Tag: Congo conflict

  • Sentenced to Death in Congo, Ex-President Kabila Resurfaces in Nairobi to Convene Political Conclave

    Sentenced to Death in Congo, Ex-President Kabila Resurfaces in Nairobi to Convene Political Conclave

    NAIROBI—Former Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila has emerged from the shadows in Nairobi, convening a gathering of opposition figures just two weeks after being sentenced to death in absentia by a Congolese military court.

    The 54-year-old former leader, who ruled the vast Central African nation from 2001 to 2019, was found guilty of treason and crimes against peace by the military tribunal on September 30.

    Despite the verdict, Kabila has moved swiftly to reassert himself as a key player in Congolese politics, inviting several opposition leaders to the Kenyan capital for meetings that began on Monday.

    According to sources close to the former president, the Nairobi conclave represents an attempt to rebuild an opposition front against his successor, President Félix Tshisekedi.

    The gathering comes at a critical juncture, with the eastern DRC engulfed in conflict and political tensions running high in Kinshasa.

    “Kabila had already met several leaders in December 2024, in Addis Ababa, but the context has changed considerably since then,” a close associate told The Africa Report. “There is a need to rebuild an opposition front.”

    Among those accepting the invitation is Matata Ponyo Mapon, Kabila’s former prime minister, who himself faces a 10-year forced labour sentence for embezzlement handed down by the Constitutional Court in May. Ponyo’s party confirmed in August that he was officially in exile, though his location had remained undisclosed until now.

    Seth Kikuni, who ran in the December 2023 presidential election before endorsing opposition heavyweight Moïse Katumbi, has also confirmed his attendance. He will be joined by Franck Diongo, currently in exile in Belgium, and several figures from Kabila’s Front Commun pour le Congo political platform.

    The attendee list includes Néhémie Mwilanya Wilondja, Kabila’s former chief of staff; Raymond Tshibanda, the FCC’s crisis cell coordinator; former minister José Makila; and Richard Muyej, former governor of Lualaba province. Members of Kabila’s inner circle, including his adviser Kikaya Bin Karubi and Patient Sayiba Tambwe, are also expected to participate.

    However, the gathering has exposed divisions within the opposition. Katumbi, arguably the most prominent opposition leader, declined the invitation and will not send a representative. Delly Sesanga and Jean-Marc Kabund, both invited, have also opted not to attend.

    Martin Fayulu, another opposition heavyweight, told The Africa Report he had not been approached about the meeting. Those who declined said they were uncomfortable with the gathering being organized around Kabila in Nairobi.

    The former president’s reemergence follows months of strategic positioning. Between February and June, Kabila orchestrated a gradual return to the public eye through media statements and a controversial visit to Goma, the eastern city now under M23 rebel control.

    As calls for dialogue intensify among Tshisekedi’s opponents, Kabila appears intent on positioning himself as an indispensable intermediary between the political and military opposition. However, President Tshisekedi has made clear his unwillingness to engage with those he considers proxies for foreign aggressors.

    Speaking to the Congolese diaspora in Belgium on October 11, Tshisekedi drew a firm line. “To all those who speak of dialogue and present things in their own way, saying that we do not want dialogue, yes, we do not want that kind of dialogue,” he said. “We want a dialogue among Congolese who are all united against this aggression.”

    The Nairobi meeting comes as talks between Congolese authorities and the M23 are scheduled to resume this week in Doha, though prospects for meaningful internal political dialogue remain uncertain.

    Kabila’s death sentence, while largely symbolic given his presence outside Congolese jurisdiction, reflects the depth of animosity between him and his successor. The military court’s verdict marks an unprecedented legal action against a former head of state in the DRC and signals Tshisekedi’s determination to consolidate power ahead of future political battles.

    Kenya has in recent months emerged as a haven for several Congolese opposition figures, with Kabila having stayed in Nairobi multiple times this year. The country’s role as a neutral ground for political negotiations in the region continues, despite the sensitive nature of hosting figures wanted by neighboring governments.

    Whether Kabila’s Nairobi conclave succeeds in forging a unified opposition front remains to be seen. The notable absences suggest that even among Tshisekedi’s critics, rallying around a figure with a death sentence hanging over him may prove a bridge too far.

    Former DRC President Joseph Kabila arrives at a Nairobi venue for a meeting with Congolese opposition figures, his first public appearance since being sentenced to death in absentia by a military court in Kinshasa. (Photo: handout)
    Former DRC President Joseph Kabila arrives at a Nairobi venue for a meeting with Congolese opposition figures, his first public appearance since being sentenced to death in absentia by a military court in Kinshasa. (Photo: handout)
  • Former DR Congo President on Trial For Treason

    Former DR Congo President on Trial For Treason

    The treason trial of the former president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Joseph Kabila, has begun in a military court in the capital, Kinshasa.

