German authorities have arrested a Libyan war crimes suspect accused of being a senior official at a notorious prison where inmates were routinely tortured and sometimes sexually abused, the International Criminal Court said on Friday.
Khaled Mohamed Ali Al Hishri, alleged to have been a member of the Special Deterrence Force armed group during Libya’s civil war, was arrested on Wednesday, German authorities said.
The ICC said he would remain in German custody, pending the completion of national proceedings.
Prosecutors at the ICC accuse Al Hishri of war crimes and crimes against humanity including murder, torture and rape from February 2015 until early 2020, a period during which he was allegedly one of the most senior officials in the Mitiga prison.
According to the prosecution, Mitiga was the largest detention facility in western Libya, where thousands of detainees were held in cramped cells without basic hygiene and were systematically subjected to brutal interrogations and torture.
Men and women held there also faced sexual violence including rape, the prosecution said.
It is a critical time for the ICC. Its prosecutor and four judges are facing U.S. sanctions in retaliation for an arrest warrant it issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza conflict. A number of European ICC member states, including Germany, have also criticised the warrant.
In addition to the sanctions, the ICC is also operating without its chief prosecutor Karim Khan, who stepped aside temporarily two months ago as he faced a probe by United Nations investigators into alleged sexual misconduct.
Khan denies the allegations, and his two deputy prosecutors are running the office in his absence.
In a statement on Friday, the office of the prosecutor said it expected Al Hishri to be transferred to The Hague and added that it stood ready to start his trial.
“This development is so needed at a time of unprecedented turmoil in the field of accountability generally and at the ICC specifically,” Kip Hale, an attorney who documented crimes in Libya for the UN, told Reuters.
“Yet, it is most important for the victims of the many atrocity crimes committed at Mitiga prison,” he added.
Italy arrested another Libyan ICC suspect, Osama Elmasry Njeem, in January but subsequently returned him to Tripoli, saying the arrest warrant contained mistakes and inaccuracies. He was also accused of crimes committed against detainees in Mitiga prison.
His release sparked outrage among Italian opposition parties and triggered a legal investigation into Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and several other government members.
The court has been investigating allegations of serious crimes committed in Libya since the outbreak of its civil war in 2011, following a referral by the UN Security Council.
Deputy President of Kenya William Ruto apparently is a desperate man appearing strong when weak to confuse the enemy. DP Ruto who is walking on a tight rope with an option either to steadily balance himself through to reach the finishline or mess along the way and fall into Scheveningen, The Hague . He has been a hard rock to his Political competitors and pepper to his critics. A one-man-army against heavyweight political bigfish in the country who are maneuvering left, right and center trying to form alliances to spearhead a force to break his bubble.
DP Ruto is the most embattled political heavyweight in Kenya marinated with tremendous corruption allegations, extrajudicial killings to maim his critics that jeopardize his political moves.
Paul Gicheru. Photo|Courtesy
Since the surrender of one of his right hand man Lawyer Paul Gicheru to ICC, he (Ruto) is a man whose spirits are in limbo and seems the only option to sort his mess out is winning the Presidency, of which is likely to be through ballot or by bullet.
Mid this month – 15th July, the International Criminal Court (ICC) confirmed charges against Kenyan lawyer Paul Gicheru for allegedly corruptly influencing witnesses. Gicheru surrendered after five years on the run for interfering with witnesses in the 2007/08 post-election violence cases. Some of the witnesses said that they were initially bribed by the prosecution to testify against Ruto and Sang.
The court had issued arrest warrants for three Kenyans — Walter Barasa, Gicheru and Phillip Bett — on charges of obstructing the course of justice. This was after chaos erupted on December 31, 2007, after the announcement of Mwai Kibaki as the presidential poll winner in a race he closely contested with ODM leader Raila Odinga. Over 1,500 people were killed, 650,000 people were displaced. Following the chaos, DP William Ruto was charged with crimes against humanity alongside journalist Joshua Sang and former ODM chairman Henry Kosgey. The general charges also applied to President Uhuru Kenyatta, Francis Muthaura, and former police commissioner Mohammed Hussein Ali.
The ‘Ocampo six’ were accused of murder, deportation or forcible transfer of population, persecution, rape, and other inhumane acts during the poll chaos. ICC terminated the case against Ruto and Sang on April 5, 2016, about a year after President Kenyatta’s, which was dropped on March 13, 2015. In this case, 17 witnesses who had agreed to testify against the accused subsequently withdrew their cooperation with the Court.
Prosecution witnesses, in this case, were subjected to intimidation, social isolation and threats to prevent them from testifying.The ICC issued an arrest warrant against Gicheru after it was established that from at least April 2013, a criminal scheme was designed to systematically approach and corruptly influence witnesses of the Prosecutor through bribery and other methods of inducements in exchange for their withdrawal as prosecution witnesses and/or recantation of their prior statements to the Prosecutor.
The evidence indicated that the said scheme had been run in an organised manner and with a clear distribution of tasks. Gicheru was said to be a manager and coordinator of the scheme, meaning that he had finalised agreements with corrupted witnesses, organised the formalisation of their withdrawal and handled the payment. But the ICC stated that there was no evidence that Ruto or Sang directly interfered with the witnesses.
