Tag: Bamburi Cement

  • Exposed: How Debt-Ridden Tanzanian Tycoon Plans to Loot EAPC’s Sh21 Billion Land to Save Crumbling Bamburi Empire

    Exposed: How Debt-Ridden Tanzanian Tycoon Plans to Loot EAPC’s Sh21 Billion Land to Save Crumbling Bamburi Empire

    What began as a straightforward corporate acquisition has morphed into one of Kenya’s most contentious industrial deals, with Tanzanian businessman Edhah Abdallah Munif’s bid to acquire East African Portland Cement now facing accusations of being a calculated asset-stripping scheme disguised as investment.

    Fresh revelations emerging from parliamentary hearings and leaked briefings paint a troubling picture: a debt-laden investor attempting to acquire a newly profitable cement maker not to grow it, but to cannibalize its assets to rescue his failing Bamburi Cement operation.

    The deal’s optics have deteriorated sharply. Munif’s offer of Sh27.30 per share for a 29.2 percent stake in EAPC valuing the transaction at Sh718.7 million stands at less than half the company’s market price of Sh61.75.

    More strikingly, it represents a fraction of EAPC’s book value of Sh20.4 billion, with the company sitting on assets worth Sh35.19 billion, including 4,626 acres of prime freehold land.

    Parliament’s Trade, Industry and Cooperatives Committee has raised alarm bells over what MPs describe as a “substantially below market” transaction that undermines fairness and potentially threatens public interest.

    Committee vice-chairperson Maryanne Kitany questioned whether the acquisition would grant Munif’s vehicle, Kalahari Cement Limited, effective dominance over EAPC’s board decisions despite not having outright control.

    The concerns extend beyond mere pricing. Combined with his full ownership of Bamburi Cement, acquired last December for Sh23.6 billion, Munif would control 41.75 percent of EAPC, making him the single largest shareholder in a company where government entities the Treasury and National Social Security Fund hold 25 percent and 27 percent respectively.

    This concentration would give Munif board-level influence across two firms commanding 31 percent of Kenya’s 14.5 million tonne annual cement production capacity.

    EAPC Board Chairman Richard Mbithi warned MPs that the transaction would fundamentally alter the company’s governance dynamics, shifting power from multiple significant shareholders to a single controlling interest.

    The real danger, industry insiders suggest, lies in potential cross-pollination of strategic information between competing cement makers, including pricing strategies, market intelligence and operational secrets that could distort competition.

    But the plot thickens when examining Munif’s financial position.

    Sources familiar with Bamburi’s operations reveal the company is servicing crushing debt obligations of approximately Sh300 million monthly, stemming from the leveraged buyout financed largely through a Sh23 billion loan from KCB, with Munif reportedly contributing only Sh3 billion in equity.

    To meet these obligations, Bamburi has allegedly begun liquidating valuable assets, including staff quarters and portions of its land holdings in Mombasa, with even the iconic Haller Park reportedly on the auction block.

    This desperate financial situation has fueled suspicions that Munif’s interest in EAPC centers not on its cement production capabilities, but on its extensive land bank valued at over Sh21 billion.

    Critics argue the acquisition represents an opportunistic play to secure liquidatable assets that could be stripped to plug Bamburi’s financing gaps, potentially leaving EAPC operationally gutted and shareholders nursing massive losses.

    The timing appears calculated.

    EAPC has undergone a remarkable turnaround, with its share price surging 716 percent from Sh7.20 to current levels within twelve months, making it the Nairobi Securities Exchange’s top performer.

    The company has restored profitability after twelve years of losses, operates at 85 percent capacity, and pays salaries promptly.

    Yet Munif’s offer would value this success story at barely one-ninth of its net assets.

    Adding to the controversy, the Attorney General’s office has confirmed it provided no approvals, opinions or certifications for the proposed sale, and expressed concern that critical steps around public participation, constitutional compliance and protection against asset exploitation were not undertaken.

