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  • Inside Bharat Thakrar’s Plot for a Hostile Scangroup Takeover

    Inside Bharat Thakrar’s Plot for a Hostile Scangroup Takeover

    Bharat Thakrar built WPP Scangroup from nothing. In December 1982, working out of modest premises in Nairobi, he launched a small advertising agency called Scanad, funded by determination and a training ground that had taken him through Advertising Associates, where he oversaw the launch of Close-Up toothpaste, Blue Band and Royco Mchuzi Mix. He had no university degree. He had, instead, four decades of stubbornness and an instinct for the business of persuasion that few in sub-Saharan Africa could match.

    What followed was the kind of entrepreneurial arc that Kenyan business mythology is built on. Through a combination of organic growth and shrewd acquisitions, Thakrar turned Scanad into Scangroup, one of the most formidable marketing communications conglomerates in East and Central Africa, offering advertising, media buying, public relations, digital, research and experiential services across the continent. In August 2006, he took the company public on the Nairobi Securities Exchange in an IPO that was six times oversubscribed, a signal, at the time, of extraordinary investor confidence in the man and his machine.

    Then WPP arrived.

    The London-listed advertising giant first took a minority stake in 2006, months after the IPO, before acquiring additional shares in 2013 to claim a controlling interest. The company was rebranded WPP Scangroup in 2015. Thakrar, speaking at the time with the enthusiasm of a man who believed he had secured a permanent partnership, invoked an African proverb: “If you want to go quickly, go alone. If you want to go far, go together.” By 2020, the partnership had propelled revenues to levels Scanad’s founder could never have imagined from those early days. By 2021, Thakrar was gone.

    He is now trying to come back. And the numbers he is carrying into that fight may be the most damning corporate performance indictment ever assembled against a majority shareholder at the Nairobi Securities Exchange.

    “Anywhere else in the world this board would have been kicked out given the cumulative losses over the last five years.” — Bharat Thakrar, May 2026

    The Fall: A Suspension Without a Conviction

    On February 18, 2021, WPP Scangroup’s board issued a terse statement announcing the suspension of both the Chief Executive Officer and the Chief Finance Officer, Satyabrata Das. The grounds cited were “allegations of gross misconduct and possible offences in their capacity as senior executives and employees of the company.” No specifics were given. No charges were named. The statement landed on a market that had not been warned, and shares fell to a record low the same day.

    The allegations, it later emerged, had originated from whistleblower reports submitted by employees and former employees of Scangroup through a “Right to Speak” line, according to WPP. The board appointed Control Risks Group, a British risk consultancy, to conduct a comprehensive investigation. Deloitte and Touche LLP, Scangroup’s external auditor, had reportedly flagged possible alteration of financial books after the publication of the 2020 results was delayed by four months, adding to the public gravity of the situation.

    The investigation ran for months. Then, in September 2021, Scangroup published a statement that amounted to a full corporate exoneration: the probe “did not identify items of material nature that required adjustments to the results of the company or the group for the year ended December 31, 2020 or to the balance sheets at that date.” In plain language, the investigation found nothing actionable. No financial irregularity was confirmed. No books had been cooked. No misconduct of material consequence was proven.

    But by then, Thakrar was already gone. He had resigned on March 23, 2021, months before the clearance, insisting that his resignation was not voluntary but coerced. He would later describe it in court papers as the product of a process that was “clearly pre-determined.” Court documents filed by Thakrar allege that the entire investigation was spearheaded not by the board’s own committee but by Andrea Harris, WPP’s Group Chief Counsel in London, who frequently participated in Scangroup board meetings to brief directors on the probe. At the time of his exit, Thakrar was directed to surrender all items to Ben Kelly, WPP’s head of risk. The handover had the texture of a termination, not a resignation.

    Thakrar has also alleged, in legal filings, that his suspension followed a pattern of discriminatory conduct. His lawyers, in a demand letter that preceded the Nairobi court filing, accused WPP of using “neo-colonialist practices” that were “clearly targeted only at our client who is of Indian extraction.” The letter noted that a British national in a high-ranking Scangroup executive position, who was also allegedly implicated in the same set of charges levelled against Thakrar, was not suspended or investigated. That individual was instead promoted to become CFO of one of WPP’s largest companies. WPP denied the claims, stating that “Bharat resigned from WPP Scangroup in 2021, following allegations of impropriety between 2014 and 2018.”

    Control Risks Group extracted WhatsApp messages from Thakrar’s iCloud via his work laptops. Kenya’s data regulator found the process unlawful.