On 15th July this year, The International Criminal Court (ICC) confirmed charges against Kenyan lawyer Paul Gicheru who will now stand trial over alleged witness tampering. The ICC, in a statement posted on its website on recently, said Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou of Pre-Trial Chamber A reached the decision upon going through evidence and submissions presented by both the Prosecutor and the Defence. The court believes lawyer Gicheru committed offences against the administration of justice in order to undermine the Prosecution’s case against Deputy President William Ruto and radio presenter Joshua arap Sang.
Before Eldoret-based lawyer Paul Gicheru lurched into William Ruto’s case at the International Criminal Court, the former prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, had pegged her hopes on several key prosecution witnesses. Then Mr Gicheru embarked on what the ICC calls the “witness corruption scheme”, and soon witnesses started withdrawing in quick succession. Some recanted their statements. Others disappeared. Now the ICC and its Pre-Trial Chamber have laid bare the case facing Mr Gicheru.
While court documents adversely mention Deputy President William Ruto as one of the people in the scheme of things, the ICC has not demanded Mr Ruto’s appearance. In 2015, the Prosecutor, frustrated with the Kenyan case, named Mr Gicheru as one of the men behind the witness interference plot. Gicheru fought back attempts to have him extradited to The Hague, with High Court judge Luka Kimaru quashing the warrant of arrest issued by Justice Ekaterina Trendafilova on both the lawyer and Mr Philip Kipkoech Bett.
But in November 2020 Mr Gicheru, 51, surprised many when he turned himself in to Dutch authorities to face accusations at the ICC which carry a prison sentence of up to five years. He is facing 16 counts.
In July 15, 2021 — the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber, while confirming the charges against Mr Gicheru, said it “is convinced that between April 2013 and January 2014, Mr Gicheru offered various witnesses (millions of shillings) in cash instalments in exchange for withdrawing as Prosecution witnesses in the Ruto and Sang case”. The decision on the confirmation of the charges only serves to determine whether the Prosecutor’s case should proceed to trial.
The Pre-Trial Chamber also found that besides Mr Gicheru, there was Mr Silas Simatwo, from Amaco Insurance, a Mr Maiyo, Mr Bett, a Mr Yebei and Mr Walter Barasa, who acted together to undermine the prosecution’s case against Ruto and Sang.
The Prosecution, according to documents tabled at the Pre-Trial Chamber, plans to reveal the level of witness interference in the Ruto case and claims that the Deputy President was privy to what was happening.
While both Mr Ruto and President Uhuru Kenyatta had been charged at The Hague with crimes against humanity, the case against Mr Ruto was only vacated “without prejudice to their prosecution afresh in the future”.
The majority noted at the time that Mr Ruto had “profit(ed) from the interference (of witnesses) by the falling away of several key witnesses that the Chamber found to have been interfered with”. On March 13, 2015, Trial Chamber V(B) terminated the proceedings against Mr Kenyatta upon the Prosecution’s notice of withdrawal of charges due to insufficient evidence.
The Pre-Trail Chamber in the Gicheru says there was a well-planned scheme to induce the witnesses in the Ruto case that involved a first contact with a person who already knew the witness, a meeting with Mr Gicheru, making of an offer, and, finally, intimidation of the witness.
In order to prosecute its case, the prosecution divided the group of offenders into ‘managers’ and ‘intermediaries’ of the common plan. The Pre-Trial Chamber also found that “the (managers) also had a particular proximity with Mr Ruto and seemed to enjoy a special status in comparison with other members of the common plan organisation”.
Mr Simatwo is identified in the Chamber ruling as “in charge of the treasury” and that “several witnesses refer to them as the ‘core’ of the common plan organisation, or ‘the people’ working for Mr Ruto in order to corrupt witnesses”. Mr Simatwo is also identified as the head of the African Merchant Assurance Company, “an insurance company to which Mr Ruto was a shareholder”.
The Pre-Trial Chamber was told that Witness P-0341 was sent abroad to look for witnesses and was to be given a “car, another farm, a plot in town and Sh5 million”. The Chamber has been told that “Mr Ruto… was happy that P-0341 had agreed… not to attend ICC meetings anymore”. It was after this meeting that P-0341 was told that Mr Gicheru “would be the focal point now” and “would deal with everything”, according to court records.
It all seems to have started in April 2013, when the witness corruption scheme was laid. The first payment to P-0397, according to the Chamber, was for Sh1 million. In a heavily redacted ruling, the Chamber says that on or about April 20, 2013, the key witness was “visited” by a person –whose name has been redacted — and it was explained to him “that there was a group of persons working for Mr Ruto who were instructed to identify ICC witnesses and offer them money in exchange for their withdrawal as Prosecution witnesses.”
According to the Chamber records, the witnessed was introduced to Mr Gicheru on or about April 26, 2013 and he spoke to the witness “privately.” “(The Witness) told Mr Gicheru that he was an ICC witness, to which Mr Gicheru added that he had heard,” the chamber quotes filings by the Office of the Prosecutor in file KEN-OTP-0125-0434-R01.
“Mr Gicheru asked P-0397 to assist him by withdrawing as a witness against Mr Ruto. Mr Gicheru told P-0397 that Mr Ruto wanted P-0397 to identify other Prosecution witnesses and bring them to him (Mr Gicheru),” the file notes.
At first, according to the Chamber evidence, the witness requested for Sh10 million after Mr Gicheru asked him to “state his price in exchange for his withdrawal”. During the discussion, Mr Gicheru was joined by another person, whose name is also redacted, and Mr Gicheru explained to the witness that the person “must be consulted regarding the money to be paid to witnesses”.
