Tag: CS John Mbadi

  • Mbadi Vows To Deregister Rogue Lenders As Mwananchi Credit, Others Escape Scrutiny From Court Technicality

    Mbadi Vows To Deregister Rogue Lenders As Mwananchi Credit, Others Escape Scrutiny From Court Technicality

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi has fired a stunning warning shot at Kenya’s predatory lending industry, threatening to revoke the licences of microfinance and digital credit companies that deliberately structure loans to make repayment impossible, even as four of the sector’s most controversial players walked free from court on a legal technicality just days earlier.

    Appearing before the Senate on Wednesday, Mbadi named and shamed lenders who issue logbook-secured credit facilities with the sole objective of seizing and selling borrowers’ vehicles, not recovering debt. His remarks, which have since gone viral, come barely 48 hours after a High Court dismissed a constitutional petition that sought to kick Mwananchi Credit Ltd, Platinum Credit Ltd, Izwe Loans Ltd and Premier Credit Ltd out of the market for allegedly advancing digital credit without a valid licence from the Central Bank of Kenya.

    “There are lenders who issue credit facilities and take borrowers’ logbooks with the objective of selling the vehicles. They have structured the loans in such a way that repayment becomes practically impossible. Such entities must operate within the law or we will revoke their licences,” Mbadi told senators, his remarks broadcast live on national television.

    The CS’s intervention lands at a moment of acute public outrage over Kenya’s microfinance sector. Court records, regulatory data and investigative reporting have combined to paint a damning picture of an industry that for years operated like a financial cartel, inflating debts beyond recognition and terrorising borrowers through repossession tactics that judges have described, in open court, as gangster-like.

    The Court Escape

    The petition that collapsed on February 20 was filed by one Mark Muko, who argued that the four lenders had been advancing credit illegally, exposing borrowers to predatory interest rates, opaque loan terms and abusive recovery practices, all without the CBK’s regulatory blessing. It was a bold, broadly supported argument. It was also, the court found, brought to the wrong door at the wrong time.

    The High Court ruled that Muko had failed to first exhaust the dispute resolution mechanisms available under the Microfinance Act Regulations before approaching the bench. In pointed language, the judge observed that the petitioner had neither averred nor demonstrated that the regulatory complaint mechanism had been explored and a resolution communicated, making the petition both premature and procedurally improper.

    For Mwananchi Credit, Platinum Credit, Izwe Loans and Premier Credit, the ruling was a lifeline. But consumer advocates and legal practitioners say it was not an acquittal. The court did not rule that the companies were compliant. It ruled only that Muko had knocked on the wrong door first.

    “The ruling doesn’t give digital lenders a free pass,” one legal expert said. “CBK still retains full enforcement power. What the court is saying is that consumer protection claims must be grounded in evidence and proper procedure, not outrage alone.”

    A Pattern of Inflated Debts

    For Mwananchi Credit in particular, the reprieve from the Muko petition arrives amid a litigation storm that threatens to dwarf it entirely. The landmark 2023 High Court judgment in Jelangant and Another v Mwananchi Credit Ltd, in which Justice George Khaniri slashed a Sh22 million demand back to the Sh7 million principal originally borrowed, has become what lawyers now call legal dynamite in the hands of aggrieved borrowers.

    The Jelangant case exposed with surgical precision how Mwananchi Credit had demanded Sh15 million in interest and penalties from a borrower who had already fully repaid the principal. Justice Khaniri demolished the company’s defence that, as a non-deposit-taking microfinance institution, it was not bound by the in duplum rule, which prohibits interest from exceeding the principal loan amount. The judge held that any entity that earns interest is a lender subject to the rule, regardless of its regulatory classification.

    Mwananchi Credit offices

    That precedent has since reverberated across Kenya’s judiciary. In a separate case, High Court Judge Kizito Magare blocked Mwananchi Credit from selling two seized lorries belonging to traders who had borrowed Sh2.5 million, repaid Sh3 million, and were still being pursued for a further Sh6.25 million through unregistered chattel mortgages that the court declared void. Judge Magare was scathing, stating from the bench that he was unable to fathom the mathematical permutations that had turned a Sh2.5 million loan into a Sh9.25 million claim, and warning that courts would not allow microfinance companies to operate like shylocks.

    Court records reviewed by Kenya Insights show at least fifteen active cases filed against Mwananchi Credit in 2024 and 2025 alone.

    Conservative estimates place potential combined claims against the company at over Sh2 billion, should even a fraction of aggrieved borrowers successfully challenge their loan terms. In another documented case, Harrogate Limited borrowed a Sh50 million facility that ballooned to Sh177.5 million in under two years, with the borrowers alleging they received only Sh30 million in disbursements despite being charged for the full amount, and that the rules of engagement were changed midway through repayment.

    Mwananchi Credit has consistently denied wrongdoing. Company management has claimed the firm offers some of the lowest interest rates in the market and insists that complaints are fabrications by competitors. The company did not respond to requests for comment at the time of going to press.

    Mbadi’s Crackdown

    The Treasury CS, responding to Senate questions raised by Kisumu Senator Tom Ojienda through Bungoma Senator Wafula Wakoli, outlined a sweeping package of regulatory reforms designed to restore order in a sector that has grown at breakneck speed while leaving a trail of financial devastation.