    He also faces other charges, such as murder, linked to his alleged support for M23 rebels – who control a large part of the mineral-rich east of the country. He denies the charges and did not appear at the hearing.

    Kabila’s successor, President Félix Tshisekedi, has accused him of being the brains behind the rebels.

    The former president has rejected the case as “arbitrary” and said the courts were being used as an “instrument of oppression”.

    A ceasefire deal between the rebels and the government was agreed last week, but fighting has continued.

    Kabila had been living outside the country for two years, but arrived in the rebel-held city of Goma, in eastern DR Congo, from self-imposed exile in South Africa in May.

    Pointing to overwhelming evidence, the UN and several Western countries have accused neighbouring Rwanda of backing the M23, and sending thousands of its soldiers into DR Congo. But Kigali denies the charges, saying it is acting to stop the conflict from spilling over onto its territory.

    In May, the upper house of the legislature lifted Mr Kabila’s immunity as senator for life to allow his prosecution on charges that include treason, murder, taking part in an insurrectionist movement, and the forcible occupation of Goma.

    The 53-year-old led DR Congo for 18 years, after succeeding his father Laurent, who was shot dead in 2001. Joseph Kabila was just 29 at the time.

    He handed power to President Félix Tshisekedi following a disputed election in 2019, but they later fell out.

    In a now-deleted YouTube video released in May, Kabila lashed out at the Congolese government calling it a “dictatorship”, and said there was a “decline of democracy” in the country.

    At the time the Congolese government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, rejected Kabila’s allegations, saying he had “nothing to offer the country”.

    Ahead of Friday’s trial, Ferdinand Kambere – a close ally of Kabila who served in his now-banned PPRD party, accused the government of “double standards”. He said it was too soft in its peace deal but too hard on Kabila, adding that the trial was a way to exclude Kabila from the country’s politics.

    (BBC)

  • DR Congo, M23 Armed Group Sign Ceasefire Deal

    DR Congo, M23 Armed Group Sign Ceasefire Deal

    The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda-backed armed group M23 signed a ceasefire deal on Saturday to end fighting that has devastated the country’s mineral-rich but conflict-torn east.

    The truce was agreed in a Declaration of Principles signed by the two sides after three months of talks in the Qatari capital, Doha, which follows a separate Congolese-Rwandan peace deal signed in Washington last month.

    “The Parties commit to uphold their commitment to a permanent ceasefire,” including refraining from “hate propaganda” and “any attempt to seize by force new positions”, said the agreement.

    The M23, which seized vast swathes of territory in eastern DRC in a lightning offensive in January and February, had insisted on seeking its own ceasefire deal with Kinshasa, saying the Washington deal left out various “problems” that still needed to be addressed.

    The African Union hailed the new deal as a “significant development”, saying: “This… marks a major milestone in the ongoing efforts to achieve lasting peace, security, and stability in eastern DRC and the wider Great Lakes region”.

    Under the deal, the warring parties agreed to open negotiations on a comprehensive peace agreement.

    The deal, which the two sides said aligns with the Washington agreement, also includes a roadmap for restoring state authority in eastern DRC.

    – Full accord to follow –

    Congolese government spokesman Patrick Muyaya said the deal took account of the DRC’s “red lines”, including “the non-negotiable withdrawal of the M23 from occupied areas followed by the deployment of our institutions”, including the national armed forces.

    He said a comprehensive peace agreement would follow “in the coming days”.

    The deal said the two sides had agreed to implement its terms by July 29 at the latest, and to start direct negotiations toward a permanent agreement by  August 8.

    Rwandan President Paul Kagame and Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi are due to meet in the coming months to solidify the Washington peace deal, whose terms have not yet been implemented.

    Questions remain over an expected side deal on economic issues after US President Donald Trump boasted of securing mineral wealth in the vast central African nation.

    Tshisekedi said in April that he had discussed a deal for access to the DRC’s mineral wealth with US special envoy Massad Boulos.

    Previous ceasefire agreements for eastern DRC have collapsed in the past.

    Neighbouring Rwanda denies providing military backing to the M23, but UN experts say that the Rwandan army played a “critical” role in the group’s offensive, including combat operations.

    Rich in natural resources, especially lucrative minerals, eastern DRC has been wracked by conflict for more than three decades, creating a humanitarian crisis and forcing hundreds of thousands of people from their homes.

    Thousands were killed in the M23 offensive earlier this year, which saw the group capture the key provincial capitals of Goma and Bukavu.

    The front line has stabilized since February, but fighting was still breaking out regularly between the M23 and multiple pro-government militias.

