Tag: Ashok Doshi

  • Blocked: How Mombasa Tycoon Ashok Doshi Has Stopped Imperial Bank Depositors From Getting Their Money

    Blocked: How Mombasa Tycoon Ashok Doshi Has Stopped Imperial Bank Depositors From Getting Their Money

    There is a version of the Ashok Doshi story that Kenya’s mainstream media has been more than happy to print for a decade: the ageing tycoon, reportedly battling colon cancer, who retreated to London with his wife Amit and found himself unable to access a billion shillings locked inside a bank destroyed by other men’s greed. It is a story of victimhood, elegantly packaged. It is also, the Court of Appeal now makes clear, a story that has been weaponised against the very people it claimed to stand alongside.

    On Monday, a three-judge bench of the appellate court set aside a High Court undertaking that had directed Imperial Bank Limited (IBL) to pay the Doshi family approximately Sh1 billion should they prevail in their suit against the Central Bank of Kenya and the collapsed lender.

    The ruling does not merely resolve a procedural squabble.

    It tears apart the legal scaffolding that Doshi’s lawyers have carefully erected over ten years of sustained litigation, and it does so by invoking the most basic architecture of banking insolvency law: when a bank is placed under liquidation, the moratorium is absolute, the creditor queue is inviolable, and no side-arrangement, no consent, no undertaking signed during receivership can leapfrog one depositor over another.

    The bench held that from the moment IBL was placed under receivership, a moratorium on all payments and preferential treatment of any depositor outside the framework of the law took immediate effect and remained in force.

    Section 56(3) of the Kenya Deposit Insurance Act is not a suggestion.

    It states, with a clarity that needed no judicial interpretation, that no attachment, garnishment, execution or other method of enforcement of a judgment or order against an institution placed under liquidation may take place or continue.

    The court applied that provision directly to the consent agreement of July 2016 that Doshi’s legal team had treated as their trump card for nearly ten years and found it void against the liquidation framework. The consent, the bench concluded, could not breathe new life of its own.

    “Those principles apply in equal measure to the winding up and liquidation of banking institutions. The learned Judge erred in granting the impugned orders.” — Court of Appeal

    It is worth dwelling on what that consent actually was. In July 2016, three months after Imperial Bank was placed under receivership, IBL signed an undertaking to pay whatever sums were found due to the Doshis at the conclusion of their suit.

    Their lawyers have cited it in court after court, in city after city, for nearly a decade as though it were a promissory note signed in peacetime.

    What the appellate court has now confirmed is that a bank already under statutory management, already subject to a moratorium, had no legal authority to make any such promise. The undertaking was, from the day it was signed, constitutionally void against the insolvency framework.

    A DECADE OF JUDICIAL ATTRITION

    The scale of the litigation that Ashok Doshi and his wife have deployed against the Kenya Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Central Bank of Kenya and Imperial Bank’s liquidation process is difficult to overstate.

    The first case arrived in 2016, the same year the bank was placed under receivership, when Doshi filed before the Mombasa High Court accusing CBK of colluding with or turning a blind eye to IBL’s shareholders in running the bank into the ground.

    In that application he also demanded that KDIC deposit $7.27 million in a joint interest-earning account held in the names of advocates as security for any eventual decree.

    What followed was a procession of applications, appeals, injunctions, forum-shopping across courts in Mombasa and Nairobi, and emergency orders obtained without notice to the other side.

    On December 22, 2021, High Court Justice John Onyiego issued ex-parte orders suspending CBK’s decision to appoint KDIC as the liquidator of the bank.

    The liquidation process halted. In November 2022, Justice Njoki Mwangi directed that IBL should not be placed under liquidation until CBK and IBL deposited $7.27 million in a joint account as security, or alternatively gave a binding undertaking to pay the Doshis if they won.

    KDIC, which by then was trying to pay 4,300 remaining depositors at least Sh500,000 each, watched its plans evaporate.

    In April 2023, as KDIC prepared to advertise a claims validation process for protected depositors, Doshi appeared before Justice Gregory Mutai in Mombasa and obtained fresh interim orders halting the liquidation again, suspending the gazette notice through which KDIC had been formally appointed.

