NAIROBI—Former Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila has emerged from the shadows in Nairobi, convening a gathering of opposition figures just two weeks after being sentenced to death in absentia by a Congolese military court.
The 54-year-old former leader, who ruled the vast Central African nation from 2001 to 2019, was found guilty of treason and crimes against peace by the military tribunal on September 30.
Despite the verdict, Kabila has moved swiftly to reassert himself as a key player in Congolese politics, inviting several opposition leaders to the Kenyan capital for meetings that began on Monday.
According to sources close to the former president, the Nairobi conclave represents an attempt to rebuild an opposition front against his successor, President Félix Tshisekedi.
The gathering comes at a critical juncture, with the eastern DRC engulfed in conflict and political tensions running high in Kinshasa.
“Kabila had already met several leaders in December 2024, in Addis Ababa, but the context has changed considerably since then,” a close associate told The Africa Report. “There is a need to rebuild an opposition front.”
Among those accepting the invitation is Matata Ponyo Mapon, Kabila’s former prime minister, who himself faces a 10-year forced labour sentence for embezzlement handed down by the Constitutional Court in May. Ponyo’s party confirmed in August that he was officially in exile, though his location had remained undisclosed until now.
Seth Kikuni, who ran in the December 2023 presidential election before endorsing opposition heavyweight Moïse Katumbi, has also confirmed his attendance. He will be joined by Franck Diongo, currently in exile in Belgium, and several figures from Kabila’s Front Commun pour le Congo political platform.
The attendee list includes Néhémie Mwilanya Wilondja, Kabila’s former chief of staff; Raymond Tshibanda, the FCC’s crisis cell coordinator; former minister José Makila; and Richard Muyej, former governor of Lualaba province. Members of Kabila’s inner circle, including his adviser Kikaya Bin Karubi and Patient Sayiba Tambwe, are also expected to participate.
However, the gathering has exposed divisions within the opposition. Katumbi, arguably the most prominent opposition leader, declined the invitation and will not send a representative. Delly Sesanga and Jean-Marc Kabund, both invited, have also opted not to attend.
Martin Fayulu, another opposition heavyweight, told The Africa Report he had not been approached about the meeting. Those who declined said they were uncomfortable with the gathering being organized around Kabila in Nairobi.
The former president’s reemergence follows months of strategic positioning. Between February and June, Kabila orchestrated a gradual return to the public eye through media statements and a controversial visit to Goma, the eastern city now under M23 rebel control.
As calls for dialogue intensify among Tshisekedi’s opponents, Kabila appears intent on positioning himself as an indispensable intermediary between the political and military opposition. However, President Tshisekedi has made clear his unwillingness to engage with those he considers proxies for foreign aggressors.
Speaking to the Congolese diaspora in Belgium on October 11, Tshisekedi drew a firm line. “To all those who speak of dialogue and present things in their own way, saying that we do not want dialogue, yes, we do not want that kind of dialogue,” he said. “We want a dialogue among Congolese who are all united against this aggression.”
The Nairobi meeting comes as talks between Congolese authorities and the M23 are scheduled to resume this week in Doha, though prospects for meaningful internal political dialogue remain uncertain.
Kabila’s death sentence, while largely symbolic given his presence outside Congolese jurisdiction, reflects the depth of animosity between him and his successor. The military court’s verdict marks an unprecedented legal action against a former head of state in the DRC and signals Tshisekedi’s determination to consolidate power ahead of future political battles.
Kenya has in recent months emerged as a haven for several Congolese opposition figures, with Kabila having stayed in Nairobi multiple times this year. The country’s role as a neutral ground for political negotiations in the region continues, despite the sensitive nature of hosting figures wanted by neighboring governments.
Whether Kabila’s Nairobi conclave succeeds in forging a unified opposition front remains to be seen. The notable absences suggest that even among Tshisekedi’s critics, rallying around a figure with a death sentence hanging over him may prove a bridge too far.
