Tag: Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC)

  • Inside Details Of Sh78 Billion Fraud in KPC’s Mombasa-Nairobi Line 5 Pipeline Project That Has Continued To Bleed The Country

    Inside Details Of Sh78 Billion Fraud in KPC’s Mombasa-Nairobi Line 5 Pipeline Project That Has Continued To Bleed The Country

    The pipeline was supposed to be a triumph. Stretching 450 kilometres from the port of Mombasa to Nairobi, the new 20-inch multi-product conduit was Kenya’s most ambitious petroleum infrastructure project since independence, a Vision 2030 centrepiece awarded in July 2014 to Lebanese construction firm Zakhem International Construction Limited for a contract valued at approximately USD 484.5 million. It was commissioned in 2018. It was handed over. It was celebrated. And then, almost immediately, it became something else entirely: the locus of a financial extraction scheme so elaborate, so sustained, and so damaging to the Kenyan public that independent analysts now place the total documented exposure to taxpayers at over KSh 78 billion and still rising.

    That figure is not a projection or an estimate conjured for effect. It is derived from audited financial statements, High Court filings, Auditor-General reports, and the records of at least sixteen interconnected civil suits that have wound through the Milimani Commercial Court since 2018, engaging five different judges, triggering four recusal applications, and attracting a Directorate of Criminal Investigations inquiry into whether a sitting High Court judge was improperly approached to tilt the outcome. What began as a procurement dispute has metastasised into a matrix of garnishee orders, Mareva injunctions, consent judgments, and counter-applications that have effectively turned Kenya’s judiciary into an instrument of financial extraction from a state corporation.

    Activist and politician Morara Kebaso brought the matter back into public focus in early April 2026, when a video he originally posted in September 2024 resurfaced on social media.

    In the nearly 35-minute recording, Kebaso presents bank transfer documents, Auditor-General excerpts, and High Court filings, alleging what he describes as dirty dealings involving excessive post-completion payments, opaque variations, and the routing of public funds through prominent advocates. The video, amplified by the Nyakundi Report account on X, has reignited demands for a parliamentary probe and a full forensic audit. KPC has not issued a direct public response to the resurfaced claims.

    But Kebaso’s intervention, however pointed, tells only the surface layer of a story that is far darker and far more structurally dangerous than any single video can convey. Kenya Insights has reviewed court records, financial statements, and legal filings spanning twelve years to assemble the most comprehensive account yet of how Kenyan public infrastructure funds were pledged to a foreign bank through instruments that KPC’s own leadership appeared not to understand, and how a Lebanese construction dynasty then used that pledge as the foundation for a decade of litigation that has bled the corporation of billions while shielding the original wrongdoing from prosecutorial scrutiny.

    THE DEBENTURE THAT PRECEDED EVERYTHING

    The architecture of the scheme was assembled eight years before the pipeline contract was signed. In February 2006, a Lebanese construction company registered in Nigeria as Zakhem Construction Nigeria Limited executed a Deed of Debenture with Ecobank Nigeria PLC in Lagos. The instrument pledged all of Zakhem’s present and future assets globally, including future receivables, as security for financial facilities that Ecobank might extend. To most observers, such instruments are routine commercial arrangements. In this case, the debenture was a loaded mechanism that would lie dormant for nearly a decade before being activated with devastating consequences for the Kenyan public.

    In July 2014, KPC awarded the Mombasa-Nairobi Line 5 pipeline contract to Zakhem International Construction Limited, the Cypriot-registered arm of the Zakhem group, for approximately KSh 49.5 billion at prevailing exchange rates. Within months of that award, Zakhem secured a financing facility estimated at USD 300 million from Ecobank Nigeria, using the KPC contract proceeds as collateral. The instrument activating that pledge was a set of domiciliation letters, dated October 2014, in which Zakhem gave what court filings describe as unconditional and irrevocable instructions directing KPC to channel 70 percent of all contract payments into Zakhem’s account at Ecobank Nigeria, with the remaining 30 percent routed to Ecobank Kenya.

    KPC confirmed receipt of those Domiciliation Letters on 13 October 2014, placing its dated stamp upon them. What the corporation did not disclose, and what would become the central controversy of litigation that continues to this day, is that by stamping those letters, KPC had effectively bound itself as a party to a three-way financial obligation involving a Nigerian bank, a Cypriot holding company, and a Nigerian construction entity, all connected by an eight-year-old debenture that predated the KPC contract entirely. Ecobank had engineered itself a senior claim over contract proceeds that ranked, in practical terms, ahead of anything KPC’s own legal advisers had contemplated. None of this was disclosed in KPC’s annual reports for years, even after the corporation had been named as a defendant in a lawsuit demanding over USD 52 million.