    (AFP)

  • Ex-DR Congo President Returns From Self-Imposed Exile, Party Says

    Ex-DR Congo President Returns From Self-Imposed Exile, Party Says

    Former Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila is back in the country for the first time in two years, having arrived in the rebel-held eastern city of Goma, spokespeople for the rebels as well as a youth leader from his party have said.

    Kabila’s arrival comes after senators stripped him of his immunity over alleged support for the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group which has been fighting the Congolese army.

    Kabila, who has previously denied links with the rebel group, recently decried the justice system , alleging it was “exploited for political ends”.

    The 53-year-old led DR Congo for 18 years, after succeeding his father Laurent, who was shot dead in 2001.

    He handed power to President Félix Tshisekedi in 2019, but they later fell out.

    Speaking to the BBC, a Goma youth leader for Kabila’s People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), confirmed earlier reports from the M23 that Kabila had arrived in Goma.

    “Kabila should be allowed full access to the country. For us it is like a father has returned to his children,” Innocent Mirimo told BBC Swahili.

    Last month, the PPRD was banned by the authorities in the capital, Kinshasa, who accused of having an “ambiguous attitude” towards the capture of Congolese territory by the M23.

    In a message on X, rebel spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka welcomed Kabila to Goma saying: “We wish him a pleasant stay in the liberated areas.”

    A similar message was shared by another spokesperson, Willy Ngoma.

    The Congolese authorities accuse Kabila of war crimes and treason, alleging there is a “substantial body of documents, testimony and material facts” that link the former leader to the M23.

    In a now-deleted YouTube video released on Friday, Kabila called the Congolese government a “dictatorship”, and said there was a “decline of democracy” in the country.

    Congolese government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, rejected Kabila’s allegations, saying he had “nothing to offer the country”.

    Fighting between the Congolese army and the M23 first broke out in 2012 and ended in a peace deal the following year. But in 2021 the group took up arms again, saying the promises made in the deal had been broken.

    Since the beginning of this year, the M23 has made major advances in the mineral-rich east, including taking Goma in January.

    The conflict has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians in the last few months.

    Kabila has been living outside the country, in South Africa, for the past two years. At the beginning of last month he said he would be returning to help find a solution to the conflict.

    (BBC)

  • DR Congo and Rwanda Vow to Agree Peace Plan Within Days

    DR Congo and Rwanda Vow to Agree Peace Plan Within Days

    Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have signed an agreement to respect each other’s sovereignty and come up with a draft peace deal by 2 May.

    The deal was signed by the two countries’ foreign ministers in Washington, with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio also present at Friday’s ceremony.

    Hundreds of thousands of civilians have been displaced in recent months as Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have seized swathes of mineral-rich territory in eastern DR Congo.

    After losing territory, the government in Kinshasa turned to the US for help in exchange for access to the minerals.

    M23 rebels are now controlling Goma and Bukavu - eastern Congo's two largest cities
    M23 rebels are now controlling Goma and Bukavu – eastern Congo’s two largest cities

    Relations have been so poor between DR Congo and Rwanda that the meeting in Washington and a promise to resolve disputes through dialogue is a sign of progress.

    The text of the agreement says both sides now expect significant investments facilitated by the US government and private sector.

    Despite the talks, fighting reportedly continued on Friday in North Kivu province.

    Earlier this week, DR Congo and the M23 group said they were committed to peace, expressing hopes that a permanent ceasefire could be reached.

    Officials in eastern DR Congo say some 7,000 people have been killed there since January.

    The decades-long conflict has intensified since the start of the year when M23 staged an unprecedented offensive, seizing Goma and Bukavu – eastern Congo’s two largest cities – and sparking fears of a wider regional war.

    DR Congo accuses Rwanda of arming the M23 and sending troops to support the rebels in the conflict.

    Despite assertions from both the UN and US, Rwanda has denied supporting the M23.

  • Congo, M23 Rebels Agree Ceasefire in Qatar

    Congo, M23 Rebels Agree Ceasefire in Qatar

    (Reuters) – The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda-backed M23 rebels on Wednesday pledged in statements released after talks in Qatar to work towards peace after violence flared in January, raising fears of a wider regional war.

    Their agreement to the text raised a glimmer of hope that the latest cycle of violence in a decades-long conflict rooted in the Rwandan genocide might ease. But sources in the two delegations expressed frustration over the pace of negotiations.

    Each side released the same statement separately after their delegations departed Qatar earlier in the week, following more than a week of discussions.

    “Both parties reaffirm their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities, a categorical rejection of any hate speech, intimidation, and call on local communities to uphold these commitments”, the statement said.

    The statement described their talks as “frank and constructive”, but it was unclear if or when another round of talks would take place.

    M23 has staged an unprecedented advance since January, seizing eastern Congo’s two largest cities in an assault that has killed thousands and raised fears of a wider regional war.