Former DRC President Joseph Kabila arrives at a Nairobi venue for a meeting with Congolese opposition figures, his first public appearance since being sentenced to death in absentia by a military court in Kinshasa. (Photo: handout)
The treason trial of the former president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Joseph Kabila, has begun in a military court in the capital, Kinshasa.
He also faces other charges, such as murder, linked to his alleged support for M23 rebels – who control a large part of the mineral-rich east of the country. He denies the charges and did not appear at the hearing.
Kabila’s successor, President Félix Tshisekedi, has accused him of being the brains behind the rebels.
The former president has rejected the case as “arbitrary” and said the courts were being used as an “instrument of oppression”.
A ceasefire deal between the rebels and the government was agreed last week, but fighting has continued.
Kabila had been living outside the country for two years, but arrived in the rebel-held city of Goma, in eastern DR Congo, from self-imposed exile in South Africa in May.
Pointing to overwhelming evidence, the UN and several Western countries have accused neighbouring Rwanda of backing the M23, and sending thousands of its soldiers into DR Congo. But Kigali denies the charges, saying it is acting to stop the conflict from spilling over onto its territory.
In May, the upper house of the legislature lifted Mr Kabila’s immunity as senator for life to allow his prosecution on charges that include treason, murder, taking part in an insurrectionist movement, and the forcible occupation of Goma.
The 53-year-old led DR Congo for 18 years, after succeeding his father Laurent, who was shot dead in 2001. Joseph Kabila was just 29 at the time.
He handed power to President Félix Tshisekedi following a disputed election in 2019, but they later fell out.
In a now-deleted YouTube video released in May, Kabila lashed out at the Congolese government calling it a “dictatorship”, and said there was a “decline of democracy” in the country.
At the time the Congolese government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, rejected Kabila’s allegations, saying he had “nothing to offer the country”.
Ahead of Friday’s trial, Ferdinand Kambere – a close ally of Kabila who served in his now-banned PPRD party, accused the government of “double standards”. He said it was too soft in its peace deal but too hard on Kabila, adding that the trial was a way to exclude Kabila from the country’s politics.
On Friday, April 18, former DR Congo President Joseph Kabila reportedly arrived in Goma, fulfilling his promise to return to the country after six years of silence and exile.
In early March, President Kabila announced the suspension of his studies in South Africa to address the escalating crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The conflict, which has been ongoing for over three years, involves a government coalition engaged in a protracted struggle against the AFC/M23 rebels in eastern DR Congo. The rebels now control the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu.
Kabila, whose family has accused the Congolese government of abuses, is expected to address the nation from the rebel-controlled capital of North Kivu province, RFI reported on Friday, citing sources close to the former president.
The immediate former president has previously accused his successor Felix Tshisekedi of mismanaging the security crisis and of bringing the vast country “close to imploding.”
Tshisekedi has previously accused Kabila of being behind the AFC/M23 rebels.
The residence of the former president in Kinshasa have recently been searched by security agencies, which his wife Marie Olive Lembe accused of “persecution.” She was quoted by RFI, saying the agencies “came looking for weapons.” “Generators, solar panels, vehicles… They took everything!”
The French radio said a seizure report by the military police confirmed the confiscation of several vehicles, batteries, generators, and a batch of solar equipment.
Kabila, who was based in South Africa and Zimbabwe, told Jeune Afrique on April 8 that he would be returning after having met with various presidents and former presidents in the region as well as Congolese politicians. He had said he would return to his country through the eastern part, which has been volatile for three decades.
“I decided to start with the eastern part, because there is danger there,” he told the French publication.
Kabila has recently voiced concern over the ongoing instability in DR Congo, emphasizing the importance of internal solutions to national problems.
He has emphasised that the conflict with the rebels, whom Tshisekedi alleges get support from Rwanda, can only be resolved by dialogue within the Congolese people.
He criticized Tshisekedi’s tendency to blame foreign actors for the crisis and outsourcing security by hiring European mercenaries and using foreign armies. He urges Congolese leaders and citizens to take responsibility in resolving the crisis.
