.
That is, until 2021.
Makenga and his rebels took up arms again, capturing territory in North Kivu province.
Several ceasefires between the M23 and the Congolese authorities have failed, and last year a judge sentencing Makenga to death in absentia.
During the M23’s latest advance, in which the rebels are said to be supported by thousands of Rwandan troops, Makenga has barely been seen in public.
He instead leaves the public speeches and statements to his spokesperson, and Corneille Nangaa, who heads an alliance of rebel groups including the M23.
But Makenga remains a key player, appearing to focus on strategy behind the scenes.
He has said his relentless fighting has been for his three children, “so that one day they will have a better future in this country”.
“I shouldn’t be seen as a man who doesn’t want peace. I have a heart, a family, and people I care about,” he said.
But millions of ordinary people are paying the price of this conflict and if he is captured by the Congolese forces, Makenga faces the death penalty.
The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) has declared a ceasefire in eastern DRC, citing the worsening humanitarian crisis caused by ongoing military operations. However, the group has made it clear that it will not withdraw from Goma until its grievances are addressed.
In an official communiqué dated February 3, 2025, the group announced that the ceasefire would take effect on February 4. The statement strongly condemns the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) for using military aircraft to bomb civilian-populated areas, calling the attacks unacceptable.
The AFC/M23 reiterated that it has no intention of capturing Bukavu or other territories, emphasizing its commitment to protecting civilians. However, it stated that it will maintain its positions in Goma until the Congolese government addresses its demands. The group also called for the withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops, arguing that their mission is no longer justified.
The statement, signed by Lawrence Kanyuka, AFC/M23’s Communication Focal-Point, warns the public against fraudulent solicitations and misinformation allegedly spread by the Kinshasa regime.
Meanwhile, leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are preparing for a joint summit in Dar es Salaam in the second week of February to discuss the escalating conflict. The meeting, confirmed by Kenyan President William Ruto, will bring together regional heads of state, including DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, and Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
The summit follows a recent SADC meeting, where leaders agreed on the need for a coordinated approach to address the crisis. The involvement of both regional blocs signals a growing commitment to finding a diplomatic solution, as tensions continue to rise in eastern DRC.
Despite these efforts, the situation remains highly volatile. The M23’s refusal to withdraw from Goma and continued clashes between FARDC, FDLR militias, foreign mercenaries, and Wazalendo rebels against Tutsi communities underscore the deep-rooted nature of the conflict.
Congo, however, has vowed to reclaim Goma, a city of around 3 million people. Kinshasa has accused Rwanda of sending troops to Goma to back M23.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame who has frequently denied claims of supporting the M23 on Monday reportedly told CNN he does not know if his country’s troops are in the east of the Congo, where fighting between the M23 armed group and Congolese soldiers has killed hundreds.
Observers will be watching closely to see whether the ceasefire holds and if regional leaders can broker a meaningful resolution to the ongoing crisis.
The DRC crisis is spiraling out of control, with violence in the east claiming hundreds of lives. As rebel forces tighten their grip, regional leaders are stepping in to prevent further bloodshed.
On February 7 and 8, 2025, top African leaders will convene in Tanzania for a crucial peace summit.
With high-profile attendees and rising tensions, the world watches to see if diplomacy can end the chaos and restore stability.
Historic Summit Aims to Tackle Escalating Crisis in Eastern DRC
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is at a crossroads. A deadly conflict in its eastern region has claimed over 700 lives and left thousands injured.
As violence escalates, regional leaders are stepping in. On February 7 and 8, 2025, Tanzania’s capital, Dar es Salaam, will host an emergency summit.
Presidents from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) will gather to discuss solutions for peace.
The summit, initiated by Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa (SADC Chair) and Kenya’s President William Ruto (EAC Chair), aims to address the worsening situation.
With high-level attendance expected, the world watches as Africa’s leaders seek to end the bloodshed.
African Leaders Mobilize for Peace in Eastern DRC
The crisis in eastern DRC has drawn international concern. Rebel groups, particularly the M23 militia, continue to battle Congolese forces and their allies. Reports indicate severe human rights abuses, including sexual violence used as a weapon of war.
Kenyan President William Ruto confirmed that Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan will host the extraordinary summit.