    The financing consortium that KPC’s own documentation acknowledges included CFC Stanbic, Citibank Kenya, Co-operative Bank, Rand Merchant Bank, and Standard Chartered. Ecobank was not among them. Yet by virtue of the domiciliation letters, Ecobank’s claim to contract proceeds was arguably superior to any arrangement KPC had formally sanctioned. Legal experts have since argued that by accepting those letters, KPC created a binding financial obligation to a foreign bank without parliamentary approval or Treasury oversight, in potential violation of the Public Finance Management Act.

    THE BALLOON THAT NEVER STOPPED INFLATING

    The contract itself was a source of controversy from the outset. Zakhem International Construction Cyprus had submitted two different bid figures during the procurement process, USD 591 million and USD 485 million, a discrepancy that competitors alleged was irregular. KPC awarded the contract at the lower figure. Construction commenced shortly after signing, with project completion and handover to KPC occurring in July 2018 following a commissioning process. But the price had already moved well beyond the original contract value through a sequence of variation orders and extensions of time that KPC’s Auditor-General-reviewed accounts would later acknowledge as design changes and omitted works.

    By the financial year ending June 2019, official records showed total expenditure on the Line 5 project reaching KSh 51.4 billion, a material increase from the original contract sum. The Auditor-General’s reports for successive years flagged billions in additional disbursements to the contractor, including a red-flagged payment of KSh 2.8 billion in a single financial year. KPC’s own 2018 financial statements contained a startling admission: that until matters related to contract variations and extensions of time were resolved, it was not possible to confirm that the carrying value of the pipeline as stated in the accounts was true and fair. That was not a footnote. That was an auditor’s signal that the numbers could not be vouched for.

    The variation dispute had by then been transplanted from the boardroom into the courts. A partial decree of USD 44 million was awarded against KPC by Justice Grace Nzioka in June 2020, covering unpaid sums that both parties had been negotiating to resolve but which the intervention of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations in July 2019, which ordered KPC to suspend all payments to Zakhem pending its own inquiry, had transformed into a court battle. The DCI’s intervention, whatever its merits, produced an outcome that would prove financially catastrophic. The delay in paying the agreed amount triggered contractual interest charges of approximately 6 percent per annum. By independent calculations, those avoidable penalties cost Kenyan taxpayers upwards of KSh 3 billion.

    THE LAWSUIT THAT BLED THE NATION

    In 2018, Ecobank Nigeria Limited and its Kenyan subsidiary filed Civil Suit 292 of 2018 at the Commercial and Tax Division of the High Court of Kenya, naming KPC as the fifth respondent. The bank’s case rested on those domiciliation letters from 2014. Its position was that Zakhem had colluded with KPC to divert contract proceeds to Stanbic Bank rather than through the Ecobank accounts as instructed, causing Ecobank to suffer a loss of USD 52.3 million, the outstanding balance of the USD 206 million it claims to have advanced for the project. KPC, which had not borrowed directly from Ecobank and had not been a party to the 2006 debenture, found itself defending a claim arising purely from its own acceptance of those domiciliation letters.

    The corporation reportedly spent at least KSh 90 million in legal fees in a single year defending the suit. High Court Judge Mary Kasango issued permanent orders in November 2018 barring KPC from paying contract proceeds to any party other than Ecobank Nigeria and Ecobank Kenya, effectively freezing KPC’s ability to settle its acknowledged debts to Zakhem while simultaneously exposing it to interest penalties for non-payment. The bind was structurally inescapable. By the time a final decree in the Ecobank matter was issued on 16 February 2024, consolidating an earlier partial decree, the award in favour of Ecobank Nigeria and Ecobank Kenya had grown to USD 31.9 million in undisputed and disputed sums combined.

    The list of case references alone tells the story of a judiciary under siege. Civil Suit 292 of 2018, HCCC E322 of 2019, HCC Misc E042 of 2021, HCCC E276 of 2019, Civil Case E132 of 2020, Civil Case E202 of 2020, Miscellaneous Civil Application E1215 of 2020, HCCC Misc E329, E330, and E331 of 2022, Civil Application E503 of 2024, Civil Application E420 of 2024, Civil Application E436 of 2023, Miscellaneous Application E395 of 2025, and Miscellaneous Application E590 of 2025. That is not a record of different legal disputes. It is a matrix of interconnected applications, stay orders, garnishee proceedings, recusals, appeals, arbitrations, and counter-applications, all orbiting the same contract while the clock on interest ran continuously at the expense of the Kenyan taxpayer.