Kabila left office in 2019 and had remained silent until February this year. Tshisekedi has accused Kabila of being behind the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) that is led by Corneille Nangaa, DR Congo’s former electoral chief. Kabila dismissed allegation in March saying that the conflict would be different if he was personally involved.
The conflict in eastern DR Congo escalated in January after the AFC/M23 rebels took control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, before seizing Bukavu the capital of South Kivu in mid-February.
Since the beginning of 2025, the rebel alliance, which includes the M23 rebels, has gained more Congolese support, with a growing number of political leaders and businesspeople joining its cause.
Government soldiers and police forces, as well as a number of armed groups have joined the ranks of the rebels, who fight for the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities who have suffered decades of ethnic violence.
The AFC/M23 rebels also condemn widespread corruption and bad governance, which have rendered the mineral-rich country ungovernable.
The Congolese government and the rebels held direct talks in Doha, Qatar on April 10, the first of its kind since the M23 rebellion resurfaced in late 2021 after nearly a decade of hibernation.
Britain has warned Rwanda that its involvement in an escalating conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo could jeopardise the over $1 billion of aid it receives every year.
Rwanda-backed M23 rebels captured Goma, a city of 2 million people in the DRC, on Monday, ignoring widespread calls for them to halt their offensive and enact a ceasefire. They extended their advance on Wednesday.
Rwandan forces backed up M23 in Goma, according to Congo, the United States and other Western powers. Rwanda has denied its involvement.
Members of the M23 rebel group gather at their position amid fighting between them and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), in Goma, Easter Congo. Reuters
British foreign minister David Lammy told parliament on Tuesday Rwanda received over 1 billion dollars in global aid every year, including around 32 million pounds ($39.80 million) of bilateral UK assistance but “all of that is under threat when you attack your neighbours”.
“We in this House are clear that we cannot have countries challenging the territorial integrity of other countries,” Lammy said. “Just as we will not tolerate it in the continent of Europe, we cannot tolerate it wherever in the world it happens.”
“We have to be clear about that,” Lammy added.
This week’s events represent the gravest escalation of the decades-old conflict in eastern Congo since 2012. The hostilities are rooted in the spillover of Rwanda’s 1994 genocide into Congo and the struggle for control of Congo’s lucrative minerals.
The M23, a Rwanda-backed armed group, has seized most of Goma, a key city of a million people in the mineral-rich eastern DR Congo. Analysts say their motives combine security and economic interests with the deadly momentum of war.
Why did Rwanda and M23 take Goma?
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame says its priority in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo is to destroy the Democratic Liberation Front of Rwanda (FDLR in French), formed from remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 genocide.
Many say Rwanda is more interested in the region’s rich resources of tantalum and tin used in batteries and electronics worldwide as well as gold.
“There is a desire to control the resources of eastern Congo,” said Thierry Vircoulon, of the French Institute of International Relations, dismissing talk of the FDLR as a “pretext”.
But Bram Verelst, of Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, said it was vital to understand that Rwanda’s security concerns stemmed from its horrific recent history.
“The Rwandan state today is largely built on the experience of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. It’s extremely sensitive to what it perceives as genocide ideology or any form of opposition,” he said.
“The way it perceives the FDLR as an existential threat goes beyond the actual military capabilities of the group.”
He also said there was an inescapable momentum to the conflict.
“A lot of what is happening now is the result of this mutual pursuit of a military approach that leads to more and more escalation.”
Can M23 hold Goma?
The M23 took Goma once before in 2012 but international pressure on Rwanda and internal divisions within the group led to its defeat.
“This time we’re less likely to see a split because it is much more deeply involved with the Rwandan Defence Forces,” said an analyst for Janes, a defence intelligence company, who asked not be named.
Romania mercenaries going through security check with Rwandan police after they surrendered to M23 fighters.
The M23 is determined to show it can govern effectively.
“They spend a lot of time in their propaganda critiquing the poor governance and corruption of the Congolese government,” said the analyst.