    Attorney General Ms. Dorcas Odour
    Attorney General Ms. Dorcas Odour

    The AG’s representatives told Parliament they had not reviewed transaction documents, making it impossible to guarantee protection of strategic national interests.

    More disturbing are allegations of improper influence.

    Sources indicate officials in the AG’s office face pressure from State House and individuals close to President William Ruto to retroactively approve the transaction.

    A coordinated public relations campaign, allegedly orchestrated by the same firm previously hired for the controversial Adani JKIA deal and working with State House’s digital team, has reportedly been mounted to discredit EAPC’s current leadership and silence opposition to the sale.

    The Competition Authority of Kenya has adopted a hands-off stance, with Director-General David Kemei telling Parliament the transaction doesn’t constitute a merger requiring review since the 41.7 percent stake wouldn’t grant direct control or veto rights.

    This interpretation, however, ignores the practical reality of board influence and the risks of information sharing between competing entities under common beneficial ownership.

    Capital Markets Authority CEO Wycliffe Shamiah acknowledged the pricing concerns but claimed powerlessness to intervene, arguing the consideration reflects a negotiated agreement between willing parties.

    He attributed EAPC’s volatile share price to speculative trading following Holcim’s announced exit from African markets.

    Industry executives aren’t buying these explanations. “This is not a growth acquisition. It’s a distress-driven play to strip EAPC of its assets to rescue Bamburi,” said one senior figure familiar with the matter.

    The absence of any announced capital investment plan or operational enhancement strategy for EAPC reinforces this view.

    EAPC’s board has proposed an alternative: conduct a share buyback of Holcim’s stake, then reissue the shares through a structured process that would deepen Kenya’s capital markets and give local investors, including ordinary Kenyans, an opportunity to participate.

    The company confirmed it has sufficient cash reserves to execute this strategy without external financing.

    The proposal aligns with the Companies Act 2015 and EAPC’s Articles of Association requirements that Munif’s transaction allegedly violates.

    It would also prevent the concentration risk that linking two heavily indebted cement makers under one beneficial owner would create.

    For Kenya, the stakes extend beyond one company.

    Allowing EAPC, a strategic national asset with decades of industrial heritage, to be acquired at fire-sale prices by a financially distressed investor raises fundamental questions about regulatory oversight, elite capture, and whether existing safeguards adequately protect critical industries from speculative raiders.

    The broader concern is whether this represents a pattern.

    How Munif secured Sh23 billion in financing with apparently limited collateral remains unexplained.

    If the EAPC transaction proceeds despite glaring compliance gaps, regulatory red flags, and absence of due process, it would signal that Kenya’s industrial crown jewels are available to well-connected buyers willing to pay pennies on the dollar, regardless of their financial stability or genuine investment intent.

    Parliament now faces a critical decision. Allowing this transaction to proceed could trigger mass layoffs, market instability, and the effective conversion of EAPC into a branch office servicing Bamburi’s debt rather than an independent competitor.

    Blocking it would send an important message that strategic assets cannot be seized through undervalued deals lacking proper legal foundation and transparent process.

    The Attorney General, Capital Markets Authority, Competition Authority and EAPC’s board must now answer whether protecting one investor’s interests outweighs safeguarding thousands of jobs, shareholder value, market competition, and the principle that national assets deserve transparent, lawful and commercially sound transactions.

    As one shareholder put it bluntly: “EAPC is a strategic national asset. Allowing it to be used as collateral to fix a failing investment elsewhere is not just bad business, it’s bad policy.”

    Whether regulators and political leadership agree will determine not just EAPC’s fate, but Kenya’s credibility in protecting its industrial base from opportunistic acquisition.

  • Tanzanian Tycoon Exposed in Insider Dealing Scandal Over Portland Cement Acquisition

    Tanzanian Tycoon Exposed in Insider Dealing Scandal Over Portland Cement Acquisition

    Edhah Abdallah Munif’s strategic moves raise serious questions about market manipulation and anti-competitive practices in Kenya’s cement industry

    Tanzanian business magnate Edhah Abdallah Munif finds himself at the center of a brewing scandal as competition authorities scrutinize his calculated acquisition strategy that has positioned him to control nearly one-third of Kenya’s cement market through potentially illegal information sharing arrangements.