Mr Gicheru is alleged to have explained to the witness “that Mr Ruto had given him and (the person whose name is redacted) the authority to pay witnesses”. After negotiations, the Chamber has heard, the witness was promised Sh5 million, “which Mr Gicheru promised would be paid in cash”. As they parted, Mr Gicheru gave the witness a business card.
He “in turn handed it to Prosecution investigators”, according to the Chamber. A day after Mr Gicheru privately spoke to the witness, he is said to have paid a cash instalment of Sh600,000. While the witness had been warned not to deposit the money into his bank account “to avoid detection by the ICC people”, the witness kept Sh100,000 and deposited Sh500,000. “He did so as he was afraid of getting robbed,” says the OTP filings quoted by the Chamber.
A week after this initial payment, Mr Gicheru, according to Chamber filings, introduced the witness to a lawyer who was to prepare an affidavit for the ICC. The chamber now says “(the witness) signed a letter giving (the lawyer) the power to act for him before the ICC on this matter. On the same day, (the witness) also signed an affidavit stating that he no longer intended to “testify against any accused persons” before the ICC, which the Chamber understands to include Mr Ruto and Mr Sang, and wished to withdraw his testimony against them”.
Some eight months after the affidavit was sent to the Prosecution by the lawyer, whose name is still redacted, Mr Gicheru is now said to have met the witness on December 7, 2013 and asked him if he was still in touch with the ICC. The Prosecutor alleged that Mr Gicheru “accused him of wanting, along with other individuals, to send Mr Ruto to jail. Mr Gicheru became aggressive; indicating that he believed (the witness) was trying to have him arrested by the ICC”. According to the filings, “the meeting ended when Mr Gicheru was calmed down by the second man and (the witness) left the meeting”. As a result of this exchange, (the witness) felt that he was in danger and could be killed.
When another witness, named P0516, disappeared on July 6, 2014 on the day he was scheduled to meet ICC officials regarding his in-court testimony, the Trial Chamber in the Ruto and Sang case was forced to issue a summons for his appearance before it declared him a hostile witness.
This Witness 2, identified as P0516 in court papers, told the ICC during Ruto’s case that the evidence that he had provided in his original witness statement was false, and that he had been told by a person, whose name is now redacted, on what to say. He also, under oath, testified that he did not know a lawyer named Paul Gicheru. But the prosecution said that it was Mr Gicheru who directed a person, whose name is redacted, to locate Witness 2. And since this person said he was not in good terms with this particular witness, they instructed (Prosecution Witness P-0397) to locate and bring him to the group on the promise that he would receive additional money.
According to the court filings, P-0397 told (Witness 2) that he could get money, such as Sh500,000, but that he had to meet and talk with Mr Gicheru first. (Witness 2) agreed to P-0397’s proposal to meet Mr Gicheru and they had a private discussion. It is now alleged that during the first or second meeting, Mr Gicheru offered Witness 2 some Sh800,000 in exchange for his withdrawal as a witness from the main case. “Mr Gicheru met with P-0516 approximately four or five times and paid him a total of at least Sh500,000,” the Chamber has been told.
After Witness 2 withdrew as a prosecution witness, the court filings state that “he stopped going to (name redacted) to receive money, despite being paid less than originally promised, because it was becoming dangerous”. P-0397 told prosecutors that he did not receive his part for introducing Witness 2 to Mr Gicheru. While confirming the case against Mr Gicheru, the Chamber says it finds the allegations regarding Mr Gicheru’s payments to (Witness 2) in exchange for withdrawing as a prosecution witness are corroborated by P-0397 as well as by other witnesses. It further says that it will assess the credibility of the witness as well as the evidence to draw its own conclusions. “He seemed not entirely forthright, specifically regarding the extent and purpose of his interactions with Mr Gicheru and his contact with P-0613 (who testified for Prosecution),” the Chamber observes, and says that “those elements support the reliance on portions of P-0516’s statements from (redacted) to the effect that he was promised and paid money by Mr Gicheru to withdraw as a Prosecution witness”.
While Gicheru’s defence dismissed these witnesses as “unreliable” by referring to the conclusions reached by the Chamber in the Ruto case which dismissed P-0613’s evidence as uncorroborated hearsay, the Chamber noted that this witness’s evidence stems from her phone conversations as well as text messages that she received from unidentified senders from April to September 2013. The Chamber, by agreeing to rely on her evidence in the Gicheru case, said the judges’ findings in the Ruto case on this witness’s evidence “related to the sufficiency of her knowledge” and that the charges now brought by the prosecutor in this case are different. “The Chamber will assess the credibility of P-0613 as well as her evidence independently and will draw its own conclusions,” the Judges have ruled. “The Chamber further finds that P-0613 also provides direct evidence of attempts by certain individuals to corruptly influence her decision to testify as a Prosecution witness, and that parts of her accounts are corroborated by other evidence.” And on her general evidence, the Chamber said it had found that this witness’s evidence fits the overall pattern that emerges from the evidence regarding how individuals were approached and in turn approached other potential prosecution witnesses to arrange meetings with individuals such as Mr Gicheru in order to offer the prosecution witnesses or potential witnesses money in exchange for their withdrawal and recantation of prior statements given to the Prosecution.