    The recusal attempts alone were extraordinary in their audacity. Four judges handled the matter before being recused or transferred. Justice Abigail Mshila, the late Justice David Majanja, Justice Wilfrida Okwany, and Justice Freda Mugambi all passed through the matter. Senior Counsel Ahmednasir Abdullahi, representing Zakhem, then filed an application demanding that Justice P.J. Otieno also recuse himself. Justice Otieno refused on 8 August 2024, observing that abandoning the case after substantive judicial resources had been invested would perpetuate the very delays that the litigation had created. The Court of Appeal separately ordered the DCI to file a report on allegations that Professor Tom Ojienda, acting for subcontractor Oilfields Engineering and Supplies, had allegedly approached Justice Otieno to tilt the outcome in his client’s favour. That report, if it has been completed, has not been made public.

    THE SETTLEMENT THAT WAS NOT FINAL

    In September 2023, KPC and Zakhem recorded a consent judgment of USD 69.6 million, approximately KSh 9 billion at prevailing rates, which KPC’s own financial reporting described as the resolution of a long legal dispute with one of its contractors. It was not final. It was not even a pause. Within months of the consent judgment being recorded, Zakhem was back in court. Ahmednasir Abdullahi filed applications seeking to freeze KPC’s bank accounts at Standard Chartered Bank over an alleged remaining debt of KSh 926 million.

    That application was dismissed by Justice Wayua Mong’are on 29 May 2025, on the grounds that Zakhem was raising the same arguments before a court of concurrent jurisdiction that it had already placed before another court, which the law does not permit. But Zakhem immediately regrouped. In June 2025, fresh garnishee applications were filed against KPC’s accounts at Equity Bank, Stanbic, KCB, NCBA, Citibank, Co-operative Bank, and Absa. The High Court ultimately ordered Equity Bank to release KSh 485 million from KPC’s accounts and pay it directly into the trust account of Ahmednasir Abdullahi Advocates LLP, finding that KPC had failed to comply with a January 2021 order to pay that balance after settling its tax obligations with the Kenya Revenue Authority.

    The KRA angle adds another dimension to the damage. Following the June 2020 decree awarding Zakhem USD 44 million, KPC made two payments to KRA as part of Zakhem’s assessed tax liabilities, KSh 3.09 billion in October 2020 and KSh 915 million in January 2021. KPC then argued that additional KRA agency notices consumed the remaining balance owed to Zakhem. The court rejected that position, finding that any payments made beyond the court-ordered amounts were at KPC’s own risk. The effect was that KPC had remitted over KSh 4 billion to KRA and still owed Zakhem the outstanding balance, leaving the corporation exposed on two separate financial fronts simultaneously.

    It was in this context that the July 2024 payments described in Kebaso’s video must be understood. The certificate of urgency filed by Ahmednasir on 1 August 2024 in the High Court’s Commercial Division confirmed that KPC had by then released USD 25 million out of USD 31.3 million owed pursuant to the February 2024 decree in favour of the Ecobank entities, with funds preserved in the trust accounts of Ahmednasir Abdullahi Advocates LLP and Majanja Luseno and Company pending the resolution of a Mareva injunction sought by the Oilfields subcontractor. High Court Judge P.J. Otieno ordered on 8 August 2024 that those funds be preserved and not disbursed pending determination of the competing claims.

    THE SUBCONTRACTORS LEFT BEHIND

    While billions moved between corporate accounts and law firm trust funds, the companies that actually performed the physical labour on the Line 5 project were left to chase payment through their own separate litigation. Oilfields Engineering and Supplies Limited, a local subcontractor engaged by Zakhem, moved to court in 2024 seeking to freeze KSh 4.1 billion that was to be paid by KPC to Zakhem, arguing that Zakhem owed it money for completed work. That court fight became so vicious, with accusations of judicial interference and counter-allegations of manipulated arbitration, that the matter was effectively frozen at the appellate level while the DCI investigation dragged on.

    Azicon Kenya Limited, which handled electrical, instrumentation, and telecommunications installations on the project, received formal certification for payment in March 2019 and had still not been paid by mid-2025. A Nairobi court ordered Zakhem to settle KSh 537.3 million owed to Azicon, clearing the way for enforcement action. Ruhpumpen Global Limited, another subcontractor, had sued KPC alleging it was induced to favour Ebara Corporation in equipment procurement, though that case was ultimately dismissed. The pattern is consistent: the main contractor extracted billions from a state corporation, the foreign bank that financed the contractor extracted further billions through litigation, and the Kenyan subcontractors who built the thing were left to pursue enforcement through courts that were themselves ensnared in the larger dispute.

    THE IPO AND THE CONTINGENT LIABILITY NO ONE DISCUSSED

    This is the context in which Kenya Pipeline Company conducted its landmark initial public offering in January 2026. The government sold 65 percent of KPC, offering 11.81 billion shares at KSh 9 per share and targeting gross proceeds of KSh 106.3 billion, in what Reuters described as East Africa’s biggest IPO in local currency terms in over a decade. The offer exceeded its target by 5.7 percent, according to Bloomberg, closing on 24 February 2026 with listing on the Nairobi Securities Exchange on 9 March 2026. For the year ended 30 June 2025, KPC reported revenue of KSh 38.6 billion and profit of KSh 7.49 billion. The transaction was positioned, in President Ruto’s own framing, as a once-in-a-generation opportunity for ordinary Kenyans to own a share of their national energy artery.