    The controversy centers on Munif’s audacious bid to acquire an additional 29.2% stake in East Africa Portland Cement Company (EAPC) for Sh718.7 million, a deal that comes suspiciously close on the heels of his December 2024 acquisition of Bamburi Cement for Sh23.6 billion.

    The Web of Control

    What makes this acquisition particularly troubling is the intricate web of cross-ownership it creates. Through his investment vehicle Kalahari Cement, Munif is purchasing 26.32 million EAPC shares from Swiss multinational Holcim at Sh27.30 each – a staggering 74.5% discount to the market price of Sh47.65 per share.

    This discount alone raises red flags about potential insider dealings. Why would Holcim sell at such a significant loss unless there were underlying arrangements that benefited both parties at the expense of market transparency?

    The deal will make Munif the single-largest shareholder in EAPC with a 41.75% stake, while his Amsons Group already owns Bamburi Cement outright, which itself holds 12.5% of EAPC. This cross-ownership structure creates an alarming concentration of market power.

    Market Manipulation Concerns

    Industry analysts are questioning whether Munif’s strategy constitutes a systematic attempt to manipulate Kenya’s cement market. His companies will control the equivalent of 31% of the country’s cement production capacity of 14.5 million tonnes per annum, giving him unprecedented influence over pricing and supply chains.

    The Competition Authority of Kenya (CAK) has confirmed it will investigate the deal for potential violations of Section 21 of the Competition Act, which prohibits restrictive trade practices including price fixing, collusive tendering, and market division.

    “Cross-directorship may facilitate outlawed conduct such as the exchange of commercially sensitive information or market coordination,” warned CAK Director-General David Kemei, signaling the authority’s serious concerns about the arrangement.

    The Discount Scandal

    Perhaps most damning is the massive discount at which Munif is acquiring his EAPC stake. At yesterday’s closing price, EAPC shares traded at Sh47.65, yet Holcim is selling to Kalahari Cement at just Sh27.30 – a discount that suggests either gross undervaluation or preferential treatment.

    Even more shocking, both the market capitalization of Sh4.29 billion and Kalahari’s purchase valuation of Sh2.46 billion fall far below EAPC’s book value of Sh20.4 billion, raising serious questions about asset stripping or manipulation of company valuations.

    Regional Empire Building

    Munif’s cement empire extends beyond Kenya’s borders, creating potential for regional market manipulation. Through Pan African Cement, he controls Tanzania’s Mbeya Cement Company, while his diversified portfolio includes the Camel Oil fuel brand operating across Tanzania, Kenya, and Mozambique, plus freight operations through East Africa Warehousing and Kalahari Trans Zambia.

    This regional network provides multiple channels for potentially coordinating market activities across East Africa’s cement and related industries.

    The CAK has warned it may impose “structural or behavioural remedies” including limitations on directorships and restrictions on information sharing between Munif’s companies. However, critics argue that such measures may be insufficient to prevent the kind of market coordination that this ownership structure enables.

    The authority’s admission that it learned of the deal through media reports rather than formal notification also raises questions about regulatory oversight and whether Munif’s team deliberately avoided proper disclosure procedures.

    The cement industry has already shown signs of stress, with production declining from 9.62 million tonnes in 2023 to 8.85 million tonnes in 2024. Munif’s consolidation strategy comes at a time when the market can ill afford further concentration that could limit competition and inflate prices for consumers.

    His control over both Bamburi (22% market capacity) and significant influence in EAPC (8.96% capacity) positions him to potentially coordinate pricing and production decisions that could harm consumers and smaller competitors alike.

    The Billionaires’ Battle

    Industry observers describe the situation as setting up a “billionaires’ fight” for control of Kenya’s cement market, with Munif facing off against established players like the Rai family (Rai Cement) and Narendra Raval (National Cement, Athi River Mining, and Cemtech).