    The Data War: Secret WhatsApp Messages and a Regulator’s Ruling

    The manner in which the investigation was conducted is itself a matter of legal record and regulatory finding. In October 2024, Kenya’s Office of the Data Protection Commissioner ruled against WPP Scangroup, its parent company WPP Plc, and Control Risks Group, ordering them to pay Thakrar Sh1.95 million in compensation for personal data breaches.

    The Commissioner’s determination, signed by Data Commissioner Immaculate Kassait, found that Control Risks Group had accessed Thakrar’s private WhatsApp messages stored in iCloud through his work laptops, without demonstrating compliance with the principle of data minimisation. The ruling ordered WPP Scangroup to give Thakrar access to his personal data related to his employment, within seven days. CRG argued that WhatsApp messages did not constitute sensitive personal information under the Data Protection Act. The Commissioner rejected that argument.

    Scangroup declared it would appeal the ruling, with then-CEO Patricia Ithau describing the company as disagreeing with the determination. But the regulatory finding stands as an independent judicial acknowledgement that the investigation into Thakrar’s conduct was conducted, at least in part, through unlawful means. It is precisely the kind of finding that gives Thakrar’s allegations of a manufactured ouster their most credible institutional footing.

    The Lawsuit: Sh4.5 Billion, Dismissed on a Technicality

    In March 2024, Thakrar filed suit in the Nairobi commercial court against WPP Plc, WPP Scangroup, and all of the company’s directors, seeking more than half a billion shillings in domestic damages plus losses that UK media reported could reach £24 million, roughly Sh4.3 billion, for reputational injury, emotional and mental damage, and loss of business opportunity. The suit alleged unlawful interference with contractual relations, inducement of breach of contract, conspiracy to injure his status and reputation, and a pattern of defamatory conduct that, he argued, reached as far as Airtel Africa, to whom WPP allegedly gave “further defamatory and false statements.”

    Thakrar further alleged that WPP had “manipulated itself into a position to control the board” by appointing additional directors in violation of Capital Markets Authority guidelines requiring that at least one in three directors be independent. He described his suspension as the result of a “surreptitious investigation using unlawful means” and accused the board of endorsing his suspension without having seen the draft investigation report from Control Risks.

    In May 2025, High Court Judge Josephine Mong’are struck out the case, ruling that it should have been filed before the Employment and Labour Relations Court as an employer-employee dispute, not in the commercial division. Mong’are found that the court had no jurisdiction to determine the matter, which “falls squarely with the Employment and Labour Relations Court as it relates to and arises out of a dispute between an employer and employee.” Thakrar announced he would file an appeal within the statutory fourteen-day period. The underlying claims remain unheard on their merits.

    What the dismissal demonstrated, above all else, is that Thakrar is not done. He filed the appeal. He continued to hold his shares. He watched the numbers worsen. And then, in May 2026, he moved.

    The Empire Thakrar Built: Revenue, Reach and the Golden Years

    To fully understand what is at stake, one must understand what WPP Scangroup was under Thakrar’s leadership and how far it has fallen since his removal. When Scangroup listed on the NSE in 2006, it was a respected but mid-sized agency. The WPP partnership unlocked scale. Revenue grew from Sh829.57 million in 2006 to Sh5.02 billion by 2015, the year of the rebrand. Net profit more than doubled over the same period to Sh478.67 million. Under Thakrar, the company built a multi-agency model that spanned advertising, media, public relations, digital and research across Sub-Saharan Africa’s most commercially significant markets.

    Major blue-chip accounts including KCB Bank, Equity Bank, NCBA, and Airtel Africa were among the relationships that defined Scangroup’s commercial dominance. In 2020, the company completed the sale of its Kantar TNS data and research subsidiary to Bain Capital Group for approximately Sh5 billion after costs and taxes, a transaction that demonstrated the depth and value of what had been assembled under Thakrar’s stewardship. At the point of his forced departure in February 2021, revenues stood at approximately Sh7 billion and the share price at Sh5.94. These numbers matter because they are the baseline against which the post-Thakrar era must be judged.

    The Wreckage: Five Years of Losses and a Collapsed Share Price

    The financial record of WPP Scangroup since Thakrar’s removal is not a story of restructuring or strategic transition. It is a story of consistent, accelerating destruction of shareholder value.

    In 2022, the first full year under post-Thakrar management with Patricia Ithau as CEO, the company reported a loss of Sh145.5 million. Management declared this a turnaround, pointing to some operational improvements. In 2023, the company returned a profit of Sh130 million, largely attributed to forex gains and organic growth from existing clients rather than meaningful revenue expansion. Revenue for that year stood at Sh6.6 billion on a gross basis but gross net revenue, the industry metric that strips out media pass-through costs, was only Sh2.2 billion, indicating a structurally hollowed-out business. No dividend was declared. No dividend has been declared in any of the years since Thakrar’s removal.