    What was not foregrounded in that framing was the fact that as of the close of the IPO, active garnishee applications from Zakhem remained pending against KPC’s accounts at seven separate banks, that the total documented financial exposure from the Zakhem-Ecobank litigation exceeded KSh 78 billion by the most conservative accounting, and that no forensic investigation into the original domiciliation arrangements had been publicly ordered. The KPC prospectus, by regulatory requirement, would have disclosed material litigation. Whether the full scope of that exposure was sufficiently communicated to retail investors who were encouraged by government to participate in a patriotic act of share-buying is a question that Kenya’s Capital Markets Authority and Nairobi Securities Exchange have not yet publicly addressed.

    Former KPC Managing Director Joe Sang, who served during the critical phases of the contract and the subsequent litigation, resigned following a separate fuel procurement scandal in which Petroleum PS Mohamed Liban and EPRA Director General Daniel Kiptoo Bargoria were also arrested following a public signal from the President. Their resignations came within two days of the arrests. The state can move when it chooses to. The Zakhem-Ecobank exposure, which dwarfs the fuel procurement matter in both scale and duration, has attracted no equivalent executive accountability.

    WHAT ACCOUNTABILITY REQUIRES

    Ahmednasir Abdullahi has stated publicly on X that the KPC payments described in Kebaso’s video were not legal fees to his firm and that he does not act for KPC in the matter. He dismissed suggestions of personal enrichment as misguided. KPC has not issued a direct public response to the resurfaced allegations. Faith Boinett, who chairs the KPC board and was reappointed to that position by President Ruto, has also not commented publicly on the Zakhem litigation exposure or the adequacy of disclosures made during the IPO.

    The questions that remain unanswered are not complicated. Who within KPC authorised the acceptance of the October 2014 domiciliation letters and on what legal advice? Did the National Treasury, which has board representation at KPC, receive any disclosure of the Ecobank domiciliation arrangement before or after it was executed? What is the total sum disbursed by KPC in all forms, including principal payments, interest, penalties, legal fees, and tax payments, in connection with the Zakhem contract since commissioning in 2018? And why, despite the DCI being ordered by the Court of Appeal to investigate allegations of judicial interference in the proceedings, has no report been made public and no prosecution initiated?

    The Director of Public Prosecutions and the DCI Director face a specific evidentiary record that is already assembled in court files, audit reports, and financial statements. The 2006 debenture was registered in Nigeria. The domiciliation letters were stamped in Kenya in 2014. The contract was awarded, the pipeline was built, and the financial extraction has been running ever since through mechanisms that the courts, the auditors, and parliamentary committees have each partially illuminated but none has comprehensively prosecuted. A full forensic investigation into the banking records, the legal instruments, and the decision-making chain within KPC between 2014 and 2018 is not optional. It is the minimum that accountability to the Kenyan public requires.

    For now, the pipeline pumps fuel. The litigation pumps money. And the KSh 78 billion figure grows.

  • Uganda To Own Stakes In Kenya Pipeline After Ruto Deal With Museveni

    Uganda To Own Stakes In Kenya Pipeline After Ruto Deal With Museveni

    Kenya has agreed to open ownership of the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) to Uganda in a major shift that recasts the region’s energy and logistics landscape, President William Ruto announced during an investment tour in Uganda on Sunday.

    The move follows high-level negotiations between the two governments and comes as East African states push to secure long-term fuel supply routes and reduce dependence on middlemen.

    Ruto said the government will list KPC on the Nairobi Securities Exchange as part of its ongoing privatisation drive, with Uganda invited to take up shares in what has long been one of Kenya’s most strategically guarded state corporations.

    Ruto told a joint forum with President Yoweri Museveni that ministers from both countries had finalised a framework for shared ownership after a meeting in Nairobi last week.

    He said the shift would not only deepen regional integration but also reflect the reality that KPC serves the entire northern corridor, not just Kenya.

    “I want to thank you, Mr President, for agreeing to work with us. The ministers were in Nairobi last week and I have given the necessary guidance on the need for Uganda and Kenya, both public and private, to jointly own the Kenya Pipeline Company. KPC is not just a Kenyan facility but a regional facility,” Ruto said.

    Under the plan, Kenya will divest 65 per cent of its stake while retaining a 35 per cent strategic shareholding.

    Uganda is expected to become one of the anchor investors, a move insiders say could ease long-running tensions over fuel import routes, which escalated this year after Kampala shifted its oil procurement model and sought direct government-to-government supply contracts.