    The latest peace push by Qatar comes after the Gulf state successfully brokered a surprise meeting last month between Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Both leaders called for a ceasefire after the meeting.

    The session apparently paved the way towards direct talks between Congo and M23.  Congo had long rejected the idea of holding talks with M23, branding it a terrorist group.

    Rwanda, in turn, has long denied helping M23, saying its forces are acting in self-defence against Congo’s army and ethnic Hutu militiamen linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide that killed around 1 million people, mostly ethnic Tutsis.

    Congo’s position is supported by the United Nations and Western governments, who say Rwanda is supporting the rebels by sending troops and arms.

    Deep mistrust

    Some participants in the Qatar talks complained that the meetings quickly bogged down in technical details.

    Sources from both sides said potential confidence-building measures, such as the release of Congo-held prisoners accused of links to Rwanda and M23, inflamed tensions and almost derailed the outcome.

    “They are asking for too much. They don’t even control two of the 26 provinces,” a Congo government source said. “Our justice system is independent. We cannot give in to every whim. Crimes have been committed. Some people must pay.”

    A source from the rebel coalition that includes M23 said the parties left Doha when the disagreements over confidence-building measures became an insurmountable obstacle to substantive talks.

    Ultimately, however, diplomats briefed on the talks said, Qatar managed to pressure the two sides into releasing a joint statement agreeing to continue to work on a truce.

    “This is a crucial step towards ending the violence,” Maxime Prevot, Belgium’s foreign affairs minister, said Wednesday on X.

    A United Nations source told Reuters on Wednesday that fighting had resumed in the Congolese territory of Walikale.

    M23 withdrew from Walikale town, a strategic mining hub, earlier this month, a move it described as a goodwill gesture ahead of planned peace talks with the government.

  • DR Congo Orders Property Seizure, Legal Action Against Former President Kabila

    DR Congo Orders Property Seizure, Legal Action Against Former President Kabila

    The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) government has “ordered” legal proceedings against former President Joseph Kabila and ordered the seizure of all his movable and immovable assets.

    Authorities accuse Kabila of supporting and participating in armed conflict alongside M23 rebels.

    In a communiqué released on Friday, April 18, the Congolese ministry of justice stated that it had directed the Auditor General of the DR Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and the Prosecutor General at the Court of Cassation to begin legal action against Kabila for his alleged “direct participation” in the aggression carried out by the AFC/M23.

    “Furthermore, movement restrictions have been imposed against all of his collaborators implicated in this case,” it went on.

    Last week, Kabila’s wife, Olive Lembe, said she was facing persecution at the hands of the country’s security agencies.

    Lembe, who married Kabila in 2006, continues to reside in DR Congo even though her husband has been in exile for over a year before his recent announcement that he is returning to the country.

    “It is persecution that we are suffering from the security services and this regime,” Lembe said in an interview with local media.

    Kabila said in early March that he had suspended his studies in South Africa to “deal with the worsening situation,” in eastern DR Congo, where a government coalition has been fighting the AFC/M23 rebels for over three years. The rebels now control the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu.

    On Friday, April 18, Kabila reportedly arrived in Goma, 10 days after he said he would return to the country after six years of silence and exile.

    Since the beginning of 2025, the rebel alliance, which includes the M23 rebels, has gained more Congolese support, with a growing number of political leaders and businesspeople joining its cause.

    Government soldiers and police forces, as well as a number of armed groups have joined the ranks of the rebels, who fight for the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities who have suffered decades of ethnic violence.

    The AFC/M23 rebels also condemn widespread corruption and bad governance, which have rendered the mineral-rich country ungovernable.

    The Congolese government and the rebels held direct talks in Doha, Qatar on April 10, the first of its kind since the M23 rebellion resurfaced in late 2021 after nearly a decade of hibernation.

  • The DR Congo Rebel Leader Whose Fighters Have Created Turmoil

    The DR Congo Rebel Leader Whose Fighters Have Created Turmoil

    The Democratic Republic of Congo is in turmoil – fighters from the notorious M23 rebel group have been surging through the country’s east, battling the national army and capturing key places as they go.

    In just a fortnight, thousands of people are said to have been killed and the fighting has sparked an ominous war of words between DR Congo and its neighbour, Rwanda.

    So how did DR Congo – the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa – get here?

    The origins of this complex conflict can be understood through the story of one man – M23 leader Sultani Makenga, who is the subject of various war crime allegations.

    He is sanctioned by the US of using child soldiers, which he has denied. The UN has accused him of being responsible for sexual violence.

    To go back through Makenga’s life so far is to look into decades of warfare, intermittent foreign intervention and the persistent lure of DR Congo’s rich mineral resources.