    However, Munif’s cross-ownership strategy gives him advantages that his competitors lack, potentially allowing him to access and coordinate sensitive business information across multiple major players.

    As the CAK prepares its formal investigation, the business community will be watching closely to see whether Kenya’s competition laws have sufficient teeth to prevent what appears to be a systematic attempt to consolidate market power through questionable acquisition practices.

    The scandal has broader implications for Kenya’s business environment and foreign investment climate. If wealthy foreign investors can circumvent competition laws through complex ownership structures and preferential deal-making, it undermines the principles of fair market competition that Kenya has worked to establish.

    The outcome of this case could set important precedents for how Kenya handles cross-ownership issues and whether its regulatory framework can effectively protect consumers and smaller businesses from anti-competitive practices by well-resourced international investors.

  • Savannah Clinker Boss Ndeta Arrested Over Ksh 700M Fraud In The Company

    Savannah Clinker Boss Ndeta Arrested Over Ksh 700M Fraud In The Company

    Benson Sande Ndeta, the proprietor of Savannah Clinker, has been arrested over allegations of a Sh700 million fraud at the company.

    Ndeta faces multiple charges, including forgery, conspiracy to defraud, obtaining credit by false pretenses, and uttering false documents.

    The charges were approved by the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) following investigations by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI). Senior Prosecutor Jacinta Nyamosi directed that a warrant of arrest be issued for Ndeta and his alleged accomplice, Charles Hill Jr., an American national.

    Extradition requests and further mutual legal assistance have been initiated to secure Hill’s surrender to Kenya and obtain additional evidence.

    High-profile Support
    Ndeta’s arrest has sparked political intervention, with senior Azimio leaders, including Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka and Eugene Wamalwa, visiting Muthaiga Police Station to seek his release on bond.

    Background of the Allegations
    The case stems from the alleged fraudulent acquisition of 4,500 shares in Savannah Cement, which led to a contentious shift in shareholding. Investigators claim that in 2017, Ndeta and Hill executed forged corporate guarantee documents to secure a USD 35 million loan from Barclays Bank for Savannah Cement’s expansion. Hill falsely represented himself as a director of Savannah Heights, a major shareholder in Savannah Cement, to facilitate the scheme.

    The probe also revealed that Hill failed to honor a Ksh 700 million share purchase agreement with Savannah Heights shareholder Donald Kiboro, further complicating the ownership disputes.

    Savannah Cement’s Struggles
    Savannah Cement, once a thriving player in Kenya’s cement industry, has faced financial turmoil due to mounting debts and shareholder disputes. The company owes creditors Ksh 18 billion, including Ksh 14 billion to local banks. It was placed under administration in 2023, and its assets are currently being auctioned to settle liabilities.

    Bamburi Buyout Saga
    Despite the challenges, Ndeta remains a key contender in the Sh25.42 billion bid to acquire Bamburi Cement, outbidding rival Amsons by Ksh 1.81 billion. Savannah Clinker’s offer of Sh70 per share represents a premium over Amsons’ Ksh 65 bid, with a proposed completion date of February 2025.

    Both offers require regulatory approval, with Savannah Clinker only needing clearance from the Competition Authority of Kenya (CAK), while Amsons’ bid must also secure COMESA’s endorsement.

    Cement Industry Veteran
    Ndeta, a veteran in Kenya’s cement industry, chaired East African Portland Cement in 2003 and co-founded Savannah Cement in 2012. However, shareholder disputes have marred the company’s success. Initial ownership was split between Kenyan firm Savannah Heights (40%) and Chinese investors (60%), but the Chinese stake was controversially sold to Ndeta’s Seruji Limited, sparking years of legal battles.

    As the dust settles on his arrest, the implications of Ndeta’s legal troubles on his bid for Bamburi Cement remain uncertain.