    Mbadi disclosed that the CBK now mandates all Non-Deposit Taking Credit Providers to be licensed under a comprehensive Digital Credit Providers regulatory framework, setting strict eligibility criteria, governance standards and consumer protection obligations. As of December 2025, there were 195 licensed NDTCPs advancing a combined Sh110.5 billion in credit to Kenyan borrowers.

    The CS also revealed that fines for violating the Banking Act have been quadrupled, from Sh500,000 to Sh2 million, in a move Mbadi described as designed to be dissuasive and instil discipline. When Senator Moses Kajwang’ pressed him on lenders whose interest charges exceed twice the principal amount, Mbadi confirmed that credit providers must have their pricing models approved to ensure compliance with the in duplum rule under Section 44 of the Banking Act.

    The CBK is also working with the Office of the Data Protection Commissioner to enforce uniform data privacy standards, following a wave of abusive debt collection practices that have included doxxing borrowers’ contacts and bombarding third parties with humiliating messages.

    Competition Authority of Kenya data underpins the urgency of the crackdown. Consumer complaints against microfinance and digital lenders surged by 28 percent in 2025 compared to the previous year, the steepest annual increase on record for the sector.

    A Regulatory Crossroads

    The simultaneous unfolding of Mbadi’s Senate address and the court’s dismissal of the Muko petition captures the contradictory reality facing Kenya’s overstretched borrowers. On one hand, the government is making its most forceful public declaration yet that the era of predatory lending is over. On the other, the very companies at the centre of that predation are escaping accountability on procedural grounds that, while legally sound, feel like cold comfort to borrowers who have watched debts triple and vehicles disappear.

    For fintechs and microfinance houses operating in Kenya, the dual message is nevertheless unmistakable: get licensed, maintain transparent pricing, and keep your paperwork clean, or face a regulator that is no longer willing to look the other way.

    For the hundreds of borrowers now armed with the Jelangant precedent and emboldened by the Treasury’s public stance, the fight is far from over. The Muko petition may have failed on procedure. But the substance of what it alleged, that certain lenders are operating outside the law and beyond the reach of basic consumer protection, remains a live and explosive question in Kenya’s courts, Parliament and regulators’ offices alike.

    The deluge, as one legal observer put it, has only just begun.

  • KRA Boss Humphrey Watanga In Big Trouble In Sh5.5 Billion Rice Import Scandal

    KRA Boss Humphrey Watanga In Big Trouble In Sh5.5 Billion Rice Import Scandal

    Kenya Revenue Authority Commissioner General Humphrey Watanga now faces potential court sanctions after being accused of brazenly defying court orders by allowing the illegal clearance of rice imports worth a staggering Sh5.5 billion.

    Watanga, alongside Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi and KRA Commissioner for Customs and Border Control Lilian Nyawanda, stands accused of facilitating the entry of 55,000 tonnes of duty-free rice despite explicit court directives temporarily barring such imports .

    The explosive revelations emerged in fresh court filings that detail how two massive shipments of white rice were cleared at the Port of Mombasa late last year, in what petitioners are now calling a calculated act of contempt of court.

    Court documents reveal that the vessel Spica Eternity docked in Mombasa in October 2025 carrying approximately 35,000 metric tonnes of white milled rice from Kandla Port in India, exported by Olam Agri India Private Limited and consigned to Ecoview Commodities Ltd and Njema Commodities Ltd.

    The second vessel, IVS Crimson Creek, arrived in mid-December 2025 with an additional 20,000 metric tonnes of white rice from Thailand, exported by Olam Thailand Limited and Golden Granary Co. Ltd, consigned to Preferred Grains Ltd.

    The 55 million kilogrammes of imported rice, valued at approximately Sh5.5 billion at retail prices of Sh100 per kilogramme, have now become the centre of a legal and political firestorm threatening to consume some of the country’s top government officials.

    The scandal deepens with allegations that government officials issued a new gazette notice in December extending the import window to May this year to circumvent court orders frozen by Justice Edward Muriithi, which required that any fresh imports must be cleared by the court .

    Kirinyaga Senator Kamau Murango and Baragwi Ward Representative David Mathenge, who are leading the legal battle, have submitted damning cargo manifests to the court as evidence of what they describe as a systematic scheme to flout judicial authority.

    The petitioners argue that the imports threaten to flood the market at a time when local farmers in Nyanza, Central, and Western Kenya are sitting on massive unsold stocks of rice, potentially causing financial ruin for thousands of smallholder farmers.

    Senator Murango insists that warehouses and stores in rice-producing regions already hold large quantities of unsold rice, contradicting government claims of a food crisis .

    The government, however, maintains that Kenya faces an acute rice shortage. Officials project that national rice stocks will run out by the end of this month if imports are halted, with the country requiring about 750,000 metric tonnes of rice between January and June 2026 while reserves stood at approximately 110,000 metric tonnes at the start of the year.

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi
    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi

    Government lawyers warn that restricting imports would drive up prices and disproportionately harm low-income households, as domestic production supplies less than 20 per cent of annual demand estimated at up to 1.5 million metric tonnes .

    Justice Muriithi has since issued interim orders suspending implementation of the contested gazette notice and directing KRA to detain the disputed consignments pending further directions.

    A ruling expected on January 29, 2026 will determine whether Watanga, Mbadi and Nyawanda will be formally cited for contempt of court.