    His life began on Christmas Day in 1973, when he was born in the lush Congolese town of Masisi.

    Raised by parents of the Tutsi ethnic group, Makenga quit school at the age of 17 to join a Tutsi rebel outfit across the border in Rwanda.

    This group, named the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), were demanding greater Tutsi representation in Rwanda’s government, which at the time was dominated by politicians from the Hutu majority.

    They also wanted the hundreds and thousands of Tutsi refugees who had been forced from the country by ethnic violence to be able to return home.

    For four years, Makenga and the RPF fought the Hutu-dominated army in Rwanda. Their battle was enmeshed with the 1994 genocide, when Hutu extremists killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.

    When looking back at this time in a rare 2013 interview, external, Makenga stated: “My life is war, my education is war, and my language is war… but I do respect peace.”

    The RPF gradually seized more and more land before marching into Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, and overthrowing the extremist Hutu government – many of whom fled into what is now DR Congo.

    With the RPF in power, Makenga was absorbed into the official Rwandan army and rose to the rank of sergeant and deputy platoon commander.

    “He was very good at setting up ambushes,” one of Makenga’s fellow RPF fighters told the Rift Valley Institute, external non-profit research organisation.

    His progress in the Rwandan army hit a ceiling however. The fact that he only had a basic education and spoke broken French and English was “an obstacle to his military career”, the Rift Valley Institute said.

    Makenga’s M23 fighters are now in charge in Goma. AFP

    Makenga is also said – to this day – to be very reserved and to struggle with public speaking.

    In 1997, he was part of the Rwanda-backed forces who ended up seizing power in DR Congo, ousting long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko. In his place they installed veteran Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila.

    However, Makenga began to clash with his superiors – he was arrested by the Rwandan authorities after refusing orders to return to Rwanda, a UN Security Council report, external said.

    He was therefore imprisoned for several years on the island of Iwawa.

    Meanwhile, relations between Kabila and Rwanda’s new leaders deteriorated.

    Rwanda had sought to crush the Hutu militiamen who were responsible for the genocide but had fled across the border in 1994. Rwanda’s fear was that they could return and upset the country’s hard-won stability.

    But Kabila had failed to stop the militants from organising and he also started to force out Rwandan troops.

    As a result, Rwanda invaded DR Congo in 1998. When Makenga was released from prison, he was appointed to serve as a commander on the front line with a Rwanda-backed rebel group.

    The recent violence in the advance towards Goma and in the city itself reportedly killed thousands of people in just two weeks. Photo: AFP

    Over the years, he gained a reputation for being highly strategic and skilled at commanding large groups of soldiers into battle.

    After Rwandan troops crossed into DR Congo, there was a surge in discrimination against the Tutsi community. Kabila alleged that Tutsis supported the invasion, while other officials incited the public to attack members of the ethnic group.

    Makenga – still in DR Congo – accused the Congolese leader of betraying Tutsi fighters, saying: “Kabila was a politician, while I am not. I am a soldier, and the language that I know is that of the gun.”

    Several neighbouring countries had been drawn into the conflict and a large UN military force was deployed to try to maintain order.

    More than five million people are believed to have died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.

    The fighting officially ended in 2003 but Makenga continued to serve in armed groups opposed to the Congolese government.

    In the spirit of reconciliation, Tutsi rebels like Makenga were eventually amalgamated into the Congolese government’s armed forces, in a process called “mixage”.

    But the political sands in DR Congo are ever shifting – Makenga eventually defected from the army to join the rising M23 rebellion.

    The M23 had become increasingly active in DR Congo’s east, stating that they were fighting to protect Tutsi rights, and that the government had failed to honour a peace deal signed in 2009.

    Makenga was elevated to the rank of an M23 general, then soon after, the top position.

    In November 2012 he led the rebels in a brutal uprising, in which they captured the city of Goma, a major eastern city with a population of more than a million.

    DR Congo and the UN accused Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government of backing the M23 – an allegation which Kigali has persistently denied. But recently, the official response has shifted, with government spokespeople stating that fighting near its border is a security threat.

    By 2012, Makenga and others in the M23 were facing serious war crimes allegations. The US imposed sanctions on him, saying he was responsible for “the recruitment of child soldiers, and campaigns of violence against civilians”. Makenga said allegations that the M23 used child soldiers were “baseless”.

    Elsewhere, the UN said he had committed, and was responsible for, acts such as killing and maiming, sexual violence and abduction.

    Makenga has been involved in several rebellions against the DR Congo government. AFP

    Along with asset freezes, Makenga was facing a bitter split within the M23. One side backed him as leader while the other backed his rival, Gen Bosco Ntaganda.