    That case was dismissed by Justice Kizito Magare in May 2023 as an outright abuse of the court process.

    Within weeks, Doshi had migrated to Nairobi and obtained yet more temporary orders from a different court.

    In July 2023 he secured an injunction nullifying KDIC’s notices on claims lodging and payments that had been issued in April and June of that year.

    A High Court in Nairobi subsequently dismissed that petition as sub-judice, citing abuse of the court process, and directed him back to the proceedings already pending in Mombasa and before the Court of Appeal.

    David Irungu, KDIC’s head of bank resolution, stated in an affidavit submitted during the proceedings that the delay in the conclusion of the liquidation, and the tethering of protected deposit payments to its conclusion, does not act in the best interests of depositors and destroys confidence in the financial sector.

    It is a measured formulation.

    The reality is less diplomatic.

    For the approximately 4,300 depositors who remained unpaid as of the most recent KDIC notices, each court filing by a Mombasa billionaire operating through multiple senior advocates across multiple jurisdictions represented another month, another quarter, another year without access to money that belongs to them under statute.

    THE FRAUD THAT CREATED THE QUEUE

    None of this, of course, would exist without the fraud that destroyed Imperial BankThe lender collapsed in October 2015 after the sudden death of its founding group managing director, Abdulmalek Janmohamed, exposed a parallel banking operation that had been running inside the institution for at least thirteen years.

    FTI Consulting, the American forensic audit firm appointed by KDIC, found that Janmohamed, assisted by then head of credit Naeem Shah and chief finance officer James Kaburu, had constructed an elaborate system of fictitious accounts, manipulated general ledger entries and suppressed postings from the core banking system to create the illusion of a financially healthy institution.

    The audit traced at least Sh34 billion in losses, with Sh3.4 billion found in eight accounts registered to fictitious or proxy identities including Gulshan, Ali Shah, Barkat Khan, M Khan, B Mohamed, Jionesh Shah, and Zulfikar, names that court documents confirm were not genuine customers.

    Proceeds were routed through at least twelve companies, the most prominent of which was E. Tilley (Muthaiga) Limited, a name that had also appeared in the collapse of Charterhouse Bank as a suspected money laundering conduit.

    E. Tilley alone admitted receiving Sh10 billion from the bank.

    The KDIC and CBK subsequently sued Janmohamed’s estate, his mother Gulshan and brothers Mehdi and Salim, his nieces and nephew, along with Shah and Kaburu, for recovery of the looted funds.

    The bank’s directors, including principal shareholder and chairman Alnashir Popat, were separately sued by KDIC for allegedly allowing the use of fictitious accounts to facilitate transactions on their behalf and benefiting from those accounts.

    The suit alleged that Popat’s own accounts were used to move Sh240 million through the scheme.

    The directors countered by accusing CBK officials of obstructing the investigation and pressing for liquidation to cover their own tracks, with Popat telling Parliament’s Finance Committee that CBK officers had manipulated the receivership process to deflect attention from themselves.

    The DPP confirmed at the time that the probe had extended to CBK officials.

    As of this reporting, the primary recovery suit against Janmohamed’s relatives is a decade old and on the verge of collapse, with KDIC having failed repeatedly to bring FTI Consulting’s American investigators to Nairobi to testify, having failed to agree a fee arrangement with the firm whose forensic report forms the foundation of the entire recovery case.

    Imperial Bank depositors cannot be held hostage without their deposits on mere apprehension of the plaintiff. — KDIC affidavit, 2023

    It is in this landscape of institutional failure that Ashok Doshi’s litigation takes on its full character.

    The fraud was not his making.

    The regulatory failure that allowed Janmohamed to operate a parallel bank for thirteen years was not his responsibility. His grievance is real, and Sh1 billion is not a trivial sum even for a man of his reported wealth.

    But the legal structure through which he has pursued that grievance has treated the moratorium framework of the KDIC Act as an inconvenience to be navigated rather than a constraint to be respected, and the depositors at the back of the queue as an abstraction rather than a constituency.