    The controversy comes at a particularly sensitive time for Watanga, whose tenure as KRA boss has been marked by multiple confrontations with Parliament and allegations of poor performance.

    The taxman has repeatedly faced scrutiny over revenue collection shortfalls that have forced the government to increase domestic and foreign borrowing.

    This is not the first time Watanga has found himself in hot water.

    In 2024, he was summoned by the Finance and National Planning Committee over claims the country lost Sh62 billion in a tax evasion scandal involving Louis Dreyfus Company.

    He also infamously skipped parliamentary invitations 14 consecutive times over queries on ethnic composition of KRA staff.

    For CS Mbadi, a former ODM stalwart now serving in President William Ruto’s government, the rice scandal threatens to undermine his credibility just months into his tenure.

    The ODM-allied Cabinet Secretary has already faced parliamentary sanctions threats for failing to honour MPs’ invitations on other matters of national importance.

    The petitioners have made it clear they will not back down.

    In their court application, they warn that the continued release of duty-free rice constitutes fresh acts of contempt that undermine conservatory orders meant to protect farmers pending the case’s final determination.

    As Kenya holds its breath for the January 29 ruling, the bigger question remains: will senior government officials be held accountable for allegedly defying court orders in a scandal that has pitted farmers against bureaucrats, and the judiciary against the executive?

  • Mbadi Picks NIS Director Naphtaly Rono to Head Financial Reporting Centre

    Mbadi Picks NIS Director Naphtaly Rono to Head Financial Reporting Centre

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi has nominated a senior spy agency boss as the next Director General of the Financial Reporting Centre (FRC).

    Mbadi picked lawyer Naphtaly Rono, who will replace his spy colleague Saitoti Maika, who has served his full term.

    Rono is currently the head of legal affairs at the National Intelligence Service (NIS).

    The name was sent to the National Assembly last week for vetting, but will have to wait a little bit longer as MPs have proceeded to their Christmas break and are expected to resume sittings in February next year.

    “The Cabinet Secretary conveys that in exercise of powers conferred by section 25(2) of the Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act, Cap. 59A, he has nominated Naphtaly Kipchirchir Rono for appointment as the Director-General of the FRC, and now seeks the approval of the House,” House Speaker Moses Wetang’ula announced last Wednesday.

    The law requires the Committee to which such a nomination is referred to consider the matter and table a report in the House within twenty-eight (28) days, but the speaker has deferred the statutory timelines to next year.

    “Nonetheless, conscious of the fact that the House is scheduled to proceed for the long recess from Friday, 5th December 2025, I hasten to clarify that the counting of days with respect to the consideration of the nominee will cease during the recess period and resume when the House first sits upon resumption.”

    The Speaker directed the Departmental Committee on Finance and National Planning to proceed with the public vetting, but will only table the report to the house next year.

    “However, Honourable Members, I urge the Committee to immediately commence the approval process and notify the nominee and the general public of the time and place for holding the approval hearing and thereafter, table its report on or before Thursday, February 26, 2026, to enable the House to consider the matter within the stated statutory timelines.”

    If approved by MPs, Rono will be tasked with the responsibility of addressing concerns raised about Kenya’s financial transactions that have left the country on the grey list despite key reforms.

    Grey-listing means the country is under increased monitoring and is working with the FATF to address its inability to counter money laundering and terror financing using existing laws, policies and strategies.

    It adversely impacts Kenya’s investment attractiveness and undermines its credibility as a reliable regional partner.

    On 17 June 2025, President William Ruto signed the Anti-Money Laundering and Combating of Terrorism Financing Laws (Amendment) Act, 2025, into law.

    The act is intended to address deficiencies in Kenya’s money laundering and terrorism financing framework as identified by the FATF, the global watchdog for these crimes.

    The Paris-based Financial Action Task Force (FATF) failed to remove Kenya from the list in October at the end of a plenary meeting, while removing Africa’s first and second biggest economies of South Africa and Nigeria.

    The Task Force its report of 17th March 2025 indicated that Kenya has made progress in resolving some of the technical compliance shortcomings identified in its 2022 Mutual Evaluation Report.

    However, despite the positive reports, Kenya remains under active watch, having been included in the grey list alongside Namibia on February 24, 2024, after a ten-year hiatus.

    The Task Force its report of March 17, 2025, indicated that Kenya has made progress in resolving some of the technical compliance shortcomings identified in its 2022 Mutual Evaluation Report.

    However, despite the positive reports, Kenya remains under active watch, having been included in the grey list alongside Namibia on February 24 2024, after a ten-year hiatus.

  • Kenyans Will Not Lose A Coin, Mbadi Defends Cancellation of Sh337bn High Grand Falls Dam Project as Lawful

    Kenyans Will Not Lose A Coin, Mbadi Defends Cancellation of Sh337bn High Grand Falls Dam Project as Lawful

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi has defended the government’s decision to cancel the Sh337 billion High Grand Falls dam project, dismissing claims that taxpayers could lose billions of shillings from the termination.

    Speaking on Wednesday, Mbadi assured Kenyans that no financial liability exists for the government following the cancellation of the mega infrastructure project that was set to be built along the Tana River by UK firm GBM Limited.

    “Under the Public Private Partnerships framework, no obligation arises until a binding PPP Project Agreement approved by the PPP Committee is signed by project parties. We wish to confirm that no project agreement was signed for this project, and therefore no such liability exists for the government,” Mbadi stated in a press release.