    President William Ruto received by his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Museveni for the groundbreaking ceremony of the Devki Steel Factory in Osukuru, Tororo District, Uganda
    President William Ruto received by his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Museveni for the groundbreaking ceremony of the Devki Steel Factory in Osukuru, Tororo District, Uganda

    Uganda currently relies almost entirely on KPC’s infrastructure to transport petroleum imports from Mombasa and through the Eldoret–Kampala corridor.

    A stake in the company would give Kampala influence over tariffs, stockholding arrangements, and future network development—an issue that has been a sticking point in bilateral talks for years.

    Ruto urged Ugandan investors, and East Africans more broadly, to buy into KPC once the shares are floated.

    He framed the partial privatisation as an opportunity to spread ownership of critical assets and unlock new capital for expansion.

    Parallel to the share sale, Ruto revealed that plans to extend the Eldoret–Kampala petroleum pipeline toward Rwanda and eastern DRC are “at an advanced stage,” adding that both governments will co-invest in the project.

    The expansion aims to position the corridor as the region’s dominant fuel artery at a time when Tanzania has been aggressively marketing its Central Corridor as an alternative supply route.

    The Kenyan leader also said Nairobi and Kampala will in January launch the long-delayed extension of the Standard Gauge Railway from Naivasha to Kampala, which will link with the Malaba–Kampala line and onward into eastern Congo.

    The revival of the SGR deal signals renewed political goodwill after years of stalled financing talks and shifting regional alliances.

    The announcement comes barely two weeks after Museveni stirred controversy with comments about landlocked states’ “right” to secure access to the Indian Ocean, remarks which sparked debate in Kenya over territorial sovereignty.

    Museveni insisted he was speaking about economic survival and regional cooperation rather than threats. Ruto on Sunday dismissed the uproar as media misinterpretation and said Museveni had done “nothing wrong” in highlighting Uganda’s logistical vulnerabilities.

    The KPC initial public offering, already approved by Parliament in October, is expected to be completed by March 31, 2026.

    Treasury officials say the sale will target a mix of retail, regional, and institutional investors, with Uganda’s participation formalising a long-sought energy partnership between the two neighbours.

    If executed as planned, the joint ownership will mark the most significant restructuring of Kenya’s energy infrastructure in decades and could cement Nairobi–Kampala cooperation at a time of shifting regional politics and rising competition for control of East Africa’s trade routes.

  • Omtatah Takes Fight to Senate over KPC Gas Facility Handover to Nigerian Firm

    Omtatah Takes Fight to Senate over KPC Gas Facility Handover to Nigerian Firm

    Busia Senator Andrew Omtatah Okoiti has escalated his probe into the controversial handover of a multibillion-shilling liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) facility from Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) to Nigerian firm Asharami Synergy, formally requesting a statement from the Senate’s Standing Committee on Energy.

    In a document dated May 6, 2025, Senator Omtatah invoked Standing Order 53(1) to demand answers regarding what he termed “a matter of national concern” – the abrupt halting of KPC’s plans to develop a 30,000-metric-tonne LPG facility in Mombasa and its subsequent transfer to the Nigerian company.

    “The Kenya Pipeline Company has been left counting losses amounting to millions of shillings after its plan to develop a 30,000-metric-tonne liquefied petroleum gas facility in Mombasa, aimed at making gas more affordable and accessible to consumers, was halted,” Omtatah stated in his formal request to the Senate.

    According to Omtatah, the Kenya Petroleum Refinery Limited (KPRL) has agreed to lease 23.19 acres of public land to Asharami Synergy on a 31-year lease to develop, operate, and maintain the plant.

    This decision comes after KPC had already invested significant taxpayer funds in preparatory work.

    Five Critical Questions Raised

    Senator Omtatah’s request outlines five specific issues the Energy Committee must address:

    1. Why KPC’s original plan to develop the Mombasa gas facility was “quashed” and handed over to Asharami Synergy, a subsidiary of Nigeria’s Sahara Group

    2. The circumstances behind the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum’s decision to bypass KPC in favor of the Nigerian firm

    3. Whether KPRL followed legal procedures in leasing 23.19 acres of public land to Asharami Synergy

    4. The selection process for the project developer, including details of all proposals received and justifications for the 31-year lease agreement

    5. How KPC plans to recover KES 192.64 million of taxpayers’ money spent on preliminary studies, including demand surveys, environmental assessments, and front-end engineering designs

    Omtatah alleges that KPC spent KES 192.64 million on preparatory work during the financial year ending June 2024. This includes demand surveys, environmental and social impact assessments, and front-end engineering designs – investments that may now benefit the Nigerian firm while leaving Kenyan taxpayers to absorb the losses.

    “KPC has been left to bear the costs of preparatory work already completed,” Omtatah noted.