    The Enough Project, external, a non-profit group working in DR Congo, said the two factions descended into a “full-fledged war” in 2013 and as a result, three soldiers and eight civilians died.

    Makenga’s side triumphed and Gen Ntaganda fled to Rwanda, where he surrendered to the US embassy.

    Nicknamed the “Terminator” for his ruthlessness, Gen Ntaganda was eventually sentenced by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to 30 years for war crimes.

    However, months after Makenga’s triumph, another, larger threat appeared. The UN had deployed a 3,000-strong force with a mandate to support the Congolese military in reclaiming Goma, prompting the M23 to withdraw.

    The rebel group was expelled from the country and Makenga fled to Uganda, a country which has also been accused of supporting the M23 – an allegation it denies.

    Uganda received an extradition request for Makenga from DR Congo, but did not act on it.

    Eight years passed. Dozens of other armed groups roamed the mineral-rich east, wreaking havoc, but the Congolese authorities were free of the most notorious militants.

    That is, until 2021.

    Makenga and his rebels took up arms again, capturing territory in North Kivu province.

    Several ceasefires between the M23 and the Congolese authorities have failed, and last year a judge sentencing Makenga to death in absentia.

    During the M23’s latest advance, in which the rebels are said to be supported by thousands of Rwandan troops, Makenga has barely been seen in public.

    He instead leaves the public speeches and statements to his spokesperson, and Corneille Nangaa, who heads an alliance of rebel groups including the M23.

    But Makenga remains a key player, appearing to focus on strategy behind the scenes.

    He has said his relentless fighting has been for his three children, “so that one day they will have a better future in this country”.

    “I shouldn’t be seen as a man who doesn’t want peace. I have a heart, a family, and people I care about,” he said.

    But millions of ordinary people are paying the price of this conflict and if he is captured by the Congolese forces, Makenga faces the death penalty.

    Yet he is undeterred.

    “I am willing to sacrifice everything, ” he said.

    (BBC)

  • Congo Conflict: M23 Declares Ceasefire

    Congo Conflict: M23 Declares Ceasefire

    The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) has declared a ceasefire in eastern DRC, citing the worsening humanitarian crisis caused by ongoing military operations. However, the group has made it clear that it will not withdraw from Goma until its grievances are addressed.

    In an official communiqué dated February 3, 2025, the group announced that the ceasefire would take effect on February 4. The statement strongly condemns the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) for using military aircraft to bomb civilian-populated areas, calling the attacks unacceptable.

    The AFC/M23 reiterated that it has no intention of capturing Bukavu or other territories, emphasizing its commitment to protecting civilians. However, it stated that it will maintain its positions in Goma until the Congolese government addresses its demands. The group also called for the withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops, arguing that their mission is no longer justified.

    The statement, signed by Lawrence Kanyuka, AFC/M23’s Communication Focal-Point, warns the public against fraudulent solicitations and misinformation allegedly spread by the Kinshasa regime.

    Meanwhile, leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are preparing for a joint summit in Dar es Salaam in the second week of February to discuss the escalating conflict. The meeting, confirmed by Kenyan President William Ruto, will bring together regional heads of state, including DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, and Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

    The summit follows a recent SADC meeting, where leaders agreed on the need for a coordinated approach to address the crisis. The involvement of both regional blocs signals a growing commitment to finding a diplomatic solution, as tensions continue to rise in eastern DRC.

    Despite these efforts, the situation remains highly volatile. The M23’s refusal to withdraw from Goma and continued clashes between FARDC, FDLR militias, foreign mercenaries, and Wazalendo rebels against Tutsi communities underscore the deep-rooted nature of the conflict.

    Congo, however, has vowed to reclaim Goma, a city of around 3 million people. Kinshasa has accused Rwanda of sending troops to Goma to back M23.

    Rwandan President Paul Kagame who has frequently denied claims of supporting the M23 on Monday reportedly told CNN he does not know if his country’s troops are in the east of the Congo, where fighting between the M23 armed group and Congolese soldiers has killed hundreds.

    Observers will be watching closely to see whether the ceasefire holds and if regional leaders can broker a meaningful resolution to the ongoing crisis.

  • Your Phone, A Rare Metal And The War In DR Congo

    Your Phone, A Rare Metal And The War In DR Congo

    There is a good chance that inside your mobile phone is a miniscule amount of a metal that started its journey buried in the earth of eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where a war is currently raging.

    It may even be directly connected to the M23 rebel group that made global headlines this week.

    The tantalum within your device weighs less than half of the average garden pea but is essential for the efficient functioning of a smartphone, and almost all other sophisticated electronic devices.

    The unique properties of this rare, blue-grey, lustrous metal – including being able to hold a high charge compared to its size, while operating in a range of temperatures – make it an ideal material for tiny capacitors, which temporarily store energy.