Several key leaders, including DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, have confirmed attendance. Their presence is crucial, given Rwanda’s alleged involvement in supporting M23 rebels.
Other expected leaders include South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, and Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
The meeting will begin with a ministerial session on February 7, paving the way for a high-level dialogue among Heads of State on February 8.
M23 Rebels and Their Motivations
The M23 rebel group, largely composed of ethnic Tutsis, claims to fight for minority rights. However, the Congolese government argues that M23 is primarily driven by economic interests, particularly the exploitation of the mineral-rich eastern region.
Rwanda, long accused of backing M23, has denied direct involvement. However, its government now argues that the ongoing conflict near its border poses a security threat. This shift in rhetoric has only deepened tensions between Kigali and Kinshasa.
Goma Falls, Bukavu at Risk as DRC Crisis Escalates
The recent capture of Goma, a strategic city, has amplified concerns. While the Congolese government denies that M23 fully controls the city, conditions on the ground suggest otherwise.
The rebels have already set their sights on Bukavu, South Kivu’s capital. If they succeed, they could continue advancing toward Kinshasa, over 2,600 km (1,600 miles) away.
For now, Goma remains their biggest prize. The humanitarian situation is dire, with displaced civilians facing food shortages, violence, and insecurity.
The international community is calling for urgent intervention, but will this summit bring real change?
The past weeks have seen significant gains by the allegedly foreign-backed rebel group M23, which claims to defend the rights of ethnic Tutsis in the region
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with reports indicating that over 100 armed groups operating in the region as conflict has displaced thousands, and killed dozens in the latest rebel offensive
Weeks of renewed fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have culminated in the capture of Goma, a key border city targeted by rebels allegedly backed by foreign rivals.
The M23 rebel group stepped up its push towards Goma, a city of about 3 million people located on the northern shore of Lake Kivu on the boundary with Rwanda.
As the capital of North Kivu province, Goma is the largest settlement to fall in a series of rebel advances that have overtaken key frontier towns.
While the DRC government has denied that the rebels had taken full control, M23 spokesman Willy Ngoma told the press on Tuesday that fighters were “in control of the city.”
“I am in Goma now. Everything is very nice, very good, and there is no problem,” Ngoma said, claiming “total control” of the city, which also serves as a gateway to some of the world’s most mineral-rich areas.
The Congolese government is supported by UN peacekeepers from the MONUSCO mission and regional troops under the Southern African Development Community Mission in Congo (SAMIDRC), which includes forces from Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania.
Since last week, fighting in the region has left at least 42 people dead, including 17 foreign peacekeepers. Hundreds more have been injured amid ongoing clashes between the Congolese army and rebel forces. Over half of Goma’s population are children, according to Save the Children, while about 1 million are displaced people.
Rwanda claims at least nine of its citizens were killed in an alleged cross-border exchange of gunfire originating from Goma.
UN experts accuse Rwanda and Uganda of supporting M23 by providing sanctuary and enabling Rwandan troops to join the fighting in eastern Congo.
Both nations deny the allegations, countering that the armed groups targeting their own territory have used the DRC as a sanctuary.
Why is Goma important?
Goma’s strategic location as a commercial hub has long made it a focal point in local power struggles during Congo’s wars.
The city’s proximity to mineral-rich areas has embedded it in the war economy, drawing settlers, traders, and criminals. Control over Goma has historically shaped political power and trade networks in the region.
Much of the conflict in eastern Congo is driven by the region’s mineral riches, including coltan, cobalt, tantalum, and lithium reserves, essential to modern technology.
Goma, home to several ethnic groups, including Tutsi, Hutu, Hunde, Kano, Nande, and Nyanga, has also been affected by ethnic tensions, often rooted in economic rivalries.
Local militias frequently clash over control of land and mining areas, from which armed groups fund their activities by smuggling minerals.
Who are the M23 and what do they want?
The M23 movement has its origins in the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a rebel group that claimed to fight for the rights of the Tutsi minority in eastern Congo.
The CNDP signed a peace deal with the Congolese government in March 2009. Under the agreement, its fighters were integrated into the national army.
In April 2012, a faction of former CNDP rebels broke away from the military, accusing the government of failing to implement the agreement. They formed the March 23 Movement, or M23, named after the date of the 2009 deal.