Vircoulon was sceptical about its prospects.
“The M23 does not have a lot of fighters. It will be very difficult to hold a city of one million,” he said.
Rwanda ultimately wants to force the Congolese into talks with the M23, which they have so far refused.
“As long as Kinshasa maintains this position, Kagame will not budge either. And so we risk a stalemate that lasts,” said Vircoulon.
Will the M23 go further?
Rwanda’s ambassador for the Great Lakes region, Vincent Karega, told AFP on Wednesday that the M23 could seize territory far beyond Goma, even going all the way to Kinshasa.
“It’s possible because all the (DRC) forces and military capabilities were concentrated in Goma. The rest of the country is not as protected,” he said.
Analysts said that was highly unlikely given the vast size of the country and the conflict’s dynamics.
But Verelst said it will keep pushing north to Lubero, south to Bukavu and west to Walikelo.
“It is certainly a possibility that we could see further expansion on multiple fronts, but it’s also a bit uncertain now, because the M23 needs to consolidate its gains,” he said.
The recent offensive has demonstrated the challenges faced by the Congolese army.
“The Congolese military has had significant issues with corruption, misappropriation of funding for equipment. Lack of pay has been a huge problem for morale,” said the Janes analyst.
He said the DRC army had invested $280 million since 2022, expanding training, taking on Israeli private military contractors and European partners to create Rapid Reaction Brigades.
“But although they look the part, we’ve seen they haven’t stood up to the M23 and Rwandan Defence Forces.”
Last month, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi dismissed his army chief of staff, Christian Tshiwewe, following failures on the eastern battlefield and reports of mass corruption in the recruitment of new troops.
Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels are moving south towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province, in what appears to be an attempt to expand their area of control in the country’s east after capturing the city of Goma.
The latest advances are part of a major escalation of a decades-old conflict over power, identity and resources that has killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced more than 1 million since its recent resurgence.
What is happening in Goma?
After entering Goma on Monday night, the rebels faced pockets of resistance, particularly around strategic areas including the airport. They took control of the airport by Tuesday evening, and hundreds of government troops and allied militia laid down their weapons.
By Wednesday morning, the rebels were in control of the devastated city, where some corpses could still be seen in the streets. Corneille Nangaa, leader of the Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels, told Reuters on Tuesday that they plan to govern Goma.
M23 forces were later advancing south from the town of Minova, along the western side of Lake Kivu, towards Bukavu, five diplomatic and security sources said.
Who are M23?
M23, which refers to the March 23, 2009, accord that ended a previous Tutsi-led revolt in eastern Congo, is the latest group of ethnic Tutsi-led insurgents to take up arms against Congolese forces. It launched the current rebellion in 2022.
The group has accused the government of Congo of not living up to the peace deal and fully integrating Congolese Tutsis into the army and administration.
It also vows to defend Tutsi interests, particularly against ethnic Hutu militias such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), founded by Hutus who fled Rwanda after participating in the 1994 genocide of close to 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
Since the start of 2025, the rebels have seized new territory and reached Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, prompting hundreds of thousands more people to flee their homes.
For more than a year, M23 has controlled Congo’s coltan-mining region of Rubaya, generating an estimated $800,000 per month through a production tax, according to the U.N. Coltan is used in the production of smartphones and other equipment.
The group’s spread into new territories in recent weeks gives it scope to acquire more mining revenue, analysts say.
Why is Rwanda involved?
The government of Congo, U.N. officials and Western powers including the United States have accused Congo’s neighbour Rwanda of fuelling the conflict by deploying thousands of its own troops and heavy weapons on Congolese soil in support of M23.
The accusations are based on a 2022 report by a U.N. Group of Experts that said it had “solid evidence” that Rwandan troops had been fighting alongside the M23 rebels.
Rwanda, which denies backing the rebels, says it has taken what it calls defensive measures and accuses Congo of fighting alongside the FDLR, which has attacked Tutsis in both countries.