    THE MAN BEHIND THE GRIEVANCE

    Ashok Labhshankar Doshi is the patriarch of the Doshi Group, a Mombasa-based conglomerate founded in 1923 with interests spanning steel manufacturing, building materials, power cables, water infrastructure and telecommunications.

    The group grew organically and through acquisition to become one of the largest manufacturing firms on the Kenyan coast.

    Doshi is, by any measure, a wealthy man.

    His family holds stakes in multiple companies and has extensive property interests across Mombasa and Nairobi. It is this backdrop that renders his litigation posture all the more difficult to accept at face value.

    In April 2023, the same month that Doshi obtained fresh court orders halting KDIC’s liquidation process, he was arrested by detectives from the DCI’s Land Fraud Unit and arraigned before Milimani Chief Magistrate Lucas Onyina on four criminal counts.

    The charges arose from a prime parcel of land along Processional Way in Nairobi, valued at approximately Sh2 billion and claimed by Greenview Lodge Limited and its director Jennifer Nthenya Wambua. Doshi, his company Magnum Properties Limited, and a co-accused named Harit Sheth faced charges of conspiracy to defraud the government of Sh1.2 million in stamp duty through a forged receipt, making a document without authority, forgery, and forcible detainer of land belonging to Greenview Lodge.

    The charge sheet alleged that between May 1992 and September 1992, Doshi and Sheth jointly conspired to forge a stamp duty receipt purporting to be issued and signed by the Commissioner of Lands.

    The DCI’s Land Fraud Unit had in an earlier phase of the investigation recommended that Greenview’s own director be charged, before reversing that recommendation in 2020 and redirecting prosecution toward Doshi.

    The tycoon denied all counts, was released on Sh500,000 cash bail and ordered to deposit his passport.

    By January 2025, his lawyer Noel Okwach was before the same magistrate reporting that the DPP had recalled the file from the DCI for review and indicating a possibility that the charges could be dropped altogether.

    In March 2023, weeks before the Processional Way charges landed, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission moved separately against Doshi in Mombasa.

    The EACC filed a suit at the Environment and Land Court naming Doshi, his wife Pratibha Ashok Doshi, children Anish and Sunir and Sheila Doshi, the Doshi Group of Companies, and sixteen other individuals and companies including former Kiambu Governor William Kabogo, as defendants in an alleged scheme to fraudulently acquire Kenya Revenue Authority land valued at Sh358.5 million in the Kizingo area of Mombasa.

    The EACC alleged that the prime 2.5-acre property, which housed KRA executive staff quarters, was originally reserved for public use and was illegally subdivided and allocated to private hands through collusion with former Commissioners of Lands Wilson Gachanja and Sammy Mwaita.

    According to EACC’s pleadings, the disputed plot MSA/XXVI/1082 was initially allotted to Kabogo before being transferred to Delgreen Limited, Doshi, Pratibha Doshi and the Doshi Group, who were registered as the current owners.

    Other parcels in the same scheme were distributed among a network of individuals and their associated companies.

    The EACC sought court declarations that all title deeds held by the named defendants were invalid, null and void, with ownership reverted to KRA. The commission also sought orders that the former land commissioners pay general damages to the public for fraud, breach of fiduciary duty and abuse of office.

    THE BROADER IMPERIAL BANK WRECKAGE

    The Court of Appeal’s ruling arrives as the wider Imperial Bank recovery operation, now ten years old, continues its dispiriting stall.

    The primary criminal case against former directors, management and officials runs in the courts with the grinding pace that large-scale financial crime litigation has made routine in Kenya.

    The civil recovery suit against the Janmohamed estate and his family, which KDIC filed in 2015 and which KDIC’s liquidation agent Andrew Rutto has consistently cited as the mechanism through which depositors will ultimately be made whole, is on a self-executing dismissal warning from Justice Gikonyo after the corporation failed for the seventh time to bring its American forensic witnesses to testify.