Why are Rwanda and Uganda allegedly backing rebels?
Conflicts in eastern Congo trace back to the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, when about 1 million people, most of them members of the Tutsi ethnic group and moderate Hutus, were killed by Hutu extremists within a span of 100 days.
The subsequent resettlement of Hutus in the region sparked widespread violence, as many of the genocide perpetrators fled to Congo. Meanwhile, Rwanda has supported Tutsis, aiding their reorganization efforts across the border.
M23 asserts that minority Congolese Tutsis face discrimination due to their ethnic links to their kin in Rwanda. The group claims the Congolese government has failed to address their concerns about safety and military integration.
Kinshasa, for its part, accuses M23 of destabilizing the region with external backing, particularly from Rwanda and Uganda.
Both nations deny the allegations, with Kampala accusing the DRC of sheltering rebels fighting Uganda, including the ISIS/Daesh-linked Allied Democratic Forces and the People’s Redemption Army.
Rwanda, likewise, accuses the Congolese army of allying with rebels in the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose members are blamed for the 1994 genocide.
Why is eastern DRC a hotspot for conflicts?
Eastern Congo’s vast mineral wealth has made it a battleground for control, with over 100 armed groups operating in the region.
Analysts attribute the ongoing fighting to efforts by foreign powers to maintain influence and profit from the extraction of minerals such as gold, coltan, and cobalt.
Rwanda is accused of facilitating the illegal trafficking of these minerals, which are worth more than $1 billion and play a significant role in the ongoing conflict, according to Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
The Congolese army has been deployed repeatedly to eastern Congo to protect mining sites belonging to Chinese companies. Most of the cobalt mines owned by US companies were sold to firms connected to Beijing since, according to the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations.
Key reserves in eastern Congo also include tantalum, tin, tungsten, and copper. These resources dominate Congo’s economy, with minerals and petroleum comprising the majority of its export value.
How does the ongoing conflict affect civilians?
Over 26 million people in Congo are in need of humanitarian assistance, according to Save the Children.
In Goma, hospitals are overwhelmed as they struggle to manage rising patient numbers, while electricity and water supplies have been disrupted. Internet services have also been unavailable since Monday.
Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner reported that more than 100 people have been treated at health centers in recent days, while over 500,000 people have been displaced.
Amnesty International notes that over 400,000 were displaced in January alone, with Goma already hosting more than 600,000 internally displaced persons.
The World Food Program has raised alarms over food shortages in Goma, where rising prices and blocked access roads have worsened the crisis. The UN deputy special representative to MONUSCO has said nearly 3 million people have been displaced in North Kivu province to date.
The M23, a Rwanda-backed armed group, has seized most of Goma, a key city of a million people in the mineral-rich eastern DR Congo. Analysts say their motives combine security and economic interests with the deadly momentum of war.
Why did Rwanda and M23 take Goma?
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame says its priority in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo is to destroy the Democratic Liberation Front of Rwanda (FDLR in French), formed from remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 genocide.
Many say Rwanda is more interested in the region’s rich resources of tantalum and tin used in batteries and electronics worldwide as well as gold.
“There is a desire to control the resources of eastern Congo,” said Thierry Vircoulon, of the French Institute of International Relations, dismissing talk of the FDLR as a “pretext”.
But Bram Verelst, of Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, said it was vital to understand that Rwanda’s security concerns stemmed from its horrific recent history.
“The Rwandan state today is largely built on the experience of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. It’s extremely sensitive to what it perceives as genocide ideology or any form of opposition,” he said.
“The way it perceives the FDLR as an existential threat goes beyond the actual military capabilities of the group.”
He also said there was an inescapable momentum to the conflict.
“A lot of what is happening now is the result of this mutual pursuit of a military approach that leads to more and more escalation.”
Can M23 hold Goma?
The M23 took Goma once before in 2012 but international pressure on Rwanda and internal divisions within the group led to its defeat.
“This time we’re less likely to see a split because it is much more deeply involved with the Rwandan Defence Forces,” said an analyst for Janes, a defence intelligence company, who asked not be named.
Romania mercenaries going through security check with Rwandan police after they surrendered to M23 fighters.
The M23 is determined to show it can govern effectively.