Rwanda has a long history of military intervention inside Congo. It and Uganda invaded in 1996 and 1998, claiming they were defending themselves against local militia groups and going after the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
What are UN peacekeepers and other forces doing?
U.N. peacekeepers had been supporting the Congolese army’s efforts to curb the M23 as part of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (MONUSCO) years-old mandate to counter the many rebel groups active in eastern Congo.
An agreed withdrawal of the mission from Congo has been paused because of the deteriorating security situation. As of December, there were nearly 11,000 peacekeepers on the ground, mostly in the east.
Since the fall of Goma, the mission has evacuated some of its staff and families. Its base has received a large number of people seeking refuge, including government and army officials and various elements including the pro-government Wazalendo militia fighters who have surrendered their arms.
Private military contractors who were hired by the Congolese government to help in the fight against M23 and to train troops have also surrendered.
Rwanda’s defence force said 280 of them had surrendered to M23. Reuters reporters saw dozens of Romanian mercenaries who had been hired by Congo crossing into Rwanda — the start of their journey home, one said
The 16-member Southern African Development Community (SADC), which extended its military mission in Congo late last year to help the Congolese army fight the rebels, remains in place.
Both forces have suffered losses since the start of 2025.
Protesters in Kinshasa, the capital of Democratic Republic of Congo, have been burning portraits of Rwanda’s president and tearing up Rwandan flags as M23 rebels have taken control of most the eastern city of Goma.
Their fury is focused on Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who they accuse of backing the rebels – an accusation long made by the UN.
To put it bluntly, a group of UN experts maintains the Rwandan army is in “de facto control of M23 operations”, detailing how M23 recruits are trained under Rwandan supervision and supported by high-tech Rwandan weaponry.
Goma, which lies at the foot of a volcano near Lake Kivu, sits on the border with Rwanda. It is the capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province – and is an important trading and humanitarian hub and the base for the UN’s largest peacekeeping mission.
The city had also become a refuge for those fleeing the conflict between M23 fighters and the army that erupted again in late 2021 – with the population swelling to around two million.
They all face further turmoil as fighting erupted there on Sunday night with loud explosions echoing through the streets, which are now strewn with bodies. The exact circumstances of what is going on is unclear as phone lines are down and electricity and water supplies have been cut off. But the M23 seem to have captured most, if not all, of the city.
“There was no question that there are Rwandan troops in Goma supporting the M23,” said UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix, though he added that it was it was difficult to tell the exact numbers on the ground in Goma.
Tellingly some Congolese army soldiers in Goma who surrendered on Monday, did so by crossing over the border into Rwanda.
Since the conflict begun, President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels, who are well equipped, well armed and well trained.
However, this response has noticeably shifted as accusations continue to grow with “overwhelming evidence” showing Rwanda’s support for the rebel group, according to Richard Moncrief, International Crisis Group’s project director for the Great Lakes
“The tone has changed to justification for defensive measures,” he told the BBC. “It has become harder to deny Rwanda’s support for M23.”
On Sunday, Rwanda’s foreign ministry said in a statement: “This fighting close to the Rwandan border continues to present a serious threat to Rwanda’s security and territorial integrity, and necessitates Rwanda’s sustained defensive posture.”
It said it was concerned by “misguided or manipulative” statements that lacked context about the conflict.
For Kagame, the context all comes down to the Rwandan genocide that took place over 100 days in 1994.
The ethnic Hutu militia involved in killing up to 800,000 people – the vast majority from the Tutsi community – fled to what is now DR Congo, some forming the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
This rebel group is still active in the notoriously unstable eastern DR Congo – and still includes some of those responsible for the genocide.
Kagame, who headed the rebel Tutsi force that ended the killing more than three decades ago, sees this “genocidal militia” as an existential threat.
This month alone 400,000 people have fled their homes because of the fighting
His government has twice invaded DR Congo, saying it wants to stop Hutu rebel groups from staging cross-border attacks.
Earlier this month he called out his Congolese counterpart, Félix Tshisekedi, for failing to deal with the FDLR and talk to the M23, saying this was exacerbating the conflict.