    The 2024 results erased whatever comfort the 2023 profit had provided. Net loss widened to Sh506.7 million, a full reversal of the Sh130 million profit. Revenue fell to Sh2.4 billion on a gross basis from Sh3.1 billion. The company attributed part of the loss to a Sh248.7 million foreign exchange hit caused by the strengthening of the Kenyan shilling, which appreciated from Sh160 to the dollar to Sh129. Two “significant creative businesses” were also lost during the year, contributing to the top-line deterioration.

    Then came 2025. Full-year results published in April 2026 confirmed a net loss of Sh713.7 million, a 41 percent deepening from the prior year’s loss. Revenue collapsed to Sh2.04 billion. Cash reserves declined 59.7 percent to Sh864.48 million. The company has shed operations in Nigeria and Tanzania and divested its South African public relations business, a structural retreat from the pan-African footprint that Thakrar spent four decades constructing. The share price, as of May 6, 2026, stood at Sh2.24, a 62 percent decline from the Sh5.94 at which it traded on the day Thakrar was suspended. In aggregate trading terms, the company has incurred losses of approximately Sh3.3 billion between 2021 and 2025.

    Four consecutive profit warnings. No dividends for five years. Revenues less than one-third of what they were at Thakrar’s departure. A share price at less than half its 2021 value. These are the numbers that Thakrar has placed, in a formal requisition letter dated May 8, 2026, before the board that WPP put in place and continues to back.

    Revenue has fallen from Sh7 billion when Thakrar was removed to Sh2 billion today. No dividend has been paid in five years. Cash reserves have collapsed 59.7 percent.

    The Client Exodus: KCB, Equity, NCBA, Airtel Africa

    Behind the headline numbers lies an account of client relationship management that raises questions about what, exactly, has been happening inside Scangroup’s agencies since Thakrar left. The requisition letter names KCB Bank, Equity Bank, NCBA and Airtel Africa as major clients lost during the five-year period under review. The shareholders allege that these departures accounted for nearly a quarter of the company’s revenues at the time of their exits.

    The Airtel Africa loss is particularly significant in its public profile. In May 2025, Ogilvy Africa, Scangroup’s flagship agency, lost a fifteen-year contract with the telecoms firm. The Capital Markets Authority separately disclosed the material contract change. The termination ended one of the longest-standing advertising relationships in the sub-Saharan African market. Staff headcount, which stood at 554 before layoffs in May 2023, had declined to 434 by December 2024, with further redundancies announced in 2025. A once-dominant agency is contracting on every measurable axis simultaneously.

    The Governance Scandal Inside the Scandal: The Sh1.2 Billion Loan

    The most explosive allegation raised by Thakrar’s minority shareholder bloc is not about lost clients or historic losses. It is about what the current board has allowed to happen with the company’s remaining cash.

    The requisition letter flags a Sh1.2 billion long-term loan that WPP Scangroup has extended to WPP Group Services SNC, a wholly owned subsidiary of WPP Plc, at an interest rate of five percent per annum. The minority shareholders argue that this rate is materially below prevailing market conditions, pointing to average deposit rates of 6.86 percent and average lending rates of 16.85 percent. In other words, a cash-depleted Kenyan subsidiary with no dividends and a collapsing share price is lending more than a billion shillings to its cash-rich British parent at rates that would not pass muster at a commercial bank.

    With cash reserves standing at only Sh864.48 million at year-end, the loan, at Sh1.2 billion, actually exceeds the company’s entire cash balance. The minority shareholders describe the terms as raising “serious questions as to WPP Plc’s continuing strategic, financial and governance commitment to the group.” They have also raised concerns about a Sh78 million receivable from Ogilvy South Africa, another WPP subsidiary, and have demanded detailed disclosure on repayment arrangements and recoverability.

    The question this raises is whether an independent board, acting in the interests of all shareholders rather than the majority, would have approved such a transaction. The Capital Markets Authority’s guidelines on related-party transactions and the Companies Act 2015’s requirements for director independence are not abstract protections. They exist precisely to prevent a controlling shareholder from extracting value from a listed subsidiary at the expense of minority investors.

    The Takeover Bid: Numbers, Names and the Arithmetic of Power

    The mechanism through which Thakrar is attempting his return is Article 44.4 of Scangroup’s Articles of Association, which requires the board to convene a general meeting when shareholders representing at least ten percent of the company’s issued share capital submit a written requisition. Thakrar and his wife Sadhana Thakrar hold 45,302,860 shares representing 10.48 percent of issued capital. A bloc of six additional minority shareholders brings the combined holding to 58,725,648 ordinary shares, or 13.59 percent of the total 432,155,985 shares in issue.