    The Treasury disclosed that the government approved termination of the project in the first week of July 2025, citing failure to meet key requirements in the Project Development Report submitted by the consortium.

    The High Grand Falls project, originally conceived in the 1950s, was expected to generate 500 megawatts of hydropower, later scalable to 1,000MW, while providing over 5.6 billion cubic metres of water for irrigation across 400,000 acres in Kitui, Tharaka-Nithi and Embu counties.

    GBM Limited, in partnership with Power China and Portuguese firm RCP Irrigation, was to own and operate the facility for 30 years before handing it over to the Kenyan government. The project promised cheap electricity at $0.08 per kilowatt hour and water at $0.04 per cubic metre.

    Mbadi dismissed allegations that the PPP Committee acted under foreign influence, describing the committee as “an independent statutory body with fiduciary responsibility in the conduct of its business.” He noted that the GBM consortium’s proposal underwent evaluation and was accorded opportunities for clarifications before the final decision.

    The Cabinet Secretary revealed that the project structure had changed from what was initially granted preliminary approval by the PPP Committee, particularly following the exit of ERG International as a partner. He also clarified that while GBM had participated in an earlier tender process under the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act in 2017, the current termination relates to a fresh application submitted under the PPP framework in January 2023.

    “The news pieces give the misleading impression that the present termination was pursuant to a competitive process that GBM won. The tender process under the PPAD Act was duly terminated by the courts, following which GBM instituted another separate independent application under the PPP regime,” Mbadi explained.

    The Treasury has indicated that the National Irrigation Authority, as the contracting authority, may subject the project to an open competitive tender under Section 46 of the PPP Act 2021, potentially reviving the ambitious infrastructure development.

    Despite the setback, Mbadi reaffirmed the government’s commitment to delivering viable infrastructure projects while maintaining transparency and accountability standards in all procurement processes.

    The cancellation deals a significant blow to Kenya’s efforts to boost hydropower generation, particularly as locally-generated hydro remains the cheapest electricity source at an average of Sh3.83 per kilowatt-hour compared to geothermal at Sh10.28 per kWh.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Former Auditor General Edward Ouko Lands Senior State Job

    Former Auditor General Edward Ouko Lands Senior State Job

    NAIROBI, Kenya — Former Auditor General Edward Ouko has made a comeback to public service after being appointed as the Chairperson of the Anti-Money Laundering Advisory Board.

    In a Gazette Notice dated September 19, 2025, Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi named Ouko to the post for a three-year term.

    The appointment was made under Section 49(1)(a) of the Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act (Cap. 59A).

    “The Cabinet Secretary for the National Treasury and Economic Planning appoints Edward Ouko (FCPA) to be the Non-Executive Chairperson of the Anti-Money Laundering Advisory Board, for a period of three years, with effect from 19th September 2025,” the notice read.

    In addition to chairing the board, Ouko will also serve as a member for a similar term, under Section 49(1)(h) of the Act.

    The board plays a critical role in guiding Kenya’s war on illicit financial flows and terrorism financing, working with state agencies and financial institutions to strengthen compliance, oversight, and governance within the sector.

    Ouko, a Fellow of the Institute of Certified Public Accountants of Kenya, is best remembered for his tenure as Auditor General, where he pushed for greater accountability and transparency in public finance management.

    His tenure was marked by high-profile audits that exposed gaps in government spending and procurement systems.

    The appointment comes at a time when Kenya faces mounting pressure from global financial watchdogs to tighten anti-money laundering measures, especially in light of increased cross-border scrutiny of financial transactions.

    In related appointments, CS Mbadi also extended the mandate of the Pending Bills Verification Committee until December 31, 2025.

    The committee is tasked with scrutinising and authenticating government pending bills, a matter that has generated controversy over claims of inflated and fraudulent claims.

    Meanwhile, in the agriculture sector, Agriculture CS Mutahi Kagwe appointed three new members to the Tea Board of Kenya.

    Those appointed include Jackline Cherono, Joseph Karioki Ngige, and William Otemba Oyosi, all of whom will serve for a three-year term beginning September 19, 2025.

    Separately, the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) issued its 56th Monetary Policy Statement, dated June 2025, in line with Section 4B of the CBK Act.

    The CBK also announced the revocation of Bonto Kenya Money Transfer Limited’s licence with effect from September 11, 2025, citing breaches of the Money Remittance Regulations, 2013.

    The wave of appointments and regulatory moves underscores the government’s efforts to strengthen governance across financial and agricultural sectors, enhance oversight, and safeguard economic stability.

  • “No Parent Will Pay Fees”: Mbadi Vows Free Education Funding

    “No Parent Will Pay Fees”: Mbadi Vows Free Education Funding

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi has moved to clarify controversial statements that sparked nationwide concern over the future of Kenya’s free education program, insisting his remarks were directed at Parliament rather than signaling any policy shift.

    Speaking at a rally in Nyatike, Migori County on Saturday, Mbadi claimed he had been misquoted following his Thursday appearance before a Parliamentary committee where he suggested the financial burden of free education was too heavy for the state to sustain.

    The comments had triggered fears that parents would soon be required to pay school fees.

    “I was speaking to policymakers, to members of Parliament who approve the budget,” Mbadi explained to the crowd.