Mr Moncrief believes that the targeting of Goma is more about making a political point as he says the M23 does not need the city strategically as it already “controls many more lucrative areas”.
“It is President Kagame’s way of exerting power over who is in charge of North Kivu,” said the Great Lakes expert.
Rwanda accused the military governor of North Kivu, who was killed in fighting last week, of collaborating with the FDLR.
The discovery of this kind of high-level collaboration, experts agree, would have been like a red flag to a bull for Rwanda.
Rwandan soldiers escorted surrendering Congolese troops over the border into Rwanda on Monday. Reuters
The M23’s origins are tied to these tensions – it is the latest incarnation of a rebel group that says it is fighting for the interests of the minority Tutsi community in eastern DR Congo.
Its first uprising more than a decade ago ended with a peace deal – when its fighters disarmed and mainly moved into camps in Uganda.
But three years ago, they began leaving the camps saying the deal was not honoured and within a couple months was seizing territory.
The UN peacekeeping mission – first deployed in 1999 – is not mandated to go on the offensive. Two regional forces – an East African one followed by a southern African one – specially deployed over the last few years at the request of Tshisekedi have failed to contain the M23.
This gives an indication of the M23’s sophisticated operations.
According to the UN group of experts, this includes five months of training at the M23’s main base in Tchanzu, hilly terrain not far from Rwanda’s border, that incorporates courses on theory and ideology and then practical elements including “war tactics”, “engagement rules” and “bush tactics”.
It said Rwandan officers were often at the camp, where recruits, including children, were brought – some joining up on a voluntary basis, others forced to do so in a systematic operation where local chiefs had to provide conscripts.
The experts said Sultani Makenga, who once fought for Kagame in the early 1990s in Rwanda and is now the M23’s military chief, attended some of the passing-out ceremonies between 25 September and 31 October 2024 that involved 3,000 recruits.
Rwanda’s spokesperson Yolande Makolo did not address the question of whether Rwandan officers were in the M23 camp but she did deny the charges about child soldiers, telling the BBC last year: “The claim about recruiting minors in camps is absurd, it’s blatant information warfare against Rwanda.”
However UN expert reports detail how the M23’s strength has grown since May when numbers were put at around 3,000.
The experts estimate that between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan army troops are on the ground in DR Congo – saying it based this on authenticated photographs, drone footage, video recordings, testimonies and intelligence.
Captured M23 fighters said that the Rwandans were known as the “Friendly Force”, with the experts’ December report saying the English term was “generically used” even when interviewees were speaking in other languages.
UN experts included photos of a short-range air defence system in their most recent report, saying three were spotted in M23 territory (Kibumba, Kitchanga and Karuba) in November being operated by soldiers using weaponry and backpacks similar to standard Rwandan army issue
They said these Rwandan special forces were there to train and support the rebels, and they did not interact with M23 regulars.
Rwanda’s ally Uganda, unhappy about another rebel group in DR Congo that threatens its security, has also been accused of helping the M23 – with its officers also spotted at Tchanzu. The UN experts say Uganda has also supplied weapons, hosted rebel leaders and allowed cross-border movements of M23 fighters – accusations Kampala denies.
Kagame recently expressed his frustration that after Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, his suggestion that Rwanda work alongside the Congolese army to tackle the FDLR had been rebuffed – unlike a joint offensive by DR Congo and Uganda against the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels.
This may explain the re-emergence of the M23 in 2021 – with evidence showing Rwanda’s backing of the group continues to grow.
Clémentine de Montjoye, senior researcher in the Africa division at Human Rights Watch, told the BBC that geolocated images placed Rwandan troops in Sake, a town just outside Goma last week.
The UN experts say the M23’s decision to capture the mining town of Rubaya, which fell to its forces in May, was “motivated by a strategic need to monopolise” the lucrative trade in coltan, which is used to make batteries for electric vehicles and mobile phones.