On her credibility, the Judges said that Gicheru’s defence “does not put forward any persuasive factors that would affect the reliability of her statements. “P-0613’s statements are internally consistent, free of contradictions and, as already mentioned, they are partially corroborated by other evidence,” they found. “Accordingly, the Chamber finds P-0613 credible and her statements reliable.”
It also emerged that after another witness, P-0604, recanted his evidence at The Hague, after what the prosecutor terms as “improper interference”, he later resumed his contacts with the Prosecution and will now be used in the Gicheru case. The Chamber formed the view that this witness “can be, in part, relied upon in the case at hand, including from his statement of 2013”. According to the Chamber, this witness was introduced to Mr Gicheru and asked to withdraw his statement in exchange for money and was coached on what to say in court by Mr Gicheru and another lawyer.
The ICC judges who have listened to the Gicheru confirmation case say they have now formed the view that this witness, together with two others and “some anonymous actors working individually or in pairs and even competing against each other” attempted to convince witness P-0613 to withdraw as a prosecution witness. Witness P0613 learnt about the witness corruption scheme from other witnesses, according to the Chamber. From the court records, this witness was approached by P-0495 and asked to accept a cash offer. “P-0495 explained that ‘they’ were interested in suspending the main case because it was taking too long and their objective was to stop it. He told P-0613 that she would be provided with government protection so that she could defect and be protected from others too,” the Chamber noted in its ruling. While this witness never met Mr Gicheru, the Chamber says it is “convinced that Mr Gicheru was involved in attempts to convince P-0613 to withdraw as a prosecution witness in exchange for financial incentives and other advantages.” Mr Gicheru, according to the Chamber, met with P-0800 on July 21, 2013 and offered him money “in locating and corrupting other witnesses, notably P-0613”.
The Chamber identified Mr Bett as the person who took P-0800 to a meeting with Mr Gicheru in Nairobi. During the meeting, Mr Gicheru offered to give P-0800 between Sh1.5 million to Sh2 million. From the interaction, P-0800 got the impression that the money was offered in exchange for being loyal to the Gicheru team and agreeing with what they were going to tell him, the court notes. “During the same meeting, P-0800 was immediately incorporated into plans to interfere with other witnesses. Mr Gicheru asked P-0800 to contact P-0495 and facilitate a meeting between the latter and Mr Gicheru. P-0800 was given travel money by Mr Gicheru to go… and meet with P-0495,” says the court. Gicheru would later take P-0800 to a law firm where he signed an affidavit. The witness told the prosecutors that he “signed the last page of the affidavit without ever reading the entire document” and that he “feared negative consequences if he didn’t”. Initially, the Chamber had noted, this witness had broken contacts with the ICC but in 2014 he resumed the cooperation and testified in November 2014. Mr Gicheru has also been mentioned by P-0536, who is described by the Chamber as “always straightforward in her statements and interactions with the prosecution”. The witness, now adopted as credible, had been promised Sh1.4 million and in one conversation the amount was increased to Sh1.6 million. An unidentified person told her that the money would be paid in cash and “meant to start a new life”. Mr Gicheru is also said to have approached P-0341 and inquired if he was an ICC witness.
In May 2013, Mr Gicheru is said to have paid this witness Sh500,000 and asked him not to deposit the money into a bank. But the witness opened a bank account and deposited Sh300,000 and spent the balance. After that, he was taken to a lawyer and he signed an affidavit of withdrawal from the entire ICC process. He was asked to bring another unnamed witness, make a public statement to the press about his withdrawal and he would be paid Sh5 million. It is also claimed that Mr Ruto “complained many times to Mr Gicheru” about an issue that has been redacted. The witness continued to meet “almost every day” with Mr Gicheru and between May 9 and July 19, 2013 he signed an affidavit stating that he had no evidence against Mr Ruto and that he was withdrawing from the case.
The ICC noted that a few days later, Mr Gicheru told P-0341 that Mr Ruto was very happy with the affidavit and that P-0341 should receive Sh5 million for that. On that day, however, Mr Gicheru gave him a smaller amount, but superior to Sh20,000. The court was told that Mr Gicheru wanted the man to be Mr Ruto’s witness. Gicheru continued to spend money on this witness, according to court records, with most of it banked into the witness’ account. On two occasions, according to the Chamber, Mr Gicheru summoned P-0341 because he was furious that P-0341 had attended a PEV victims meeting and had met with (redacted). Mr Gicheru accused him of interacting with white people who were spies for the ICC. In total, this witness is reported to had received Sh2 million from Mr Gicheru. It was this witness who brought a former PNU supporter to Mr Gicheru who explained that they were “giving witnesses money to stop assisting the ICC, and that they needed to reach everyone involved in this case since ‘the boss’, who P-0274 understood to be Mr Ruto, ‘wanted no stone left unturned”. “Mr Gicheru also asked P-0274 to give him the names of other OTP witnesses. Mr Gicheru gave P-0274 a phone number from which he said he would call P-0274 in the future. Mr Gicheru also gave him some money to reimburse him for transport back home. Feeling ‘very sceptical about all this’, P-0274 reported what had happened to an ICC staff member,” the ICC prosecutor told the court.