    “I told them we must enhance the budget for capitation so that every child receives 22,000 shillings. What we have in the budget today is less than 22,000.”

    The clarification comes as education stakeholders raise alarm over reduced government capitation per student, which has dropped from Ksh.22,000 to approximately Ksh.17,000 annually.

    This reduction has heightened concerns about increased financial pressure on public schools and potential impacts on learning quality.

    Mbadi acknowledged the government faces fiscal challenges but maintained that parents should not be alarmed about fee payments.

    “Don’t create panic among parents. Parents are not supposed to pay fees, and we are not going to allow parents to pay fees. We will make money available to support them,” he stated emphatically.

    The Treasury chief attributed the funding shortfall to systemic issues predating the current administration, referencing challenges that began during former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s tenure.

    He warned against allowing schools to accumulate debts similar to those plaguing universities.

    “If you want me to lie to Kenyans, I am not ready to lie to Kenyans,” Mbadi said, defending his frank assessment of the funding situation while calling for enhanced parliamentary cooperation to secure adequate education financing.

    President William Ruto reinforced the government’s commitment to free education during Sunday service at ACK St Martin’s Light Industries Church in Kariobangi, Nairobi.

    “I assure you that the access and quality of education cannot be compromised,” Ruto declared, describing education as “the greatest gift a society can give to its young people.”

    The President emphasized his administration’s dedication to making education affordable, inclusive, quality-driven, and relevant to Kenya’s development objectives, seeking to quell growing public anxiety over the program’s sustainability.

  • Cash Crunch May Force University Shutdowns, Staff Layoffs – Mbadi

    Cash Crunch May Force University Shutdowns, Staff Layoffs – Mbadi

    Treasury CS warns of unprecedented overhaul as public universities face mounting debts exceeding Ksh 4 billion

    Kenya’s public university system stands at the precipice of collapse as Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi delivered a stark warning that could reshape higher education forever.

    In an unprecedented admission of financial defeat, Mbadi announced sweeping reforms that will see mass layoffs, campus closures, and the effective end of free university education across the country.

    The Treasury chief’s blunt assessment cut through years of political rhetoric as he declared that the government can no longer sustain its promise of free higher education. “For a long time, we have been living a lie in the sense that we give our children to the universities to educate for free without funding,” Mbadi said, his words carrying the weight of a system pushed beyond its breaking point.

    Behind these stark pronouncements lies a financial crisis of staggering proportions. Some universities are owed over Ksh 4 billion, money that was spent educating students for free since 2016, with Mbadi admitting there is little prospect of the government clearing this mounting debt. The numbers paint a picture of institutions gasping for breath under the weight of promises the state cannot keep.

    The proposed solution reads like a manual for institutional downsizing. Universities will be forced to undergo what Mbadi euphemistically termed “staff right-sizing,” while satellite campuses face closure and disposal to offset the crushing financial obligations. Non-core services will be outsourced, and administrative structures will be gutted in pursuit of what officials call financial sustainability.

    “The Ministry of Education, in collaboration with universities, is expected to develop a comprehensive reform strategy that will ensure financial sustainability within public universities,” Mbadi explained, though his clinical language cannot mask the human cost of these sweeping changes. Entire campuses that once buzzed with academic activity may soon stand empty, their assets sold to pay off debts accumulated through years of unfunded mandates.

    The crisis has been years in the making, transforming Kenya’s once-prestigious public universities from engines of intellectual growth into what stakeholders now describe as shells of their former glory. These institutions, which once stood as beacons of opportunity for students from all backgrounds, now find themselves caught between unpaid salaries, ballooning debts, and the impossible task of educating large student populations without adequate resources.

    Into this chaos, the government is pushing forward with a controversial new funding model that shifts the financial burden directly onto parents and students. Despite fierce resistance from various quarters, Mbadi defended this approach as the only viable path forward. “This new model that was being resisted so furiously needs to be supported to succeed,” he insisted, arguing that university administrators themselves acknowledge its necessity.

    The Cabinet Secretary’s message was uncompromising in its finality. “Let us not cheat ourselves as a country that we can finance fully and make university education free,” he declared, effectively drawing a line under decades of policy that treated higher education as a public good accessible to all qualified students regardless of their economic background.

    This shift has sparked fierce criticism from education stakeholders who view the reforms as a fundamental abandonment of the government’s constitutional obligations. Critics argue that the new funding model will create insurmountable barriers for thousands of brilliant students from poor families, potentially reversing decades of progress in educational equity and social mobility.

    The announcement has sent shockwaves through university communities across the country, where staff members now face an uncertain future. The proposed restructuring represents one of the most significant employment challenges in Kenya’s education sector, with academic and non-academic staff alike wondering whether their positions will survive the coming purge.

    As Kenya’s public universities brace for this fundamental transformation, the broader implications extend far beyond campus boundaries. The government’s admission that it cannot sustain current funding levels marks a watershed moment that could redefine educational opportunity for generations of Kenyan students. What emerges from this crisis will determine not only the survival of the public university system but also the country’s capacity to develop the human capital necessary for economic growth and social progress.

    The path ahead remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: the era of free public university education in Kenya is drawing to a close, replaced by a model that places the burden of higher learning squarely on the shoulders of students and their families. Whether this transition will strengthen or weaken Kenya’s educational foundation remains to be seen, but the stakes could not be higher for a nation whose future depends on the knowledge and skills of its people.