Its December report says the group now collects at least $800,000 (£643,000) a month from the taxation of coltan in Rubaya – and ensures that around 120 tonnes of the coveted mineral is sent directly to Rwanda every four weeks.
It includes satellite images to show how a road was widened by September on the Congolese side of the Kibumba border crossing to allow access for heavy trucks that were previously unable to use the route into Rwanda.
The M23 and the Rwandan army are accused of jamming GPS signals, making it impossible to operate drones and other aircraft
Ms De Montjoye explained how the advanced weapons being used by the M23 were not available to any other of the numerous armed groups operating in eastern DR Congo.
“Earlier last year, we documented how Rwandan forces, and M23 had fired 122mm rockets, hitting displacement camps,” she told the BBC.
“It’s certainly with the kind of military support that the M23 has received that they’ve been able to make such an advance [on Goma].”
The UN experts have documented many such examples, including the use of Israeli-made anti-tank guided missiles.
Mr Moncrief said the M23 was also using technology to interfere with Global Positioning System (GPS) that had stopped the Congolese army from flying drones it had acquired from China.
The UN experts said the “spoofing and jamming” near areas controlled by M23 and the Rwandan army had also disrupted other aircraft.
President Kagame has dismissed these UN reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise” and saying they ignore many outrages committed in DR Congo to focus on “imaginary problems” created by the M23.
The East African Community – currently headed by Kenya’s president – is now trying to mediate, though Tshisekedi has said he will not attend a hastily organised emergency summit.
Observers say Rwanda’s president will be telling any mediator that the FDLR is the only subject up for discussion as he is adamant their presence makes DR Congo an unsafe neighbour – something he reiterated at a press conference earlier this month.
“Honestly, for the last 30 years if anyone wanted to understand what the problems are [in DR Congo] and what solutions should be, you don’t even need to be an expert,” Kagame said.
ODM party leader and the AU’s High Representative for Infrastructure Development in Africa will host four presidents from East Africa in the official launching ceremony of the Sh3 billion Kisumu port.
The Kisumu Port is one of the biggest rather the face of Raila, projects initiated in the former Nyanza province after the handshake. This is seen as part of the handshake goodies that he had promised and the project is expected to restore the glory of Kisumu City, the once vibrant East Africa hub, an area that had been deliberately marginalized by the previous administrations.
According to sources speaking to the media, RAO will be hosting his close political allies and friends of his allies. On Thursday next week, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga will host President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, Yoweri Museveni leader of Uganda Uganda, Felix Tshisekedi of Congo, and John Magufuli from Tanzania.
Everyone knows that Magufuli and Tsisekedi are Raila’s family and political close friends and even though, Raila might to be in good terms with Museveni, but from recent visits in Kenya and signing some deals, we all know his ties with President Uhuru are way too close and the Port, being the biggest project in Lake Victoria, he definitely wouldn’t miss the opportunity and time to attend.
Yesterday, State House spokesperson Kanze Dena, who is in Jamaica with Uhuru said final communications on the launch of the port will be issued next week. Already Kenya Ports Authority has installed forklift trucks, mobile cranes and tractor-trailers in a clear signal that it’s all systems go.
KPA managing director Daniel Manduku told the Star on Thursday the port will initially create between 100 and 200 direct jobs when officially opened. “We are ready and all the equipment needed is on-site,” said Manduku.
Kenya Ports Authority plans to make the port a regional hub for East Africa to serve Mbita, Homa Bay, Mfangango island, Muhuru Bay pier, Luanda K’Otieno, Usenge beach and Port Victoria.
Lake Victoria is the second largest freshwater body in the world with 13 ports and for Prime minister, Raila has been following the project so close and keenly. RAO has visited the site more than four times and receives updates on every step of the rehabilitation of the port.
Last Thursday Raila, President Kenyatta and DP William Ruto visited the port to inspect the progress of the repairs and Ugunja MP Opiyo Wandayi stated during the visit that the makeover of the port was a clear testament that the handshake is working
“We are happy with the speed at which this project, among others, is moving. This is a clear testament of what the handshake between the President and the Prime Minister has done. This is one of the major projects that will not only open up the entire western region but will create employment for the thousands of youths and increase trade between Kenya and neighbouring countries.” Wandanyi said.