  • Competition Authority Warns State House Against Adopting Narendra Raval’s Proposal Of Hiking Levy On Clinker

    Competition Authority Warns State House Against Adopting Narendra Raval’s Proposal Of Hiking Levy On Clinker

    ‘Guru’ Narendra Raval made his name from being a business genius and in the steel industry through his company Devki Group. Through his company, Devki Group has been expanding his empire into cement business. In 2015, Mr Raval turned down Mr Aliko Dangote’s offer to acquire part of the Devki empire as a means of accessing the East African market.

    He has since been expanding rapidly and he beat rivals Rai family to the court battle to take over Athi River Mining (ARM) where Guru emerged the winner and gave him teeth into cement and fertilizer business.

    ARM deal made Guru’s National Cement Company (NCC) the second biggest cement maker in Kenya. National Cement has merged with Cemtech in West Pokot which controls huge limestone, clay deposits.

    In the five years to 2020, cement makers spent an annual average of Sh8.3 billion to import 4,439.7 tonnes of clinker from countries such as Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Pakistan.

    This gave a lucrative space for local production of clinker which saw Devki invest heavily in putting up plants across the country with the hopes of gaining a monopoly and being the sole supplier to other cement makers.

    There was a push by some cement manufacturers for Kenya to raise import duty on clinker to 25 per cent from the current 10 per cent, but the clamour has faltered, Devki spearheaded this push in the hopes that it would discourage imports and make manufacturers stream to him for the vital ingredient.

    Competitors have often accused Raval of using his proximity to Statehouse as he’s close to the President to push for unfavorable and selfish deals like raising raising imports duties from 10% to 25% a lobby campaign that he has pushed for long and vigorously in the past few weeks and days.

    The clinker wars that favors Devki have attracted criesfrom close competitors like Savannah Cement who accused Raval of using his proximity to Statehouse to lobby for unfavorable terms to his competitors in bid to lock them out and cement his market dominance which they termed as unhealthy.

    Raval has been accused oftentimes by a section of cement manufacturers claiming the firm was playing politics in a bid to get the government to increase import duty on clinker this became apparent when National Cement threatened to lay off workers at its clinker production plant in an arm twisting and blackmail tactic to push state into adopting his bid.

    Devki Chairman Narendra Raval said the company would send home at least 860 employees working at its Emali-based clinker production plant as demand had failed to pick, with local cement firms preferring to import clinker.

    This would come after 300 employees were laid off after the firm shut its clinker facility in Mombasa.

    However, major competitors Bamburi, Rai, Savannah and Ndovu Cement faulted the firm, saying the clinker issue was being addressed through a “collaborative initiative” that National Cement is part of.

    They said the firm was being “disingenuous” on an industry-wide issue that key stakeholders have engaged on.

    “I do not see why National Cement is playing politics with such a sensitive long-term industry issue that has taken  over a year and which involved the entire cement industry and key stakeholders, including National Cement,” said Savannah Cement Chairman Benson Ndeta in a joint statement on Monday.

    He added that Devki was attempting to strong-arm the government into imposing higher taxes on imports, a move that would “serve one player’s personal interests and expectations”.

    Local cement firms have been fighting over whether to increase import duty on clinker, with National Cement and Mombasa Cement championing a tax increase while the four others have opposed it.

    This led the industry to set up a committee, together with Kenya Association of Manufacturers and the ministries of Industrialisation, Petroleum and Mining and National Treasury, to look into clinker production and consumption.

    The committee, which gave its report mid-September, recommended that the industry be given a four-year window to increase its clinker production capacity, after which the State can increase duty on imports.

    The Competition Authority of Kenya (CAK) is warning the government against implementing a proposal by billionaire industrialist Narendra Raval to raise the import duty on clinker, a raw material used in cement production, from 10 percent to 25 percent.

    Mr Raval whose Devki Group owns four cement firms has been lobbying the government to raise the taxes, arguing that the country now has enough capacity to meet its clinker needs.

    But the competition watchdog says the proposal is a self-serving move on the part of Devki which has a near-monopoly on the means of manufacturing clinker, adding that it risks shutting down rival plants and raising cement prices

    In an advisory opinion to State House, the Treasury and other government departments, the regulator noted that imported clinker is cheaper and that the window to import or produce it locally should be maintained to ensure healthy competition.