The Chamber was told that P-0274 received a call from the number and was to meet Mr Gicheru. Scared, the witness switched off his phone. “When he switched his phone back on, he saw that he had received a new threat from another telephone number. After that, he never dealt with Mr Gicheru again,” says the prosecution. Later, P-0274 was told by an unnamed person that “Mr Ruto wanted to meet him in person.” The Pre-Trial Chamber has now identified Mr Gicheru as a co-perpetrator and has also retained the charges of direct perpetration as requested by the Prosecution. On the others who are yet to surrender to The Hague, the Chamber said that “by the very nature of their tasks (directly bribing witnesses), it cannot be said that they were mere executors who did not know what the common plan was about. On the contrary, by the very nature of their action and awareness of the consequences of the implementation of the common plan, they became participants and members of the common plan organisation.
Head of State Immunity.
The provision in Article 27(2) of the ICC Statute that “Immunities or special procedural rules which may attach to the official capacity of a person, whether under national or international law, shall not bar the Court from exercising its jurisdiction over such a person” , according to the summary of the judgment.
Literally Head-of-state immunity is a doctrine of customary international law — the doctrine maintains that a head of state is immune from the jurisdiction of a foreign state’s courts, at least as to authorized official acts taken while the ruler is in power.
The ICC’s success has been questioned by many and the Al-Bashir situation placed a major obstacle in ICC’s jurisprudence regarding immunity to heads of state. Article 27 of the Rome Statute states that no position of authority of an individual, shall bar the Court from exercising jurisdiction.
However, Article 98 of the Rome Statute confers that the Court may not proceed with a request for surrender, if this would require the requested state to act inconsistently with international law obligations pertaining to immunity of officials in relation to a third state. Article 98 is interpreted such that it applies to non-state parties since the members have not ratified the Rome Statute and thus are not bound by the obligations created by Article 27.
Immunity to heads of state is well recognized in international customary law. Putting the concerns into context, Sudan is not a party to the ICC. Bashir, at the time, travelled to many countries within the African Union – wherein Statesrefused to extradite him to the ICC, due to the immunity his position confers on him. Since Sudan’s referral to the ICC is made by the UNSC, not only does Article 27 apply but also Article 98 (1) which would consequently, create serious doubts on the prohibition of head of state immunity for Al Bashir.
Due to the lack of clarity of the situation, the African Union (AU) have been looking at the option of an advisory opinion from the ICJ on the matter. Some countries of the AU have even threatened to withdraw from the ICC which makes the matter extremely complicated.
In the case of then Sudan Head of State Omar Al bashir, where ICC ordered his arrest and whereby the 122 member states were to act on behalf of ICC to aid in the arrest of the then Sitting Head of State should he visit any of the member state. Omar however managed to visit 10 member states who declined to arrest him on the ground of International Customary laws.
There haven’t been a clear jurisdiction as to if ICC can arrest and prosecute a non-member sitting Head of state should need be and with the help of the member states should the wanted head of state enter any of the member state territory.There have been divided legal opinion whether to adhere to ICC’s non-immunity law or International Customary Law that bars ICC’s directive.
At some point African Union through UN- General assembly on behalf of member state set to challenge ICC’s Appeal chamber ruling on ‘No- immunity’ against sitting head-of-states to International Court of Justice (ICJ) to determine whether to uphold Customary law for all or ‘No-immunity’ ICC’s law. African Union prohibits prosecution or conviction of a sitting Head-of-state.
Since the ICC is an international organization, not a State, the consistency of its actions with customary international law can only be determined by the reactions of States. As per the current status quo- some member states are not upto the task to act on ICC’s request to make such arrest should there need be. Should the decision be made clear by ICJ, ICC member states will have no option but to adhere. This is a case yet to be determined.
With DP Ruto as head-of-state and should Lawyer Gicheru admission expose rekindle Ruto’s ICC case, he’ll be enjoying the immunity unlike if he’ll be out of the office.
With General elections just few months away and with 9.5 percent probability of his ICC case being rekindled, Ruto, the favorite candidate likely to win Kenya’s Presidential election not on Integrity ground but symphathy and smartness in the political umbrella will likely be out and about to use every available resources to clinch the seat. And should he clinch the seat, he’ll use every available resources at his disposal like every other African Head-of-State to cling into power for another 5 years. Enough time to meddle African Union business to influence ICJ and ICC whose current prosecutor Karim Khan was his former lawyer in the same court —or through his government push for withdrawal of Kenya from ICC like his Uganda counterpart Dictator Yoweri Museveni whom they’ve deliberately tightened their friendship in recent times and DP Ruto has become a frequent visitor to the Uganda’s head of state — should he succeed in Kenya’s election, they’ll flock together to spearhead their (state) withdrawal from ICC so as to freely rule by the bullet without a watchdog.
DP Ruto with Museveni during construction foundation launch of Deputy President William Ruto’s Institute of African and Leadership Studies at the Makerere University.
He knows he won’t have these options possible out of Government since he’s standing on a loose rope between freedom and prison. His conviction if the ICC case is re-opened and found guilty as charged — shall be Justice served to the 2007/08 PEV victims while his win for Presidency will be an escape goat from prosecution, conviction and shall solidify his melting political butter.
They came, they spied, and they conquered! No sooner had the soil dried up on the mass grave resulting from the termination of the Kenyan cases than the pieces of the mysterious Hague trials began to come together. The role played by some of the who’s who in the legal fraternity, some of whom were involved in the pre-ICC investigations into the violence, is particularly intriguing.