If the Port project works, Raila will have a smooth way for the people of Nyanza, Western and most probably other regions who will be employed directly or indirectly by the Port. Raila has also assured his Nyanza political turf that his strong-willed plans to revive collapsed Kisumu Cotton Mills (Kicomi), are well on course and the Government is also setting up an industrial park in Muhoroni, Kisumu county.
According to Raila handlers, all the key projects that the region has received are on course due to the famous March 2018 handshake between President Uhuru and Raila Odinga. Some of the projects include the construction of the Koru-Mamboleo road, Kabunde airstrip where Sh128 million has been allocated to pay off the landowner and Sh4 billion allocated to the blue economy.
Water Hyacinth had also choked the lake. Almost all the beaches had been filled with the deadly weed. Lake Victoria Beach Management Units Chairman Tom Guda said for a month now, fishermen in Karachuonyo and Kochia have felt the pinch of water hyacinth infestation.
“Water hyacinth restricts the movement of boats. How do you cast your nets in water infested in hyacinth? Sometimes you set out to go fishing only to be trapped in the water for eight hours,” said Mr Guda.
According to the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute Kisumu (KMFRI), periodic changes in wind patterns and human activities encourage the re-germination of the stubborn weed on Lake Victoria.
According to Dr Aura, by January this year approximately 10,360 hectares of the lake was covered by water hyacinth that tends to settle where there is little pressure from the wind.
“Rachuonyo’s proximity to Homa Hills and trees which act as windbreakers bring water hyacinth to Rachuonyo. At our station, we have water hyacinth prediction map which shows the accurate spatial-temporal availability of weed. Currently the area affected include Kisumu Bay, Homa Bay, Osodo Bay, Kendu Bay, Nyakach Bay and Ngege Bay.” Dr Aura noted.
“The National Environmental Management Authority (Nema) has designated water hyacinth disposal sites. After removal of the weed you are not allowed to throw it away,” said the environmental authority.
Since the Port project was launched, the government has taken measures to hyacinth that had choked the Lake by setting up licensed water hyacinth disposal sites in Homa Bay County. This includes Alara Beach, Oginga Beach, Ngegu Beach, Rakwaro Beach, Achuodho, Kananga and Rarimba Beach.
“We are happy with the progress made so far. The port, a major project in the region, is shaping up and we hope soon our leaders, the President and the former Prime Minister, will be commissioning,” ODM chairman and Suba South MP John Mbadi said
The seriousness of the Port projects can also be felt and seen from a far, NYS and prison workers are clearing bushes around the port and the gates to the port remain locked to members of the public and thorough checks are done before one is allowed access.
Kenya Coast Guard has also been given a go-ahead and has already taken charge of security at the port ahead of the launch and taking pics and videos of the site is a prohibited act.
The project has seen structures around the port demolished including the famous Lwang’ni beach which saw traders lose millions of shillings without alternative places to go.
Kisumu Residents Association Chairman Audi Ogada said following the destruction and public outcry they expect the port once opened to provide opportunities for people.
“Our expectation is that the port is effectively managed to give employment opportunities to our youths and even chances to the business persons whose structures were demolished,” he said.
On June 14, Uhuru and Raila were at the port t to check progress and on July 6, the President made an impromptu tour after a two-day visit to Tanzania. The President also toured the Kenya Marine School and the dry dock where the giant MV Uhuru is docked. He held meetings with officials and was briefed on the project.
President Uhuru ordered the repair of the 1,000-tonne and 91-meter-long cargo ship of which the MV Uhuru engine was switched on and roared for hours.
“Kisumu port was the biggest dry dock inland in the entire African continent where vessels such as SS Usonga, SS Nyanza, MV Victoria and MV Uhuru amongst others were manufactured. We want to see this happening again here,” Raila said.