“They spend a lot of time in their propaganda critiquing the poor governance and corruption of the Congolese government,” said the analyst.
Vircoulon was sceptical about its prospects.
“The M23 does not have a lot of fighters. It will be very difficult to hold a city of one million,” he said.
Rwanda ultimately wants to force the Congolese into talks with the M23, which they have so far refused.
“As long as Kinshasa maintains this position, Kagame will not budge either. And so we risk a stalemate that lasts,” said Vircoulon.
Will the M23 go further?
Rwanda’s ambassador for the Great Lakes region, Vincent Karega, told AFP on Wednesday that the M23 could seize territory far beyond Goma, even going all the way to Kinshasa.
“It’s possible because all the (DRC) forces and military capabilities were concentrated in Goma. The rest of the country is not as protected,” he said.
Analysts said that was highly unlikely given the vast size of the country and the conflict’s dynamics.
But Verelst said it will keep pushing north to Lubero, south to Bukavu and west to Walikelo.
“It is certainly a possibility that we could see further expansion on multiple fronts, but it’s also a bit uncertain now, because the M23 needs to consolidate its gains,” he said.
The recent offensive has demonstrated the challenges faced by the Congolese army.
“The Congolese military has had significant issues with corruption, misappropriation of funding for equipment. Lack of pay has been a huge problem for morale,” said the Janes analyst.
He said the DRC army had invested $280 million since 2022, expanding training, taking on Israeli private military contractors and European partners to create Rapid Reaction Brigades.
“But although they look the part, we’ve seen they haven’t stood up to the M23 and Rwandan Defence Forces.”
Last month, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi dismissed his army chief of staff, Christian Tshiwewe, following failures on the eastern battlefield and reports of mass corruption in the recruitment of new troops.
Protesters in Kinshasa, the capital of Democratic Republic of Congo, have been burning portraits of Rwanda’s president and tearing up Rwandan flags as M23 rebels have taken control of most the eastern city of Goma.
Their fury is focused on Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who they accuse of backing the rebels – an accusation long made by the UN.
To put it bluntly, a group of UN experts maintains the Rwandan army is in “de facto control of M23 operations”, detailing how M23 recruits are trained under Rwandan supervision and supported by high-tech Rwandan weaponry.
Goma, which lies at the foot of a volcano near Lake Kivu, sits on the border with Rwanda. It is the capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province – and is an important trading and humanitarian hub and the base for the UN’s largest peacekeeping mission.
The city had also become a refuge for those fleeing the conflict between M23 fighters and the army that erupted again in late 2021 – with the population swelling to around two million.
They all face further turmoil as fighting erupted there on Sunday night with loud explosions echoing through the streets, which are now strewn with bodies. The exact circumstances of what is going on is unclear as phone lines are down and electricity and water supplies have been cut off. But the M23 seem to have captured most, if not all, of the city.
“There was no question that there are Rwandan troops in Goma supporting the M23,” said UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix, though he added that it was it was difficult to tell the exact numbers on the ground in Goma.
Tellingly some Congolese army soldiers in Goma who surrendered on Monday, did so by crossing over the border into Rwanda.
Since the conflict begun, President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels, who are well equipped, well armed and well trained.
However, this response has noticeably shifted as accusations continue to grow with “overwhelming evidence” showing Rwanda’s support for the rebel group, according to Richard Moncrief, International Crisis Group’s project director for the Great Lakes
“The tone has changed to justification for defensive measures,” he told the BBC. “It has become harder to deny Rwanda’s support for M23.”
On Sunday, Rwanda’s foreign ministry said in a statement: “This fighting close to the Rwandan border continues to present a serious threat to Rwanda’s security and territorial integrity, and necessitates Rwanda’s sustained defensive posture.”
It said it was concerned by “misguided or manipulative” statements that lacked context about the conflict.
For Kagame, the context all comes down to the Rwandan genocide that took place over 100 days in 1994.
The ethnic Hutu militia involved in killing up to 800,000 people – the vast majority from the Tutsi community – fled to what is now DR Congo, some forming the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
This rebel group is still active in the notoriously unstable eastern DR Congo – and still includes some of those responsible for the genocide.
Kagame, who headed the rebel Tutsi force that ended the killing more than three decades ago, sees this “genocidal militia” as an existential threat.