Nobody can alter the fact that following the bungled presidential election of 2007, Kenyans slaughtered each other. In the madness, 1350 family members, friends, and neighbors were murdered, and 650,000 countrymen were displaced. Various local inquiries were held. Six suspects were indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague: Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto, Joshua Sang, Francis Muthaura, Henry Kosgey and Major General Muhammed Hussein Ali. They famously became the ‘Ocampo Six.’ All of them got off scot free.
In March 2015, a professor wrote an article in one of the local dailies. The hawk-eyed professor had been reading the ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor’s 26 August 2013 pre-trial brief for the case against President Uhuru Kenyatta in close detail. The professor was surprised to see two of the names that the prosecutor was linking to alleged witness tampering. She was surprised because she recognized the names from the independent national investigations into the turmoil.
One of them, a lawyer, had links to the Commission of Inquiry on Post-Election Violence (the Waki Commission, named after its chairman, Justice Philip Waki). In building up their case against the ‘Ocampo Six,’ the OTP had significantly relied on this Commission’s findings. According to the article, the lawyer was “in Kenyatta’s defence team”. But, the professor also recognized him from the Waki Commission, “when he served as a victim’s lawyer and, as such, attended many of the Commission’s public and in camera hearings”.
Together with two others also working for the defence, in February 2011 the lawyer had, according to page 46 of the OTP brief**, approached three witnesses with the intention of identifying other witnesses and buying their silence. The OTP had claimed that the lawyer in question is Mbuthi Gathenji, identifying him as “a lawyer working for defence”.
As late as mid-2015, Gathenji, a renowned lawyer, was also the chairman and board member of the Centre for Justice for Victims of Crimes Against Humanity (CJCH). He was quoted in a report by reliefweb.int which described Gathenji as “the head of an organization representing several victims.” The NGO’s website (now inactive) also described it as a Kenyan NGO, founded as a result of the post-election violence (PEV). It provided legal and technical assistance to victims. Furthermore, the website confirmed that the NGO had indeed participated in the Waki Commission, specifying that: “The Centre invited the intervention of the International Criminal Court as early as April/May 2008.” To further strengthen his work with PEV victims, in March 2011, Gathenji also had a short stint as the legal representative of the victims in the ICC’s Case against Ruto, Sang and Kosgey.
It remains unclear when he shifted alliances. But by 15 April 2016, during the Thanksgiving rally hosted by President Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto to mark the end of the ICC cases, Gathenji was duly introduced as one of the Kenyan lawyers who worked for Kenyatta in his ICC case. The introduction was done by Kenyatta’s chief lawyer in Kenya, Ken Ogeto.
Does this amount to a conflict of interest? That can certainly be argued. And, taking into account the Prosecutor’s allegations of witness tampering, it could suggest a whole lot more. Gathenji may have used his knowledge from his work with the Waki Commission and the ICC’s victims unit to supply information to the defence that they would not otherwise have had. At the very least he must have bolstered their position. Yet, there are even more puzzling links between some of the lawyers of the ‘Ocampo Six’ and potential ICC prosecution witnesses.
Ken Ogeto, Gershom Otachi and Evans Monari
The circus and drama surrounding the Prosecutor’s frustration in getting the police to testify now comes into play. During the investigations in 2010, the OTP requested sworn statements from a number of Kenyan state local officials, including five provincial commissioners, six provincial police officers and dozens of district commissioners who were stationed in the areas where the violence broke out. In October of the same year, these officers went to court in Kenya to block their summons to testify. Their lawyers were none other than Ken Ogeto (who later turned out to be, at first Muthaura’s, and then Kenyatta’s ICC lawyer), as well as Gershom Otachi and Evans Monari (who both later reappeared as Major General Ali’s ICC lawyers during the 2011 pre-trial stage).
Expecting the local officials to willingly give testimony against either Muthaura or Ali would have been naive. Ali was in charge of the police at all levels. Muthaura was the permanent secretary to the cabinet and head of the public service, roles that allowed him to have influence over the provincial and district commissioners. And, both these local and top national figures shared the same lawyers. Moreover, Monari was first assigned to Ali by a government body during the Waki Commission’s investigation in 2008. So, it is likely that Monari also attended the Commission’s public and in camera hearings. At these hearings, he probably already heard the evidence, if any, against Ali which would have been passed along to the ICC.
Did some of these lawyers work extra hard to block any testimonies by local officials who could potentially incriminate their (soon to be) clients at the ICC?
Ali’s lawyers were quick to point out during the ICC’s confirmation of charges hearing that the OTP had failed to show that the police were part of a criminal plan and that Ali led/contributed to that project. Ironically, the same lawyers were part of the legal machinery that had made it impossible for the OTP to collect crucial evidence from officers in the first place!
Rewards for a job well done
In their last show of might to the ICC to mark the end of their cases, Kenyatta and Ruto put on their peacock hats and strutted and paraded these lawyers in front of the public, to thank them, together with others, during their celebrations at Afraha Stadium in Nakuru in April. Today, after fighting the ‘good’ fight, these lawyers all hold comfortable positions in the government, peacefully enjoying the privileges of playing court jester to the king. In April 2015, after the termination of all the Kenya cases in The Hague, Ogeto and Otachi got appointments to lead parastatal boards. Ogeto is the chairman of the Anti-Money Laundering Advisory Board, while Otachi is the chairperson of the Geothermal Development Company. Meanwhile, Mbuthi Gathenji is a country assembly (a local government), legal advisor. There is no record of a government appointment for Monari.