    It is also mined in Rwanda, Brazil and Nigeria but at least 40% – and maybe more – of the element’s global supply comes from DR Congo and some of the key mining areas are now under the control of the M23.

    The current wave of fighting has been going on for months, but the rebels grabbed attention with Sunday’s assault on the vital trading and transport hub of Goma. The city, bordering Rwanda, is a regional centre for the mining business

    Over the past year, the M23 has made rapid advances across the mineral-rich east of DR Congo, taking areas where coltan – the ore from which tantalum is extracted – is mined.

    Like scores of other armed groups operating in the area, the M23 began as an outfit defending the rights of an ethnic group perceived to be under threat. But as its territory has expanded, mining has become a crucial source of income, paying for fighters and weapons.

    Last April, it seized Rubaya, the town at the heart of the country’s coltan industry.

    Mineral extraction in this region is not in the hands of multinational conglomerates – instead thousands of individuals toil in open pits that honeycomb the landscape, or underground, in extremely unsafe and unhealthy conditions.

    This aerial shot from Rubaya taken in 2014 shows how the coltan operation worked at one mine

    They are part of a complex, and yet informal, network that sees the rocks removed from the ground using shovels, brought to the surface, crushed, washed, taxed, sold and then exported to be further purified and eventually smelted.

    Once the M23 moved into Rubaya, the rebels established what a UN group of experts described as a “state-like administration”, issuing permits to the diggers and traders and demanding an annual fee of $25 (£20) and $250 respectively. The M23 doubled the diggers’ wages to ensure they would carry on working.

    It runs the area as a monopoly making sure – through the threat of arrest and detention – that only its authorised traders are able to do business.

    The M23 also charges a levy of $7 on each kilogramme of coltan. The UN group of experts estimated that as a result the M23 earns about $800,000 a month from coltan taxation in Rubaya. That money is almost certainly then used to fund the rebellion.

    There is a question mark hanging over how the ore extracted from M23-controlled areas gets into the global supply chain.

    Neighbouring Rwanda, which is seen as backing the M23, is at the centre of the answer, the UN experts say.

    Theoretically, a certification scheme – known as the Innovative Tin Supply Chain Initiative (Itsci) – should mean that what goes into a phone handset and other electronics does not come from areas of conflict where it could be used to fund armed groups responsible for carrying out atrocities.

    The M23 is suspected of using the money raised in controlling the coltan mines to pay for its fighters and weapons

    The US’ Dodd-Frank Act passed in 2010, and a similar piece of EU legislation, is aimed at ensuring that companies purchasing tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold – so-called “conflict minerals” – are not inadvertently funding violence.

    But Itsci has come under some criticism.

    Ken Matthysen, a security and resource management expert with independent research group Ipis, highlights that the dispersed nature of a lot of small-scale mines make it difficult for the local authorities to monitor exactly what is going on everywhere.

    Itsci tags should be put on bags at the mine itself, to prove the origin of the minerals inside, but often they get transported to a collection point where it becomes harder to trace where the ore actually came from, Mr Matthysen said.

    He added that there is also a possible issue with corruption.

    “There is even an accusation of the state agents selling tags to traders, because they don’t make a good living. So the traders then go around eastern DR Congo and they tag the bags themselves.”

    Itsci did not respond to a BBC request for comment, but has in the past defended its record saying that the scheme has been subjected to a rigorous independent audit. It has also been praised for bringing “prosperity for hundreds of thousands of small-scale miners”.

    In the case of Rubaya, Itsci suspended its operations there soon after the M23 entered the town.

    Nevertheless, the group has managed to continue exporting coltan.

    The UN experts map a circuitous route showing how it is transported to close to the Rwandan border. It is then transferred to “heavy-duty trucks” that needed the road to be widened in order to accommodate them.

    Rwanda has its own coltan mines but the experts say that the uncertified coltan is mixed with Rwandan production leading to a “significant contamination of supply chains”.

    The M23 was already involved in the coltan business before the capture of Rubaya – setting up roadblocks and charging fees to cross them, according to Mr Matthysen.

    “A lot of the trade of these minerals went through M23-controlled area towards Rwanda. So even then, Rwanda was profiting from the instability in eastern DR Congo and we saw the export volumes to Rwanda were already increasing,” he told the BBC.

    The M23 increased the pay for the diggers in Rubaya but made sure they had a monopoly in the coltan trade

    Figures from the US Geological Survey show that Rwanda’s coltan exports rose by 50% between 2022 and 2023. Mr Matthysen said this could not have all come from Rwanda.

    In a robust defence of Rwanda’s position, government spokesperson Yolande Makolo reiterated to the BBC that there were minerals and refining capacity in her own country.