This month alone 400,000 people have fled their homes because of the fighting
His government has twice invaded DR Congo, saying it wants to stop Hutu rebel groups from staging cross-border attacks.
Earlier this month he called out his Congolese counterpart, Félix Tshisekedi, for failing to deal with the FDLR and talk to the M23, saying this was exacerbating the conflict.
Mr Moncrief believes that the targeting of Goma is more about making a political point as he says the M23 does not need the city strategically as it already “controls many more lucrative areas”.
“It is President Kagame’s way of exerting power over who is in charge of North Kivu,” said the Great Lakes expert.
Rwanda accused the military governor of North Kivu, who was killed in fighting last week, of collaborating with the FDLR.
The discovery of this kind of high-level collaboration, experts agree, would have been like a red flag to a bull for Rwanda.
Rwandan soldiers escorted surrendering Congolese troops over the border into Rwanda on Monday. Reuters
The M23’s origins are tied to these tensions – it is the latest incarnation of a rebel group that says it is fighting for the interests of the minority Tutsi community in eastern DR Congo.
Its first uprising more than a decade ago ended with a peace deal – when its fighters disarmed and mainly moved into camps in Uganda.
But three years ago, they began leaving the camps saying the deal was not honoured and within a couple months was seizing territory.
The UN peacekeeping mission – first deployed in 1999 – is not mandated to go on the offensive. Two regional forces – an East African one followed by a southern African one – specially deployed over the last few years at the request of Tshisekedi have failed to contain the M23.
This gives an indication of the M23’s sophisticated operations.
According to the UN group of experts, this includes five months of training at the M23’s main base in Tchanzu, hilly terrain not far from Rwanda’s border, that incorporates courses on theory and ideology and then practical elements including “war tactics”, “engagement rules” and “bush tactics”.
It said Rwandan officers were often at the camp, where recruits, including children, were brought – some joining up on a voluntary basis, others forced to do so in a systematic operation where local chiefs had to provide conscripts.
The experts said Sultani Makenga, who once fought for Kagame in the early 1990s in Rwanda and is now the M23’s military chief, attended some of the passing-out ceremonies between 25 September and 31 October 2024 that involved 3,000 recruits.
Rwanda’s spokesperson Yolande Makolo did not address the question of whether Rwandan officers were in the M23 camp but she did deny the charges about child soldiers, telling the BBC last year: “The claim about recruiting minors in camps is absurd, it’s blatant information warfare against Rwanda.”
However UN expert reports detail how the M23’s strength has grown since May when numbers were put at around 3,000.
The experts estimate that between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan army troops are on the ground in DR Congo – saying it based this on authenticated photographs, drone footage, video recordings, testimonies and intelligence.
Captured M23 fighters said that the Rwandans were known as the “Friendly Force”, with the experts’ December report saying the English term was “generically used” even when interviewees were speaking in other languages.
UN experts included photos of a short-range air defence system in their most recent report, saying three were spotted in M23 territory (Kibumba, Kitchanga and Karuba) in November being operated by soldiers using weaponry and backpacks similar to standard Rwandan army issue
They said these Rwandan special forces were there to train and support the rebels, and they did not interact with M23 regulars.
Rwanda’s ally Uganda, unhappy about another rebel group in DR Congo that threatens its security, has also been accused of helping the M23 – with its officers also spotted at Tchanzu. The UN experts say Uganda has also supplied weapons, hosted rebel leaders and allowed cross-border movements of M23 fighters – accusations Kampala denies.
Kagame recently expressed his frustration that after Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, his suggestion that Rwanda work alongside the Congolese army to tackle the FDLR had been rebuffed – unlike a joint offensive by DR Congo and Uganda against the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels.
This may explain the re-emergence of the M23 in 2021 – with evidence showing Rwanda’s backing of the group continues to grow.
Clémentine de Montjoye, senior researcher in the Africa division at Human Rights Watch, told the BBC that geolocated images placed Rwandan troops in Sake, a town just outside Goma last week.
The UN experts say the M23’s decision to capture the mining town of Rubaya, which fell to its forces in May, was “motivated by a strategic need to monopolise” the lucrative trade in coltan, which is used to make batteries for electric vehicles and mobile phones.