    FTI Consulting, the US firm whose report forms the evidentiary spine of the recovery case, has been unable to reach a fee agreement with KDIC that would cover its witnesses’ travel and accommodation costs to appear in Nairobi.

    In March 2025, Justice Gikonyo issued a last-chance ruling: if KDIC fails to prosecute the case on the next appointed date for reasons attributable to itself, the suit will stand dismissed.

    The judge noted that the case has a public-interest element that deserves a final opportunity, but that ten years of delay has exhausted the court’s patience.

    Were the case to collapse, the Sh44.8 billion in losses that FTI traced to Janmohamed’s parallel banking operation would be unrecovered, and the remaining depositors’ prospects of anything beyond the insured floor would effectively close.

    In November 2025, one of Doshi’s primary cases, the one challenging KDIC’s appointment as liquidator, was withdrawn by consent between Doshi and CBK, with no orders as to costs.

    That quiet withdrawal, reported with minimal fanfare in the mainstream press, was effectively an acknowledgement that the core legal argument about the legality of KDIC’s appointment had run its course.

    The cases that remain are the ones now addressed by the Court of Appeal.

    WHAT THE LAW ACTUALLY SAYS

    The appellate court’s reasoning on Monday is not legally complicated, which is perhaps the most damning aspect of the proceedings below.

    Sections 33 and 57 of the Kenya Deposit Insurance Act define the framework for payment of claims by the liquidation agent with precision.

    Section 57 establishes a priority waterfall for the distribution of a failed institution’s assets.

    Depositors sit within that waterfall, but they sit alongside other creditors, and their position in the queue is determined by the statute, not by any consent, undertaking or court order obtained in side proceedings.

    The provisions do not classify depositors who have filed claims in court, or those holding secured judgments, as entitled to priority over other creditors.

    Section 56(3), cited directly by the bench, is categorical: no attachment, garnishment, execution or other method of enforcement of a judgment or order against an institution placed under liquidation may take place or continue.

    The court held that any undertaking given by IBL after it was placed under liquidation would violate this provision.

    The High Court judge who had allowed the November 2022 application erred, the appellate bench found, in granting orders designed to breathe new life into the terms of a consent agreement entered into when IBL was still in receivership, before the full liquidation framework had crystallised.

    The appellate court further noted that the learned judge erred in granting leave for the Doshi applications and the main suit to be heard while Imperial Bank was still in liquidation.

    The procedural architecture of the KDIC Act does not permit a parallel adjudicatory stream that could produce a binding money judgment against an institution mid-liquidation.

    The queue exists precisely to prevent that outcome. One depositor’s judgment, however large, cannot step ahead of another depositor’s statutory claim simply because the former hired better lawyers and filed more applications.

    The queue is the law. It always was.

    WHAT HAPPENS NEXT

    KDIC has been attempting to resume payments to protected depositors across multiple waves of litigation.

    As of the most recent reports, approximately 4,300 depositors representing the final eight percent of Imperial Bank’s customer base had not received full repayment of their deposits.

    The corporation had set Sh500,000 per depositor as the initial protected threshold and had been attempting to begin a formal claims validation and payment process since at least mid-2023, each attempt blocked by Doshi’s applications before courts in two cities.

    With the Court of Appeal now having set aside the undertaking that formed the centrepiece of the Doshi family’s claim to priority treatment, the legal basis for any further suspension of the liquidation process has substantially narrowed.

    The appellate ruling does not extinguish Doshi’s underlying claim to his deposits.

    He remains a creditor of IBL in liquidation and will be treated as such under section 33, entitled to the same statutory recovery as every other depositor in his class, whatever the liquidation’s realised assets eventually permit.

    The court has simply confirmed that he cannot be treated differently from any other depositor, that no consent signed during receivership could have created a binding priority, and that the moratorium that crystallised upon liquidation extinguished any such arrangement.

    Whether the KDIC’s recovery suits, particularly the primary case against the Janmohamed estate and the Tilley network, survive long enough to generate meaningful restitution for depositors remains the deeper question.

    The appellate court’s ruling on Monday, while significant, addresses the procedural fairness of the queue.