    Timeline Raises New Questions

    This latest development adds a significant time element to the controversy.

    Our previous reporting revealed that the lease agreement was signed on April 6, 2025, just one month before Omtatah’s Senate request, and troublingly, two days before the mandatory Kenya Gazette notice was published.

    The Senator’s inquiry now reveals that substantial public funds were spent on the project as recently as the 2023-2024 financial year, raising questions about when the decision to transfer the project was actually made.

    Omtatah’s Senate submission reinforces concerns in our previous report about the deal’s transparency and legality.

    The matter has already drawn attention from the National Assembly’s Energy Committee, which summoned KPC’s managing director over allegations that the deal proceeded without proper environmental studies or the Attorney General’s consent.

    The controversy centers not just on procedural issues but on fundamental questions about Kenya’s energy sovereignty and asset management.

    Many have questioned why a project initially conceived to make cooking gas more affordable for Kenyans has been handed to a foreign entity, potentially compromising both national interests and consumer benefits.

    And with both houses of Parliament now investigating the matter, pressure is mounting on the Ministry of Energy and the involved parastatals to provide clear answers.

  • Nigerian Firm’s Controversial Mombasa Land Deal Sparks Outrage Over Transparency Failures

    Nigerian Firm’s Controversial Mombasa Land Deal Sparks Outrage Over Transparency Failures

    Nigerian Firm Asharami Synergy Granted 31-Year Mombasa Land Lease Without Environmental Study or AG’s Nod—Deal Signed Before Gazette Notice

    A murky deal granting Nigerian firm Asharami Synergy Ltd a 31-year lease on prime public land in Mombasa has ignited fierce criticism, with allegations of skipped legal steps, ignored oversight, and potential corruption.

    The lease, intended for a multibillion-shilling liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) handling and storage facility, was signed without an environmental impact study, without the Attorney General’s consent, and before public notification, raising red flags about transparency and accountability in Kenya’s public land dealings.

    Documents obtained by Kenya Insights, including correspondence from a whistleblower within the National Assembly’s Departmental Committee on Energy, reveal a troubling sequence of events.

    The land, owned by the Kenya Petroleum Refineries Limited (KPRL), a largely defunct entity now under the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC), was leased to Asharami Synergy on April 6, 2025.

    Astonishingly, the mandatory Kenya Gazette notice announcing the lease was published two days later, on April 8, effectively bypassing public scrutiny and input required by law.

    Further compounding concerns, the deal proceeded without the Attorney General’s approval, a critical legal requirement for leasing public land.

    Correspondence shows the AG’s concerns were “wilfully ignored,” according to Jaindi Kisero, a seasoned columnist who first broke the story. Kisero, citing parliamentary documents, also noted the absence of a fresh environmental impact study, with Asharami Synergy relying on a seven-year-old KPC study that experts say requires revalidation due to the significant public safety risks posed by LPG facilities.

    The National Assembly’s Energy Committee has summoned KPC’s managing director to explain the circumstances surrounding the deal, which critics argue reeks of political interference and favoritism.

    Sources suggest Asharami Synergy may have powerful local backers, with one unverified claim linking the firm to influential figures close to the government.

    “This is a textbook case of how investors exploit weak governance to secure public assets,” said Kisero, pointing to the deal’s transformation from a simple land lease to a public-private partnership (PPP) under a “build, operate, and transfer” model.

    This shift, he argues, allowed the firm to secure letters of support and implicit taxpayer-backed guarantees, turning the project into a potential financial liability for Kenyans.

    The deal has also drawn comparisons to existing private LPG facilities, such as those operated by Mombasa-based industrialist Mohammed Jaffer’s AGOL, which were built without taxpayer support.

    Critics question why Asharami Synergy was granted such generous concessions, including requests for free access to KPC’s front-end engineering designs, valued at Sh250 million, and the outdated environmental study.

    Public land leases in Kenya have long been a hotbed for corruption, with experts warning that opaque processes and inadequate oversight create fertile ground for illicit deals.

    “When information about leases and PPPs isn’t public, investors and officials can collude to divest public assets for personal gain,” Kisero noted, citing anti-corruption literature.

    The controversy has fueled calls for the deal’s cancellation. KPC had initially planned to develop the LPG facility itself, investing heavily in designs before the project was abruptly handed to Asharami Synergy, reportedly at the behest of a “powerful player.”

    As investigations unfold, Kenyans are left questioning whether their government prioritizes public interest or private profit.

    The Energy Committee’s probe is expected to shed light on the deal’s irregularities, but for now, the Asharami Synergy lease stands as a stark reminder of the fragility of transparency in Kenya’s public sector.