Its December report says the group now collects at least $800,000 (£643,000) a month from the taxation of coltan in Rubaya – and ensures that around 120 tonnes of the coveted mineral is sent directly to Rwanda every four weeks.
It includes satellite images to show how a road was widened by September on the Congolese side of the Kibumba border crossing to allow access for heavy trucks that were previously unable to use the route into Rwanda.
The M23 and the Rwandan army are accused of jamming GPS signals, making it impossible to operate drones and other aircraft
Ms De Montjoye explained how the advanced weapons being used by the M23 were not available to any other of the numerous armed groups operating in eastern DR Congo.
“Earlier last year, we documented how Rwandan forces, and M23 had fired 122mm rockets, hitting displacement camps,” she told the BBC.
“It’s certainly with the kind of military support that the M23 has received that they’ve been able to make such an advance [on Goma].”
The UN experts have documented many such examples, including the use of Israeli-made anti-tank guided missiles.
Mr Moncrief said the M23 was also using technology to interfere with Global Positioning System (GPS) that had stopped the Congolese army from flying drones it had acquired from China.
The UN experts said the “spoofing and jamming” near areas controlled by M23 and the Rwandan army had also disrupted other aircraft.
President Kagame has dismissed these UN reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise” and saying they ignore many outrages committed in DR Congo to focus on “imaginary problems” created by the M23.
The East African Community – currently headed by Kenya’s president – is now trying to mediate, though Tshisekedi has said he will not attend a hastily organised emergency summit.
Observers say Rwanda’s president will be telling any mediator that the FDLR is the only subject up for discussion as he is adamant their presence makes DR Congo an unsafe neighbour – something he reiterated at a press conference earlier this month.
“Honestly, for the last 30 years if anyone wanted to understand what the problems are [in DR Congo] and what solutions should be, you don’t even need to be an expert,” Kagame said.
M23 rebels fighting the Congolese army in eastern Congo are using advanced weapons and equipment similar to those used by the Israeli army and US special forces, a retired South African army general said Tuesday.
Maomela Moreti Motau told the Newsroom Afrika local broadcaster that he observed weapons used by the rebels and believes they are not typical of the region.
“The weapon I saw, I believe, is one used by the armed forces of Israel. I could be mistaken, but it is not a weapon that Rwanda generally uses,” said Motau.
He pointed out that visuals of rebels, who reportedly overran Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, on Monday, show their weapons and equipment are not sourced locally. “Those weapons are from forces that manufacture arms themselves. They are not from the region,” he said.
The retired general, known for his extensive military experience, added that the M23 rebels are outfitted like a regular army, not a guerrilla force. “Their uniforms, their equipment—they are not dressed like a ragtag army. I was a guerrilla fighter myself, so I know what guerrilla fighters look like,” he said.
He also noted that the M23 rebels appear to be well-resourced, citing their use of special equipment, such as sunglasses similar to those used by US special forces. “This is not how a non-conventional army looks. They are clearly supported by a powerful force,” he said.
Motau condemned the killing of South African peacekeepers by the M23 rebels, calling for the incident to be taken seriously. The clashes have claimed the lives of 13 South African peacekeepers, three Malawian soldiers, and a UN peacekeeper.
Motau asserted that South Africa should send a strong message to those supporting the M23 rebels, warning that failing to act could embolden others to challenge the nation’s security.
“If you don’t take a stand, very soon, we’ll be attacked in our own country because people will think we lack the capability to defend ourselves,” he said.
Rwanda, frequently accused of backing the M23 rebels, has consistently denied the allegations, with President Paul Kagame rejecting claims of involvement.
The M23 rebels have intensified their fight against the Congolese army in Goma, targeting the city for its strategic and economic importance. Goma is a gateway to some of the most mineral-rich areas in the world.
The eastern Congo is home to vast deposits of valuable resources, including coltan, gold, and tin, which are crucial for global industries such as electronics. Analysts believe the M23 rebels want to control those resources to fund their operations and gain leverage in negotiations with the government.
The group claims its fight is also driven by grievances about alleged discrimination against Tutsi communities in the region. The Congolese government, however, accuses the M23 of destabilizing the area with external support, particularly from neighboring Rwanda.
The conflict has displaced thousands and worsened regional tensions.