  • End of an Era: Shocker As Government Says It Doesn’t Have Money For Free Primary and Secondary Schools Education

    End of an Era: Shocker As Government Says It Doesn’t Have Money For Free Primary and Secondary Schools Education

    Treasury CS John Mbadi and Education CS Migos Ogamba deliver crushing blow to millions of Kenyan families

    In a bombshell revelation that has sent shockwaves across the country, the Kenyan government has admitted it can no longer sustain free primary and secondary education due to severe financial constraints. Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi, appearing before the National Assembly Committee on Education alongside his Education counterpart Migos Ogamba, delivered the devastating news that has effectively marked the end of an era for Kenya’s education sector.

    “The truth of the matter is we don’t have the capacity to finance Free Primary Education and Free Day Secondary education. Let us not live a lie,” Mbadi told stunned lawmakers on Thursday, his words cutting through years of political promises and dashing the hopes of millions of Kenyan families who have relied on government support to educate their children.

    The Treasury boss revealed the harsh arithmetic behind the crisis. While the government requires Sh22,244 per secondary school learner, it has only been disbursing Sh16,900 for the past seven years. The situation is equally dire for junior secondary schools, where the shortfall sees learners receiving only Sh10,000 against the required Sh15,042. Only primary schools have been receiving their full capitation of Sh1,420 per learner, creating a false sense of security that has now been shattered.

    Mbadi attributed the crisis to Kenya’s constrained fiscal environment, painting a picture of a government stretched thin by competing demands. High debt repayment obligations have created a stranglehold on public finances, while critical security interventions and emergency responses continue to drain the national coffers. “The government is failing to do this because of other competing needs such as debt repayments which we have been making as they are too high compared to before,” he explained, his tone reflecting the weight of a financial burden that has finally become unbearable.

    The implications extend far beyond school fees. In another crushing blow to parents already struggling with the rising cost of living, Mbadi announced that the government will no longer cover examination fees amounting to Sh5.9 billion. While fees will be settled for the current financial year, he was categorical that continuing this support is “not tenable.” A proposal has been submitted to Cabinet to limit fee waivers to only needy learners going forward, effectively creating a two-tier system that could lock out thousands of students from sitting their national examinations.

    Higher education institutions face an even more existential crisis. The government announced drastic measures including staff layoffs, closure of satellite campuses, and outsourcing of non-core services to prevent university collapse. These institutions, already reeling from years of underfunding, now face the prospect of fundamental restructuring that could alter the landscape of higher education in Kenya permanently.

    The funding crisis has been compounded by revelations of massive corruption that have made the situation even more tragic. MPs cited instances where Sh50 million each was disbursed to non-existent schools, with Luanda MP Dick Maungu specifically naming Kamuret and Bomet secondary schools as phantom institutions that received funding while real schools struggled for basic resources. The ghost schools scandal has added insult to injury, revealing how scarce education funds have been systematically looted while genuine institutions faced closure.

    Parliamentary reaction was swift and furious. Lawmakers expressed outrage at the admissions, with many demanding immediate policy changes. Teso South MP Mary Emase called for rewriting education policy to match actual funding levels, while Kibra MP Peter Orero urged allowing schools to charge additional fees. “It is regrettable that schools have no money,” Orero stated, his words reflecting the desperation facing educational institutions across the country.

    The government’s admission signals a seismic shift in Kenya’s education landscape that will be felt most acutely by low-income families. Parents must now prepare for additional school fees to bridge funding gaps, potential payment of examination fees, and reduced government support for educational programs. The promise of free education, once a cornerstone of Kenya’s development agenda, has crumbled under the weight of fiscal reality.

    As Kenya grapples with this education funding crisis, the government’s proposal to consolidate scattered funds, including those from the National Government Constituency Development Fund, represents one potential solution. However, for millions of Kenyan families who have relied on free education as a pathway to better opportunities, this development marks not just the end of a policy, but the end of a dream that education could be the great equalizer in Kenyan society.

    The full ramifications of this policy shift will unfold in the coming months, but one thing is certain: the landscape of Kenyan education has been forever altered, and the burden of financing children’s futures has shifted decisively from the state back to families already struggling to make ends meet.

  • Parents To Start Paying Exam Fees From Next Year, Government Announces

    Parents To Start Paying Exam Fees From Next Year, Government Announces

    Treasury CS Mbadi says decade-long exam waiver will end as government seeks to reduce education spending amid budget constraints

    Parents across Kenya will be required to pay national examination fees starting next year, Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi announced yesterday, marking the end of a decade-long government subsidy that has covered costs for all students.

    The policy reversal affects both Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE) and Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE) examinations, with the government currently covering the full Sh7,200 registration fee per candidate.

    Speaking during a television interview, Mbadi justified the decision by citing unsustainable costs and competing priorities within the education sector amid significant budget deficits.

    “We have to review the cost in the sense that why should we pay for examinations for all students, including those in private schools?” Mbadi questioned.

    “We should be subsidising examinations for those who cannot afford it, especially in public schools.”

    Despite the policy change, Mbadi assured parents that all students sitting for examinations this year will not be affected, as it would be “too late” to implement the changes now.

    “For this year, it’s too late. We are going to process examinations for all candidates, whether you are able to pay or not,” he said.