  • Death by Suicide of Insurance CEO Reveals Details of Murky Sh286M KPC Tender Scandal

    Death by Suicide of Insurance CEO Reveals Details of Murky Sh286M KPC Tender Scandal

    The tragic suicide of Sammy Methu Kiragu, Chief Executive Officer of Sedgwick Insurance Brokers, has unveiled a scandal involving a controversial tender at the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC).

    Kiragu leapt to his death from the seventh floor of his office at 4th Avenue Towers on Tuesday, March 11, 2025, just a day before he was scheduled to face Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) detectives over allegations of fraud and collusion tied to a lucrative insurance brokerage contract.

    His death has sparked widespread speculation and drawn attention to the questionable dealings surrounding the KPC tender process.

    The tender in question, No. KPC/UOT-298/FIN/NBI/22-23, sought insurance brokerage services for KPC from July 1, 2023, to June 30, 2025. Sedgwick Insurance Brokers (SIB) and UAP Old Mutual General Insurance Ltd became the focus of a DCI probe into allegations of premium manipulation and violations of the Insurance Act.

    Sources close to the investigation revealed that Kiragu, overwhelmed by the mounting pressure, had sought help to halt the inquiry into his company’s actions.

    A letter dated February 18, 2025, written by Daniel Kandie, former head of the Insurance Fraud Investigation Unit (IFIU), detailed evidence of prior arrangements between Sedgwick and UAP Old Mutual to adjust premiums to a suspiciously precise figure of KES 286,763,349 (approximately $1,911,755.66)—allegedly to align with market rates after securing the tender.
    letter summoned UAP to nominate a representative for questioning on February 21, while Sedgwick officials, including Kiragu, were ordered to appear before the IFIU on March 12—the day after his fatal plunge.

    The tender process was a complex web of bids, evaluations, and legal disputes.

    On March 28, 2023, KPC advertised the contract in local dailies, attracting bids from 31 firms, including Sedgwick and Four M Insurance Brokers Limited.

    After preliminary and technical evaluations, Sedgwick emerged as the lowest bidder and was notified of its success on June 7, 2023.

    By June 21, KPC formally awarded Sedgwick three insurance policies, which the company accepted five days later.

    However, the situation took a dramatic turn when Sedgwick submitted confirmation of cover from Old Mutual General Insurance Kenya Limited on September 7, 2023, only for KPC to abruptly award the tender to Four M that same day, with a contract signed on October 2.

    Sedgwick appealed to the Public Procurement Administrative Review Board (PPARB), which nullified Four M’s award on November 2, 2023. Four M retaliated with a judicial review application (No. E121 of 2023) in Nairobi’s High Court, which ruled against Sedgwick.

    The court found that Sedgwick’s bid was illegal under Section 20 of the Insurance Act, as its lead underwriter, Swiss Reinsurance, was an international firm unregistered in Kenya.

    Additionally, Swiss Reinsurance had quoted coverage costs of KES 335,555,850 (approximately $2,237,039) for FY 2023/24 and KES 380,337,450 (approximately $2,535,583) for FY 2024/25—far exceeding Sedgwick’s bid—exposing the company’s inability to deliver at the promised price.

    The High Court accused Sedgwick of attempting to adjust its bid post-award, a move deemed unlawful, and upheld Four M’s contract with KPC.

    The DCI’s investigation, logged under Inquiry File No. 185/2024, had already questioned UAP senior officials, tightening the noose around Sedgwick.

    Kiragu’s leap from the seventh floor—despite the company’s offices being on the 14th—suggests a man cornered by the weight of impending accountability.

    Witnesses reported that he took a lift to the seventh floor before jumping, a deliberate act that ended his life on the spot and left his staff in shock.

    Sedgwick, a firm with a 40-year legacy serving high-profile clients—including airlines, energy providers, and financial institutions—now faces intense scrutiny over its integrity.

    The tender saga raises troubling questions about collusion, capacity, and the shadowy underbelly of Kenya’s procurement system.

    Was Kiragu’s death a desperate escape from justice, or a symptom of deeper rot within the insurance and public sectors?

    As the DCI digs further, the answers may reveal just how dirty this deal—and others like it—truly are.

    For now, Kiragu’s final act has ensured that the KPC tender scandal will not be buried with him.

  • Women and Corruption in Kenya: The Case of Gloria Khafafa

    Women and Corruption in Kenya: The Case of Gloria Khafafa

    In the intricate tapestry of Kenyan politics and business, corruption has long been a pervasive issue, casting shadows over the integrity of both private and public sectors. Among the various narratives that have emerged, the story of Gloria Khafafa stands out, offering insights into how women navigate, and at times, are implicated in, the murky waters of corruption in Kenya.

    Gloria Khafafa rose to prominence as the Company Secretary at the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC), an institution central to Kenya’s petroleum infrastructure. Her journey at KPC, however, was marred by allegations of corruption, shedding light on the gendered dimensions of graft in a male-dominated sphere.