    Whether there is anything in that queue to distribute is a matter the Nairobi courts will determine on a timeline that has already consumed a decade and shows every sign of consuming more.

    The Doshi Group and Ashok Doshi’s lawyers had not responded to requests for comment at the time of publication. CBK and KDIC declined to comment on proceedings that remain before the courts.

  • Temporary Reprieve As Mohamed Jaffer Wins Mombasa Land Compensation Despite Losing LPG Monopoly and Bitter Fallout With Johos

    Temporary Reprieve As Mohamed Jaffer Wins Mombasa Land Compensation Despite Losing LPG Monopoly and Bitter Fallout With Johos

    MOMBASA—In what appears to be a rare victory amid mounting business pressures, controversial Mombasa tycoon Mohamed Jaffer has secured a major legal win after the Environment and Land Court ordered the Kenya National Highways Authority and the National Land Commission to compensate him for land seized during the expansion of the Mombasa-Nairobi highway.

    The court’s November 26 ruling represents a temporary reprieve for the businessman whose once-unassailable dominance in Kenya’s port logistics sector has come under sustained assault from powerful rivals and political heavyweights, setting the stage for what insiders describe as the most vicious business war ever witnessed in the coastal region.

    Justice presiding over the Malindi court directed KeNHA and NLC to pay Jaffer and his business associate, industrialist Ashok Doshi, full compensation for parcels of land in Mariakani, Kilifi County, within 60 days.

    The two businessmen had sued after government authorities demolished their perimeter wall and began construction work without following proper land acquisition procedures.

    The court found that there had been no notice of intent to acquire, no inquiry, no participation by the petitioners, no valuation, no award, and critically, no compensation before the authorities bulldozed onto the private property and tore down the boundary wall in January this year.

    However, this legal victory comes at a time when Jaffer’s business fortunes appear increasingly besieged on multiple fronts.

    The tycoon, who has enjoyed what competitors describe as a three-decade monopoly in the lucrative cooking gas and grain handling sectors at Mombasa port, now finds himself fighting battles in courtrooms, boardrooms and the unforgiving arena of public opinion.

    Just weeks before his land compensation victory, Jaffer suffered a crushing defeat when the High Court cleared Tanzanian billionaire Rostam Aziz to proceed with the construction of a massive Sh16 billion LPG terminal at Dongo Kundu Special Economic Zone in Likoni.

    The 30,000-metric-ton facility, which Aziz claims will be the largest in Africa, will operate right at Jaffer’s doorstep, directly challenging his Africa Gas and Oil Ltd plant in the same area.

    The court ruled that a petition seeking to stop the Taifa Gas project was improperly filed and that environmental concerns should have been addressed through the National Environmental Tribunal rather than the courts.

    For Aziz, who was ranked Tanzania’s first dollar billionaire by Forbes in 2013, the ruling represents a significant breakthrough after years of what he described as bureaucratic stonewalling by Kenyan authorities.

    Industry analysts predict the entry of Taifa Gas will trigger fierce competition that could finally break Jaffer’s iron grip on Kenya’s cooking gas market, potentially leading to lower prices for the 2.87 million Kenyan households that rely on LPG for cooking.

    Mr. Rostam Aziz
    Mr. Rostam Aziz

    Aziz has already begun supplying the Kenyan retail market via road from Tanzania, but the new terminal will give him the capacity to compete directly with established players like Vivo, Rubis and Total.

    The stakes are enormous.

    Jaffer’s AGOL plant, which has a storage capacity of 25,000 tonnes following upgrades to the facility originally built in 2013, has operated with minimal competition, allowing the tycoon to charge fees that industry insiders suggest have remained artificially high due to lack of market pressure.

    His ownership of Proto Energy, the maker of Pro Gas, along with AGOL, has given him what competitors describe as a stranglehold on the sector.

    But the threat from Aziz pales in comparison to the scorched-earth confrontation between Jaffer and the politically connected Joho family, a feud that has spilled from business competition into character assassination and criminal courts.