    The State has been considering increasing the import duty, drawing protests from Raval’s rivals — Bamburi Cement, Savannah and Rai. The watchdog says expensive imported clinker will make it easier for Raval to control cement prices through influencing rivals’ production costs, killing them by controlling supply of the critical raw material.

    “Increasing the current import duties will therefore distort the market, entrench National Cement’s position as a cement manufacturer and a clinker supplier and placing it at a position to foreclosing competitors and barring entry into the market,” the CAK wrote in the letter.

    “Further, increasing duty will make it more costly [sic] for firms to import clinker yet sourcing from local manufacturers is even more expensive.The proposal seems not to be attending to an existing market/consumer problem but a private/shareholder investment strategy.

    The billionaire, 59, who made his initial fortune in the steel industry, has spent billions of shillings in recent years to build a cement empire. Devki has annual revenues of more than $800 million (Sh88 billion), producing steel products, roofing sheets and cement among other items.

    The conglomerate now owns National Cement, Simba Cement, ARM Cement and Cemtech, fuelling the expansion through its own resources and loans from banks and the International Finance Corporation (IFC).

    The CAK’s analysis shows that the Devki entities control a combined 84 percent of limestone mining allocation, giving them excess power in the extraction of the mineral which is a key component in producing clinker. Limestone is mixed with clay soil and iron ore to make clinker which is then ground with gypsum to make cement.

    Mr Raval, one of the richest and well-connected businessmen in the country, has argued that raising taxes on foreign clinker or banning imports altogether is now possible because of the ability to produce the commodity locally.

    He says the move will help create jobs for Kenyans and improve the country’s balance of payments. Mr Raval recently announced that his company, National Cement, will cut more than 800 jobs because of weak demand for clinker as a result of the government’s failure to curb imports of the commodity.

    Rivals protested, accusing him of using his position as one of the country’s biggest employers to arm-twist the government into restricting clinker imports

    It marked a rare fallout among members of the Kenya Association of Manufacturers (KAM) who traditionally take a position to lobby policymakers. The chief executives of Savannah Cement, Bamburi Cement, Rai Cement and Karsan Ramji & Sons Limited issued a statement to condemn what they termed a disingenuous “public outcry” by National Cement.

    They said the company had gone against the all-inclusive National Independent Clinker Verification Committee whose key recommendation is that players should be given a grace period of four years before any increase of import duty

    Mr Raval’s moves are reminiscent of Nigeria’s protectionist policies starting in 1999 that turbocharged the business empire of Aliko Dangote who went on to become the richest man in Africa with a fortune estimated at $12.8 billion (Sh1.4 trillion).

    In an interview with the Financial Times, Mr Dangote said Nigeria’s former president Olusegun Obasanjo summoned him and asked why the country could not produce cement.

    The businessman told Mr Obasanjo that it was more profitable to trade than to produce, adding that restricting imports would incentivise manufacturing. The President agreed and the protectionist policies started, helping the businessman to build the largest commodities empire on the continent ranging from cement, petrochemicals and sugar

    Mr Dangote said he helped fund Mr Obasanjo’s electoral campaigns, demonstrating how top entrepreneurs are uniquely positioned to shape policy to their benefit. The CAK says Devki’s proposal risks reversing the steady decline in cement prices over the years, an outcome of brutal price wars fuelled by expansion of entrenched and new players despite a growing glut in the local and regional markets.

    The regulator says real prices declined by more than 20 percent in Kenya between 2014 and 2018, making the cement sector one of the few industries to cut prices despite rising input costs.

    The regulator said that the current landed cost for a tonne of clinker from the international markets ranges from $100 (Sh11,000) to $110 (Sh12,200), which is cheaper than locally purchased clinker

    The CAK argued that it approved Devki’s expansion in the cement sector through acquisitions due to the fact that its rivals have access to imported clinker. The statement signals that should restriction on clinker imports be imposed, the regulator could push for the breakup of Devki’s cement empire since its control of the commodity will then have a major impact on competition.