    “It’s very cynical to take an issue like what’s happening in eastern DRC, where a persecuted community is fighting for its rights… and turning [it] into an issue of material benefit,” she added.

    Rwandan President Paul Kagame has also dismissed the UN experts’ reports, pouring scorn on their “expertise”.

    Much of the east of DR Congo has been blighted by conflict for many years, raising questions about who has been benefitting and whether armed groups are profiting from what is dug out of the ground there.

    In order to highlight the issue and its connection to the smartphone industry, the Congolese government filed criminal complaints in France and Belgium at the end of last year against subsidiaries of the tech giant Apple, accusing it of using “conflict minerals”.

    Apple has disputed the allegation and pointed out that since early 2024, because of the escalating conflict and the difficulties of certification, it stopped sourcing tantalum, among other metals, from both DR Congo and Rwanda.

    Other companies have not been so clear, which means that as the M23 seizes more territory those small bits of tantalum from the mines that they control could still make their way into the devices that we have come to rely on.

    (BBC)

  • DRC Conflict: Why Are M23 Rebels Fighting?

    DRC Conflict: Why Are M23 Rebels Fighting?

    Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels are moving south towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province, in what appears to be an attempt to expand their area of control in the country’s east after capturing the city of Goma.

    The latest advances are part of a major escalation of a decades-old conflict over power, identity and resources that has killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced more than 1 million since its recent resurgence.

    What is happening in Goma?

    After entering Goma on Monday night, the rebels faced pockets of resistance, particularly around strategic areas including the airport. They took control of the airport by Tuesday evening, and hundreds of government troops and allied militia laid down their weapons.

    By Wednesday morning, the rebels were in control of the devastated city, where some corpses could still be seen in the streets. Corneille Nangaa, leader of the Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes Democratic Republic of Congo’s M23 rebels, told Reuters on Tuesday that they plan to govern Goma.

    M23 forces were later advancing south from the town of Minova, along the western side of Lake Kivu, towards Bukavu, five diplomatic and security sources said.

    Who are M23?

    M23, which refers to the March 23, 2009, accord that ended a previous Tutsi-led revolt in eastern Congo, is the latest group of ethnic Tutsi-led insurgents to take up arms against Congolese forces. It launched the current rebellion in 2022.

    The group has accused the government of Congo of not living up to the peace deal and fully integrating Congolese Tutsis into the army and administration.

    It also vows to defend Tutsi interests, particularly against ethnic Hutu militias such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), founded by Hutus who fled Rwanda after participating in the 1994 genocide of close to 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus.

    Since the start of 2025, the rebels have seized new territory and reached Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, prompting hundreds of thousands more people to flee their homes.

    For more than a year, M23 has controlled Congo’s coltan-mining region of Rubaya, generating an estimated $800,000 per month through a production tax, according to the U.N. Coltan is used in the production of smartphones and other equipment.

    The group’s spread into new territories in recent weeks gives it scope to acquire more mining revenue, analysts say.

    Why is Rwanda involved?

    The government of Congo, U.N. officials and Western powers including the United States have accused Congo’s neighbour Rwanda of fuelling the conflict by deploying thousands of its own troops and heavy weapons on Congolese soil in support of M23.

    The accusations are based on a 2022 report by a U.N. Group of Experts that said it had “solid evidence” that Rwandan troops had been fighting alongside the M23 rebels.

    Rwanda, which denies backing the rebels, says it has taken what it calls defensive measures and accuses Congo of fighting alongside the FDLR, which has attacked Tutsis in both countries.

    Rwanda has a long history of military intervention inside Congo. It and Uganda invaded in 1996 and 1998, claiming they were defending themselves against local militia groups and going after the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

    What are UN peacekeepers and other forces doing?

    U.N. peacekeepers had been supporting the Congolese army’s efforts to curb the M23 as part of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (MONUSCO) years-old mandate to counter the many rebel groups active in eastern Congo.

    An agreed withdrawal of the mission from Congo has been paused because of the deteriorating security situation. As of December, there were nearly 11,000 peacekeepers on the ground, mostly in the east.

    Since the fall of Goma, the mission has evacuated some of its staff and families. Its base has received a large number of people seeking refuge, including government and army officials and various elements including the pro-government Wazalendo militia fighters who have surrendered their arms.

    Private military contractors who were hired by the Congolese government to help in the fight against M23 and to train troops have also surrendered.

    Rwanda’s defence force said 280 of them had surrendered to M23. Reuters reporters saw dozens of Romanian mercenaries who had been hired by Congo crossing into Rwanda — the start of their journey home, one said

    The 16-member Southern African Development Community (SADC), which extended its military mission in Congo late last year to help the Congolese army fight the rebels, remains in place.

    Both forces have suffered losses since the start of 2025.

    (Reuters)