Clearly, it took many years for the OTP to realize that it was dealing with a complex justice web. When it started to do so, the web was already so intricately woven that it was impossible to see through it. Even a veteran spider could not have made heads or tails of it.
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By Nicholas Olambo
The government of Burundi has said the country is pulling out of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and ‘they’ are ready to face the impacts of withdrawing. The cabinet announcement came six months after the court’s Chief Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, indicated she would investigate the unending violence.
Political turmoil erupted in Burundi in April 2015 when President Pierre Nkurunzinza indicated his bid for a third term. The violence has seen hundreds killed with thousands fleeing to seek refuge in neighboring countries like Rwanda. President Paul Kagame (Rwanda) is on record requesting Pierre to stop producing more refugees.
The mantra that only Africa has the solution to its problems is a loose narrative that does not work for the civilians. The African Union whose body language supports the withdrawal of many African states from the Rome Statute has let Burundi down. AU chose to send peace delegation over peace troops to Burundi for mere threats from Pierre Nkurunzinza. How would his small force defeat over 50 nations?
AU, under its charter, has the power to intervene in a member state because of grave circumstances as war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity without that member’s consent. AU chose to sit back and watch the unrest tear the small country into pieces stalling the idea of African solutions to African problems.
AU failed miserably to assert itself and cut a clear difference from what is was before, the lethargic Organization of African Union. Sending troops to Burundi was the opportunity to do that, but it chose to row back. The choice favored Pierre who was against the deployment of peace troops.
It’s the fault of Africa and AU to produce many ‘materials’ for the court, Pierre’s greed to force himself for a third term after intimidating the judges of the constitutional court to rule in his favor resulted into what can only be tried at the ICC. Ordinary Burundians have suffered and still continue to suffer under the watch of AU, a replica of the same is taking root in Congo but does AU care?
It will watch in silence but put every pressure to support a withdrawal of member countries and suspects at the court. The court was under intense pressure from AU over cases against President Kenyatta and his deputy, William Ruto for their alleged in 2007/8 post poll chaos.
AU has shown and will still demonstrate that it stands for the ruling African elites only and has nothing in favor of the ordinary African. Hundreds of ordinary Burundians are suffering under its watch; the same is the case in Congo and the Oromos in Ethiopia.
Burundi’s withdrawal from ICC is not in the best interest of the country but one individual, Nkurunzina who knows that he will be declared a wanted man by The Hague-based court sooner or later to answer to charges of war crimes, genocide, forcible transfer of population and crimes against humanity. He has chosen to take a path already supported by AU to insulate himself.
Director of Digital communication Mr.Dennis Itumbi
Following the New York Times article that the Statehouse fiercely criticised for painting the President in the wrong image by linking him to Mungiki network that led to the Post election massacre, Itumbi has not been left out.
The Government’s Digital Strategist has threatened to sue the international publication for naming him in the article in a bad light. In the item, Dennis was mentioned as having been part of a network that ICC prosecution accused of interfering with witnesses.
In the collapse of all the six cases, the prosecution argued their investigations and evidence collection was dealt a blow with massive witnesses’ interference.
Most witnesses recanted testimonies either from intimidation, bribery and some disappeared mysteriously while some died in unexplained circumstances, this is according to the ICC prosecution.
In his defence to New York Times, Itumbi argues he was given a clean bill of health by the ICC over witnesses’ interference, and the prosecution accused and filed for his arrest for the same offence but he was exonerated. In the onset of the circus, Itumbi was alleged to have hacked the ICC portal and gained entry into the witnesses’ database and used the obtained information to coordinate witness interferences.
President Uhuru and his Deputy Ruto were amongst the six suspects accused of orchestrating the 2007/8 Post Elections Violence that left nearly 2000 people dead and hundreds of thousands persons displaced.
In a research conducted by Kenya Insights online, we managed to retrieve some posts made by Itumbi that dates back to 2011 when he allegedly revealed identities of witnesses publicly contrary to international standards of witness protection and right to remain anonymous.
Meshack Yebei was found dead under unclear circumstances, Prosecution said he was a crucial witness
Luis Moreno Ocampo the former Prosecutor of the ICC
New York Times’ James Verini did a month’s long investigated story looking into how International Criminal Court (ICC) embodied the hope of bringing warlords and demagogues to justice. The story then goes to see how the then Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo took on the heir to Kenya’s most powerful political dynasty. The article, which has since gone viral, is causing stomach upsets amongst those severely mentioned. President Kenyatta has bashed the magazine for being inconsiderate terming the publication a falsehood and done in bad faith.
President Kenyatta from the onset has been a fierce critic of the court where he was charged alongside the famous Ocampo six for crimes against humanity. All the suspects have since been exonerated with the last defendants to escape noose being his counterpart in Jubilee government Deputy President William Ruto and radio presenter Joshua Sang.
Uhuru Kenyatta’s rise coincided with the rise of Mungiki, the group Moreno-Ocampo would later accuse him of conspiring with in the post-election violence, writes James Verini. Started as a tribal revivalist movement, Mungiki grew into a militaristic political fraternity and then into a criminal gang. Around the time Mungiki fought to take over the lucrative private bus lines that are the primary form of transport in Kenya, in the early 2000s, the gang staged a massacre in northern Nairobi that left severed heads scattered in the streets.