    Devki has in the past few years spent more than Sh6 billion to acquire ARM Cement and Cemtech, growing its sales market share and gaining access to more limestone mining rights.

  • Bamburi Cement Risks Losing Mbaraki Wharf Facility Over Row With KPA

    Bamburi Cement Risks Losing Mbaraki Wharf Facility Over Row With KPA

    The makers of Bamburi Cement are hanging on a straw as the firm gets embroiled in a turf war with Kenya Ports Authority(KPA) over their storage facility in Mbaraki Warf.

    According to sources privy to the silent war yet a big issue, the storage facility that Bamburi uses to store its cement for exporting as well as clinker imports, has its lease set for renewal and powerful cartels working in cohorts with compromised KPA board members are working around the clock to frustrate and stop the renewal of the lease.

    The port’s conventional facility at the Mbaraki Wharf handles bulk cargo including cement, fluorspar, soda ash, grain and clinker.

    The Bamburi Cement Company operates its dedicated facility at Mbaraki Wharf for loading bulk cement for export and clinker and has been operational since the 70s.

    Its now emerging that the country’s oldest cement manufacturing company and regional’s second biggest is fighting for its survival following spirited fight by known port cartels dedicated to take over complete operations of the port. With the firm’s storage lease agreement for the Mbaraki warf nearing an end hence need for renewal, there are credible fears amongst industry players that powerful cartels are out to stop the renewal.

    While Bamburi Cement officials are yet to come out publicly to air their frustrations, those in the know are telling Kenya Insights of the silent battle. We’re told the port’s board is infiltrated and section of board compromised and in pockets of Mombasa tycoons who have vast interest in the freight business. We’re told all efforts are being put by the monied cartels to ensure the lease is not renewed to throw away Bamburi from the wharf.

    Should such efforts materialize and Bamburi Cement fail to cut a deal and have their lease on storage facility renewed, it would be a quick death for the cement maker and a kicker to competitors. It would in effect have hundreds left unemployed and the already dented Mombasa economy even more damaged.

    Meanwhile, the firm has kick-started the building of a Sh536 million clinker plant at the Kenyan coast, which it expects to enable it move away from reliance on costly imported clinker.

    Clinker is the key raw material for the manufacture of cement.

    Clinker wars in Kenya has seen one ‘Guru’ Narendra Raval of National Cement branded as ‘conman’ by industry players following his spirited efforts to have the import tax raised from current 10% to 25% in a bid to discourage importation for local market.

    Devki Group that runs National Cement has already established numerous clinker making plants in Kenya and Raval had hoped that his pressure on the state to increase duty on imports with hopes of stopping imports would send local manufacturers trooping to his plants has hit a snag.

    A section of cement manufacturers has reacted sharply to plans by National Cement to lay off workers at its clinker production plant, claiming the firm was playing politics in a bid to get the government to increase import duty on clinker.

    National Cement, a subsidiary of Devki Group, announced on Saturday that it was laying off workers at its factory in Kajiado County, citing poor demand for the essential raw material in cement production.

    Devki Chairman Narendra Raval said the company would send home at least 860 employees working at its Emali-based clinker production plant as demand had failed to pick, with local cement firms preferring to import clinker.

    This would come after 300 employees were laid off after the firm shut its clinker facility in Mombasa.

    Mr Raval has in the past pushed for a hike of import duty on clinker to 25 per cent from the current 10 per cent, saying the country has adequate production capacity.

    However, major competitors Bamburi, Rai, Savannah and Ndovu Cement faulted the firm, saying the clinker issue was being addressed through a “collaborative initiative” that National Cement is part of.

    They said the firm was being “disingenuous” on an industry-wide issue that key stakeholders have engaged on.

    As Bamburi fights for its life with the cartels and KPA, the economy of Mombasa that has been squeezed of life from the ripple effects of SGR that took away many jobs, is staring at yet another crisis of losing more jobs should more firms like Bamburi get frustrated to the point of closing doors. Does the region have leaders to speak up?