    The announcement comes as a relief to thousands of families who had feared the waiver removal would take immediate effect, potentially disrupting their children’s academic progress.

    From 2026, the Ministry of Education will implement a differentiated fee structure, ensuring that only students from financially capable families pay examination fees while maintaining support for vulnerable households.

    “If today my child is doing KCSE, the government pays for that child, and it’s the child of a CS, why should that be the case? We cannot afford to subsidise people who don’t need the subsidy,” Mbadi explained.

    While specific criteria for determining eligibility remain unclear, the Treasury CS mentioned a figure of Sh5,000 in passing, though he did not elaborate on how this amount relates to the new fee structure.

    The Parliamentary Budget Office had recommended ending the exam waiver, suggesting it could free up approximately Sh5 billion annually for other educational priorities such as capitation funding.

    This recommendation came amid concerns over a Sh91.8 billion deficit in the education sector.

    The exam fee waiver was introduced in 2016 under former Education Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiangi to ensure no student missed national examinations due to financial constraints.

    In a related development, Mbadi revealed plans to reduce examination costs by printing papers locally rather than abroad, where the process currently costs approximately Sh1.5 billion annually.

    “We must make sure that the printing of exams is done cheaply,” he said, noting that Kenya already prints security-sensitive documents like passports locally.

    The Presidential Working Party on Education Reforms had recommended local printing to reduce costs and enhance efficiency, though Mbadi emphasized that robust security measures would be essential to maintain examination integrity.

    “You will still end up having the examination leaked, and it has happened many times. So, let us make sure that the cost of managing examinations in this country is contained to the bare minimum,” he added.

    The announcement has generated significant debate, with critics arguing that the policy shift will burden families already struggling with high living costs and school fees.

    Some view it as a reversal of progress made in making education accessible to all Kenyan children.

    Supporters, however, argue that targeted subsidies make more fiscal sense, ensuring government resources reach those who need them most while reducing overall public expenditure.

    The policy change represents a significant shift in Kenya’s education financing approach, moving from universal exam fee coverage to a means-tested system that the government hopes will better allocate limited resources while maintaining educational access for vulnerable populations.

    The new fee structure is expected to take effect for the 2026 examination cycle, with the Ministry of Education set to announce detailed implementation guidelines in the coming months.

  • How Treasury CS Mbadi Got Entangled in the Obado-Sharon Affair

    How Treasury CS Mbadi Got Entangled in the Obado-Sharon Affair

    New revelations in the Sharon Otieno murder trial expose Cabinet Secretary’s role as mediator in toxic relationship

    Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi found himself unexpectedly thrust into the spotlight of one of Kenya’s most notorious murder cases this week, as shocking testimony revealed his role as a mediator in the ill-fated relationship between former Migori Governor Okoth Obado and the late Sharon Otieno.

    The revelation emerged during dramatic testimony by Michael Oyamo, Obado’s former personal assistant, who is standing trial alongside his former boss for the brutal 2018 murder of the 26-year-old Rongo University student who was carrying Obado’s child.

    According to Oyamo’s testimony before Justice Cecilia Githua, Mbadi became involved when Sharon Otieno threatened to expose her relationship with the married governor to the media.

    The young woman had grown frustrated with Obado’s silence and was reportedly planning to go public with details of their affair and her pregnancy.

    “Mr Mbadi had enlisted a former MCA, the late Lawrence Mullah, to mediate,” Oyamo testified, describing how the current Treasury CS had been brought in to help resolve what was becoming an explosive situation for the then-governor.

    The mediation plan was elaborate and expensive. Mbadi allegedly tasked Mullah with finding land in Homa Bay County, purchasing it, and building a house for Sharon, who was expecting Obado’s child.

    The arrangement positioned Mullah as a go-between, receiving financial assistance from Obado to pass on to Sharon in the presence of a journalist identified only as “XYZ.”

    Money trail

    Cash.
    Cash.

    The financial arrangements soon became complex and contentious. Oyamo testified that he personally delivered the first installment of Sh200,000 from Obado to Sharon at Tausi Hotel in July 2018, followed by another Sh100,000.

    All transactions were facilitated through Mbadi’s chosen mediator, Mullah.

    However, the mediation efforts were undermined by growing disputes between Mullah and the journalist XYZ over control of the funds. Sharon, caught in the middle, began calling Oyamo repeatedly, complaining that XYZ was interfering with Mullah’s role in the financial arrangements.

    The situation deteriorated further when Sharon suggested a direct meeting with Obado to bypass the increasingly complicated mediation structure that Mbadi had established.

    The fatal meeting

    The mediation attempts reached their tragic conclusion in August 2018. While Obado was in Nairobi for a Council of Governors meeting, Sharon requested that Oyamo organize a meeting between herself, XYZ, and Mullah to resolve the ongoing financial disputes.

    In explosive testimony delivered today, Oyamo provided chilling details of how he facilitated Sharon’s final journey to Nairobi.

    On August 24, 2018—just days before her murder—Oyamo transferred Sh22,500 to Sharon to purchase a flight ticket to Nairobi where she was scheduled to meet with Governor Obado.

    The transaction itself reveals the clandestine nature of these arrangements. Oyamo admitted he didn’t use his own M-Pesa account to send the money, lacking sufficient funds and his national ID when he attempted to make the deposit.

    In a telling detail that underscores the secretive operations, an M-Pesa attendant instead deposited the funds into her own account and forwarded the money to Sharon through the protected witness XYZ.