Uhuru Kenyatta Follows proceedings at the ICC
By then, Mungiki was being described as a “state within a state,” with up to two million members, according to reports. They swore an oath of loyalty to the Kikuyu tribe and the Mungiki leader, a charismatic, ruthless man known as Maina Njenga. According to the ICC, new recruits “were told they would be killed if they violated the oath or left the organisation.” When clashes broke out between Kikuyu and other tribes, Njenga dispatched his men to fight.
He also persuaded politicians to take the Mungiki oath. Paul Muite, a Member of Parliament at the time and now a lawyer who represents Njenga and other members of Mungiki, which is still active, told me that almost every Kikuyu politician of consequence he knew during that era took the oath. For Njenga, it was “a way of collecting” power, Muite says. According to Muite and a former lieutenant of Njenga’s with whom NY Times spoke to, one of the politicians who took the oath, before becoming president, was Kibaki.
Some Mungiki members, including Njenga, supported Kenyatta’s 2002 presidential campaign. Kenyatta denounced the group and would later tell Moreno-Ocampo in court that “I have always publicly condemned and stated that I have no association whatsoever with Mungiki.” Njenga’s former lieutenant, however, described to me a series of meetings he attended with Kenyatta and Njenga in 2002, saying that Kenyatta was friendly with Mungiki. But, he added, Kenyatta didn’t like or trust Njenga.
In the 2007 election, Kenyatta did not run, instead supporting Kibaki in his race against Raila Odinga. By the close of Election Day, two days after Christmas, the vote was too close to call. The count was delayed. The tally centre in Nairobi was mysteriously broken into. Then on Dec. 30, the government suddenly announced Kibaki had won. He was hurriedly sworn in, and a media blackout was imposed. Odinga instructed his followers to protest. By New Year’s Day, Kikuyu were being slaughtered. Mungiki began striking back in January.
Former Mungiki Leader Maina Njenga
The government did little to stop the post-election violence, but afterwards, it set up a commission of inquiry. Known as the Waki Commission, it issued a 529-page report in October 2008. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, an autonomous government agency, published a comparably exhaustive report.
Each was damning. Officials in Odinga’s party had planned violence months in advance, while envoys of President Kibaki met with Mungiki to plan retaliatory attacks. Security agents and the police had conspired with the gang. “There were no good guys,” a Waki commissioner, Pascal Kambale, told me. “There were only bad guys.”
Moreno-Ocampo, who monitored the violence as it was happening, travelled to Nairobi to speak with Kibaki. He encouraged Kibaki to refer Kenya to the ICC, as Congo and Uganda had made referrals. Government capacity wasn’t the problem, Moreno-Ocampo knew. Kenya was capable of trying the suspects.
Uhuru Kenyatta in one of his ICC appearances at the Hague Court
The problem was as it had been in Argentina: The government was the criminal. And not only the government. The National Commission on Human Rights report listed more than 200 suspected inciters and funders of the violence, including presidential cabinet members, legislators, businessmen, shopkeepers, farmers. In a moment of collective insanity, Kenyan society had turned on itself.
Still, Moreno-Ocampo continued to press Kenyan officials to begin prosecutions. In 2009, the Kenyan Parliament voted against a tribunal — unsurprisingly, as the Parliament itself was full of suspects — and Moreno-Ocampo requested that the ICC judges allow him to open an investigation. They did. It was the first time he invoked his power to seek charges on his authority, without a referral.
In a part, the magazine reflects back to Kenyatta senior reign, After Jomo was freed and elected president of an independent Kenya in 1964, his revolutionary impulses didn’t persist. He stocked the government and businesses with family members and fellow Kikuyu.
The Waki report didn’t name Kenyatta, but the National Commission on Human Rights report did, saying that he reportedly “attended meetings to plan for retaliatory violence by the Kikuyus” and “contributed funds.” Kenyatta was considered by many Kikuyu, including many Mungiki, to be their leader, and was understood to be the richest man in the country. If anyone had the motivation and funds to back an ethnic war, Moreno-Ocampo’s investigators reasoned, it was Kenyatta.
Maina Njenga in company of CORD lEADER rAILA oDINGA SHOWING HIS WOUNDS AFTER A FAILED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON HIS LIFE THAT LEFT HIS AIDES KILLED
The court considered charging Maina Njenga, the Mungiki sect Chairman. When Njenga was questioned by Kenyan investigators, he pleaded ignorance. But to the ICC investigators, he came clean. He detailed the structure of his organisation and its role in the violence. Njenga claimed to his lawyer, Paul Muite, that he had personally administered the Mungiki oath of loyalty to Kenyatta, though whether Njenga told this to ICC investigators is unclear. Njenga was “very forthright,” Muite told NY Times, and he later agreed to testify in The Hague.
In a punchy conclusion, the writer notes having spoken to a former Mungiki high ranked leader, like many Kenyans he was talking with, says he regrets the violence but believes it was necessary. The Kikuyu, his tribe, faced a massacre, he is convinced. The last time we met, I asked if he thought Kenyatta was guilty of the ICC charges.
A Luo PEV Victim displaying his wounds to a NY Times photographer
He recounted a meeting he attended in January 2008, in the midst of the postelection violence, where Kenyatta was the chief guest and Mungiki were present. In the meeting, Kenyatta was careful never to mention violence explicitly nor the gang by name. But he collected cash donations. I asked the former lieutenant if it was possible Kenyatta did not understand violence was being planned.