    At the center of the storm is Abubakar Ali Joho, brother to Cabinet Secretary for Mining and Blue Economy Hassan Joho, whose entry into the port logistics business through Autoport Freight Terminus and Portside Freight Terminal has allegedly triggered what he describes as a sustained smear campaign orchestrated by Jaffer.

    The bad blood between the two business titans exploded into public view when Matilda Maodo Kinzani, an employee of Jaffer’s Bulkstream Ltd, was charged in court with publishing false and defamatory information linking Abu Joho to a Sh40 billion fraud scheme.

    The document, which allegedly circulated on WhatsApp and social media, made grave accusations against the Joho family including involvement in drug trafficking and illegal acquisition of Kenya Railways land.

    During explosive court testimony, Abu Joho directly blamed Jaffer for the attacks. “He has had a monopoly for 30 years. Now that I have entered the port business, that’s where our troubles began. He is the monopoly; I am not,” Abu Joho told the court, his voice heavy with frustration. “This is not business competition. It’s character assassination. It has affected me, my business, and my family.”

    The case took a dramatic turn when it emerged that Philip Mainga, Managing Director of Kenya Railways Corporation, allegedly alerted Abu Joho to the existence of the defamatory document.

    Police Constable Fredrick Muchiri of the Anti-Terror Police Unit testified that Mainga informed Abu Joho about the circulating document, though he admitted he had not examined Mainga’s phone to verify the communication.

    The involvement of seven Anti-Terror Police Unit officers in raiding Kinzani’s home and workplace to seize electronic devices raised eyebrows, with defense lawyers questioning why an anti-terrorism unit was investigating what appeared to be a straightforward cybercrime case.

    Muchiri defended the unit’s involvement, insisting they were not investigating terrorism.

    Forensic analysis traced the defamatory document to Kinzani’s electronic devices, leading to her being charged with four counts under the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act.

    She has denied all accusations and is currently out on Sh300,000 cash bail.

    For Jaffer, who also controls Grain Bulk Handlers with its near-monopoly on discharge and handling of bulk grain cargo at Mombasa port, the convergence of these battles represents the greatest threat to his business empire in decades.

    His dominance has been built not just on infrastructure and capital, but on carefully cultivated political networks that have helped him navigate the treacherous waters of Kenyan business.

    The same could be said of his adversaries.

    Aziz served as an MP and treasurer of Tanzania’s ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi, while the Joho family’s political connections need no introduction, with Hassan Joho serving in President William Ruto’s Cabinet after years as Mombasa Governor.

    The land compensation ruling, while a victory, does little to address the fundamental challenge facing Jaffer.

    His business model, predicated on monopolistic control of critical port infrastructure, is being systematically dismantled by competitors with deep pockets, political backing, and the determination to break his grip on the coastal economy.

    The National Land Commission’s claim that it had conducted a review of grants and dispositions in Kilifi, Mombasa and Kwale counties, arriving at recommendations published in a Gazette Notice that potentially affected Jaffer and Doshi’s land titles, suggests that even this week’s court victory may face further legal challenges.

    As the billionaire’s brawl intensifies, ordinary Kenyans can only watch and hope that the competition ultimately translates into lower costs for essential services like cooking gas and port logistics.

    Whether Jaffer can weather this perfect storm of legal battles, business competition and political vendettas remains to be seen.

    What is certain is that the era of unchallenged dominance in Mombasa’s port economy is over.

    The question now is not whether Jaffer’s monopoly will be broken, but how much of his business empire will remain standing when the dust finally settles.

  • Tycoon Doshi Accuses NIS Boss Noordin Haji, State House of Witch Hunt as Court Saves Joho from Jail

    Tycoon Doshi Accuses NIS Boss Noordin Haji, State House of Witch Hunt as Court Saves Joho from Jail

    Mombasa billionaire launches explosive allegations against intelligence chief while losing major legal battle against Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho

    MOMBASA, Kenya – Embattled Mombasa billionaire Ashok Doshi has launched explosive allegations against National Intelligence Service Director Noordin Haji, accusing him of orchestrating a state-sponsored campaign to destroy his business empire in collaboration with State House operatives.