    Sharon and XYZ traveled to Nairobi together, while Lawrence Mullah, who missed the flight, was advised by Oyamo to travel independently with assurance of reimbursement.

    All three were meant to meet with Obado, who was in the capital for official engagements.

    This meeting, intended to resolve the mediation crisis that Mbadi had helped establish, instead set in motion the events that would lead to Sharon’s brutal murder on the night of September 3-4, 2018.

    For Mbadi, who is now one of President William Ruto’s key Cabinet Secretaries, the revelation represents an uncomfortable reminder of his inadvertent role in a case that shocked the nation.

    His attempt to help resolve a delicate situation through traditional mediation appears to have instead created additional complications that may have contributed to the tragic outcome.

    The testimony suggests that Mbadi’s involvement was well-intentioned, aimed at finding a peaceful resolution to protect both Sharon’s welfare and Obado’s political reputation.

    However, the complex mediation structure he established ultimately became another source of conflict in an already volatile situation.

    As the trial continues, with Obado having already admitted to the extramarital affair and accepting paternity of Sharon’s unborn child while denying any involvement in her murder, the detailed testimony about the final days reveals how Mbadi’s mediation structure became inextricably linked to the tragic sequence of events.

    Oyamo’s admission that he facilitated Sharon’s travel to what would become her final meeting adds another layer to the complex web of relationships and financial arrangements that the Treasury CS had helped establish.

    The case resumes with continued defense testimony, as the three accused men face potential death sentences if convicted for the murder of Sharon Otieno and her unborn child.

  • Budget II 2024/25: Major Cuts Hit Housing, Water, Energy, and ICT

    Budget II 2024/25: Major Cuts Hit Housing, Water, Energy, and ICT

    The Kenyan government has slashed billions from key sectors in the latest Supplementary Budget II for 2024/25.

    The revised budget, tabled in Parliament, aims to align expenditures with available funds through June 2025. However, state departments such as Housing, Water, Energy, and ICT have suffered the deepest cuts.

    These reductions could slow down major projects, affecting essential services and development goals.Supplementary Budget II 2024/25

    Billions Cut from Key Sectors in Supplementary Budget II 2024/25

    The Supplementary Budget II for 2024/25 has significantly reduced funding for crucial departments, impacting ongoing projects and future initiatives. Below is a breakdown of the hardest-hit sectors:

    Water Department Loses Ksh.22 Billion

    The State Department of Water faces the biggest cut, with its budget slashed from Ksh.49 billion to Ksh.27.8 billion, a massive decrease of Ksh.22 billion.

    The revised allocation includes Ksh.6.6 billion for recurrent expenditure and Ksh.21.2 billion for development projects. This cut affects crucial programs, including:

    • Water resource conservation and protection
    • Water resource management
    • National water and sanitation investment

    These reductions could delay clean water supply projects and impact water infrastructure nationwide.

    Housing Budget Shrinks by Ksh.11.6 Billion

    The Affordable Housing initiative, a flagship project of President William Ruto, also faces budget cuts.

    The State Department for Housing’s budget dropped from Ksh.86.5 billion to Ksh.74.9 billion, marking a reduction of Ksh.11.6 billion.

    According to the Treasury, the reduction is mainly due to lower donor funding for capital projects. However, an additional Ksh.64.5 million was allocated for salaries under recurrent expenditure. This cut may slow down affordable housing projects and urban infrastructure improvements.

    ICT Sector Budget Slashed by Ksh.7.8 Billion

    The ICT sector, a key driver of Kenya’s digital transformation, has seen its budget drop from Ksh.20 billion to Ksh.12.2 billion, a loss of Ksh.7.8 billion.

    Some of the affected projects include:

    • ICT infrastructure connectivity
    • Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) development

    Notably, the budget for e-government services, a major initiative in President Ruto’s administration, was reduced from Ksh.3.5 billion to Ksh.2.4 billion. This reduction could slow efforts to digitize government services, affecting efficiency and accessibility.

    Energy Sector Faces Ksh.7.6 Billion Cut

    The Energy sector, essential for powering homes and industries, has also suffered. Its budget dropped from Ksh. 54.1 billion to Ksh. 46.4 billion, a reduction of Ksh.7.6 billion.

    This cut could affect ongoing renewable energy projects, electricity connectivity programs, and grid expansion initiatives. Reduced funding may also delay government plans to increase access to affordable electricity.

    Other Departments Affected By Supplementary Budget II 2024/25

    Apart from Housing, Water, ICT, and Energy, several other state departments have faced budget reductions, including:

    • Cabinet Affairs
    • Parliamentary Affairs
    • Diaspora Affairs
    • Transport
    • Irrigation

    These cuts could lead to delays in policy implementation, infrastructure development, and service delivery.

    What These Budget Cuts Mean for Kenyans

    The Supplementary Budget II 2024/25 shows the government’s effort to realign expenditures, but the deep cuts in critical sectors raise concerns.

    Reduced funding for water, housing, ICT, and energy could slow down key infrastructure projects, limit access to essential services, and affect economic growth.

    As Parliament debates this budget, Kenyans will be watching closely to see how the government balances financial constraints while ensuring crucial projects continue.

    The impact of these cuts will be felt across the country, particularly in sectors that drive economic progress and social welfare.