    The Kisumu Oil Jetty Scandal

    In 2018, Khafafa was among several top managers at KPC who were arrested by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) over the Kisumu Oil Jetty scandal. This case involved the alleged misappropriation of funds during the construction of an oil jetty aimed at improving petroleum product delivery in the region. The project, initially budgeted at Sh1.9 billion, became a focal point for allegations of mismanagement and financial impropriety. Khafafa, alongside former Managing Director Joe Sang and other executives, was charged with abuse of office, engaging in a project without prior planning, and willful failure to comply with procurement laws.

    The Rise and Fall

    Khafafa’s ascent in KPC was not without controversy. According to reports from The Standard, she was known for her strategic alliances within the company, which reportedly helped her secure her position despite recommendations from the human resources department for her suspension over questionable qualifications.

    When Ms Khafafa applied to work for KPC, she is said to have lied that she holds a CPS(K) qualification and that she was awaiting issuance of a certificate, and she had worked for six years. The position she had sought for required a candidate with eight years experience.

    Records show that before Ms Khafafa was hired as a senior legal officer, she misled the Board Human Resources committee about her CPS (K) qualifications, which she did not have. Mr Tanui was informed about the matter in a memo dated March 12, 2014 signed by Rose Ng’inja of HR department, who was seeking his approval “to initiate comprehensive investigation and subsequent disciplinary action.”

    When the HR department later undertook background check, they were told by the Institute of Certified Public Secretaries and KASNEB that Ms Khafafa did not have the qualifications.

    Similarly, the security department also carried out investigations and — in a final report — they recommended Mr Khafafa’s suspension in a letter dated March 17, 2014, and proposed “to report this case to the police since it is a criminal offence and the accused is by profession a custodian of the law and she is well informed of the consequences of document falsification.”

    Also, the Board Human Resource Committee also “directed that the management should carry out disciplinary process on Mrs Gloria Khafafa in accordance with the staff rules and regulations, for giving false information to both management and the Board on her qualifications.”

    In a letter signed on behalf of Mr Tanui by Ms Ng’inja and dated March 21, Ms Khafafa was asked to “show cause” why disciplinary action should not be taken against her.

    The letter to Ms Khafafa said: “It has been established that you have never attempted CPS examination conducted by KASNEB as indicated in your letter for the position.”

    But Ms Khafafa was neither suspended nor reported to the police. Instead, she wrote a reply saying it was not her intention to mislead the Board: “At the time I have that statement, I was sincerely under the impression that I had obtained the requisite credits and that any anomalies in my record would be corrected in time.”

    On July 3, 2014, Ms Khafafa was summoned to appear before the disciplinary committee to answer charges on why she “knowingly” misled the Board and why she gave false information to the company while seeking promotion.

    But the meeting set for Kenpipe Plaza on July 11 was “cancelled on the MD’s advice” — according to a Memo dated July 10, 2014.

    Instead, she was promoted to act as Chief Legal Officer “until she passes her CPS (K) examinations.”

    She was later confirmed to the position by the Board in September 2015 rising to become the current company secretary.

    Her social media presence, filled with images of international travels, was abruptly cleared when questions about her role at KPC surfaced, hinting at the complexities of navigating corporate and legal scrutiny.

    Legal Proceedings and Acquittal

    The legal battles that ensued painted a picture of the challenges faced by those accused of corruption in Kenya. After years of court appearances, Khafafa and her co-accused were acquitted in a case that highlighted not only the judicial process’s length but also the intricacies of proving corruption in high-profile cases. The acquittal, as reported by Business Daily, underscored the difficulty in prosecuting corruption, especially when it involves intricate networks of business dealings and bureaucratic power.

    Gender and Corruption

    The case of Gloria Khafafa invites a broader discussion on gender within the context of corruption in Kenya. While women in power face the same scrutiny as their male counterparts, there’s an additional layer of societal judgment and expectation. Khafafa’s story is one of many where women have been both victims and perpetrators in corrupt practices, often navigating a system where they must prove their worth in environments not traditionally welcoming to them.

    Research, such as that from Transparency International Kenya, points to the unique challenges women face in corrupt environments, including sextortion and gender-based harassment when engaging in business or politics. However, women like Khafafa also demonstrate how some manage to ascend in such systems, sometimes at the cost of ethical compromise.

    Gloria Khafafa’s narrative is a microcosm of the larger issue of corruption in Kenya, where women, despite their increasing visibility in leadership, continue to grapple with systemic corruption. Her story reflects the dual reality of opportunity and peril in Kenyan institutions, offering lessons on the need for stronger anti-corruption frameworks, transparency, and gender equity in leadership roles. As Kenya continues to combat corruption, the stories of individuals like Khafafa serve as cautionary tales and calls to action for more inclusive and ethical governance.