    The sensational claims emerged as the Court of Appeal delivered a crushing blow to Doshi’s decade-long legal crusade against Mining and Blue Economy Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho, overturning a contempt ruling that would have sent the former Mombasa governor to prison.

    Court delivers blow to Doshi

    In a significant legal victory for Joho, a three-judge Court of Appeal bench comprising Justices Agnes Murgor, Jessie Lesiit and George Odunga on Friday overturned a 2020 ruling that had sentenced the Cabinet Secretary and Mombasa MCA George Ogutu to six months imprisonment for contempt of court.

    The appellate judges ruled that Doshi and his wife Pratibha failed to prove that Joho was properly served with court papers in their land dispute case.

    Adding insult to injury, the court ordered the Doshis to pay all legal costs estimated at Sh15 million.

    The contempt case stemmed from allegations that Joho, while serving as Mombasa governor, had violated a court order by demolishing a perimeter wall on the Doshis’ Changamwe property in 2019, despite the couple’s claims of rightful ownership.

    “Haji is Ruto’s Attack Dog”

    Director General National Intelligence Service Noordin Haji.
    Director General National Intelligence Service Noordin Haji.

    According to sources close to the tycoon, Doshi has accused Haji of weaponizing state institutions against him since their earlier legal confrontations when Haji served as Director of Public Prosecutions.

    “First Haji tried to jail me over the Processional Way land case using fabricated charges. When courts stopped him, Ruto rewarded him with the NIS job to finish me through dirty tricks,” Doshi allegedly claimed.

    The businessman has pointed to what he describes as a pattern of persecution that began during Haji’s tenure as DPP and has intensified since his appointment to head the country’s premier intelligence agency.

    The billion-shilling land dispute

    At the center of Doshi’s legal troubles lies a prime piece of real estate along Nairobi’s Processional Way, valued at over Sh1.2 billion.

    The tycoon and his company Magnum Properties Ltd face four criminal counts including land fraud, forgery and illegal acquisition related to the disputed property.

    Court documents reveal that the land was allegedly fraudulently acquired from Greenview Lodge Ltd through a forged stamp duty receipt worth Sh1.2 million in 1992, before being transferred to Doshi’s company Rainy Days Ltd.

    Doshi maintains his innocence, claiming the land was legally purchased from former Garissa Governor Ali Korane. He has accused the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission of shielding Korane while pursuing him maliciously.

    State House connection alleged

    The billionaire has suggested deeper political motives behind his legal woes, pointing to President William Ruto’s historical connection to the coveted Processional Way property.

    “This is the same land Ruto was forced to surrender during Kibaki’s administration. Now his allies want it back through intimidation,” Doshi reportedly claimed, specifically naming Kapsaret MP Oscar Sudi as demanding bribes for “protection.”

    Fighting for survival

    Despite mounting legal pressure, Doshi appears to be employing a multi-faceted defense strategy.

    This includes securing court injunctions to halt criminal proceedings, attempting to rebuild political bridges with government allies despite supporting opposition leader Raila Odinga in the 2022 elections, and launching a public relations offensive to portray himself as a victim of political persecution.

    The tycoon’s battle with Joho dates back to their clashes when the latter served as Mombasa governor, with Doshi reportedly spending millions attempting to derail Joho’s Cabinet appointment during his 2024 parliamentary vetting.

    Legal battles continue

    While Joho has emerged victorious in the contempt case, Doshi’s co-accused in the land fraud case, Harith Sheth, has successfully secured a court order halting his prosecution. Doshi’s own attempts to block the charges were dismissed by Justice Eric Ogola in 2021.

    The ongoing saga underscores the complex intersection of land disputes, political power and business interests in Kenya, where prime real estate often becomes the battleground for wider conflicts involving the country’s economic and political elite.

    As the various legal proceedings continue, the courts will ultimately determine whether Doshi’s claims of persecution hold water or whether he will face consequences for the alleged fraudulent acquisition of valuable public land.