    Their requisition, dated May 8, 2026 and addressed to Chairman Richard Omwela, demands the removal of all nine sitting directors and their replacement with a slate of five new nominees. That slate is led by Thakrar himself, alongside his son Rishab Thakrar, former Scangroup Executive Creative Director Andrew White, businessman Carl Adam Ogola, and Kunal Kamlesh Bid, founder of Bid Securities. Andrew White is the copywriter behind some of Kenya’s most enduring advertising slogans, including “Mimi ni Member” for Equity Bank and “Milele” for Tusker.

    Arrayed against them is WPP Plc, which through Cavendish Square Holding BV and Ogilvy South Africa controls approximately 56 percent of issued share capital. On a straight vote, WPP defeats every single resolution. The majority shareholder can, if it chooses, ignore the requisition’s substantive demands entirely and simply outvote the minority at the AGM. That is the arithmetic reality of Thakrar’s position. He knows it. WPP knows it. The strategic question is not whether Thakrar can win the vote. It is whether his campaign generates enough public, regulatory and commercial pressure to force WPP into meaningful concessions.

    The AGM was scheduled for June 8, 2026 at 10:00 a.m. In a manoeuvre that critics read as pre-emptive damage control, the board announced on May 13, two days before publishing the formal AGM notice, that three of the nine directors named in Thakrar’s ouster resolutions had “retired” effective the same date. The three who departed were Jon Eggar, Patou Nuytemans and Shahid Sadiq. In their place, the board proposed Kagiso Musi, Nick Douglas and Manuel Segimon. Thakrar had previously claimed, without documentary evidence, that all three departing directors were no longer employed by WPP Plc. Their retirement days before the formal AGM notice validated that allegation publicly.

    WPP controls 56 percent of the shares and can defeat every resolution. But Thakrar is not playing for the vote. He is playing for the narrative.

    The Wider Context: A Global Template for Founder Pushback

    Thakrar’s fight with WPP has a more famous parallel than most Kenyan commentators have noted. WPP itself went through a structurally identical crisis in 2018, when its founder Sir Martin Sorrell, who had built WPP from a wire basket manufacturer into the world’s largest advertising holding company, was forced out following an investigation into alleged misconduct. Sorrell denied the allegations, departed with a protracted battle over his shareholding, and immediately founded S4 Capital, a competing digital advertising business that went public and grew rapidly.

    The parallel is instructive. WPP, which ousted its own founder in circumstances it considered embarrassing, turned around and applied a similar process to the founder of its African subsidiary. Whether that constitutes institutional consistency or corporate irony depends on one’s perspective. What is consistent is the pattern: whistleblower allegations, an investigation conducted under the authority of London-based corporate counsel, a resignation described by the subject as coerced, and a subsequent legal fight that WPP has tried, with mixed success, to contain.

    Globally, shareholder activism of the kind Thakrar is deploying has been rising. Activist investors have mounted record numbers of campaigns against underperforming companies in recent years, with targets ranging from energy conglomerates in the United States to consumer multinationals in Asia. In Kenya, such campaigns are exceptionally rare. The Nairobi Securities Exchange has few precedents for minority shareholders formally requisitioning the removal of an entire board at a listed company. Thakrar’s bid, whether or not it succeeds at the June 8 AGM, has already made that history.

    The New CEO Problem: Three Leaders in Five Years

    One dimension of the governance crisis that has received insufficient scrutiny is the leadership churn that has occurred at Scangroup since Thakrar’s departure. The company has now had three CEOs, and an interim period, in five years. Alec Graham served as interim COO following Thakrar’s suspension. Patricia Ithau was appointed substantive CEO in 2022, tasked with “rapidly steering the organization through dynamic shifts in the marketing and communication field.” Her three-year tenure produced one year of modest profit, surrounded by losses, before her contract ended in July 2025 without renewal.

    Miriam Kaggwa, the Chief Operating Officer, then served as interim leader while the board searched for a permanent replacement. In November 2025, Akua Brayie Owusu-Nartey was appointed Group CEO and Executive Director, effective from November 17, with a mandate to steer the company back to profitability. Owusu-Nartey brings regional experience from Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia, and held roles at Ogilvy Africa and Publicis West Africa. She has been in post for less than seven months and is now at the centre of a hostile takeover attempt.

    The leadership question matters beyond individual competence. A company that cycles through chief executives while accumulating losses, shedding clients and contracting geographically is a company that has not resolved the strategic crisis at its core. The board that hired and let go of each of these CEOs has been chaired throughout by Richard Omwela, one of the directors Thakrar specifically names for removal.

    What a Thakrar Return Would Actually Mean

    For shareholders, clients and staff, the scenario of a Thakrar-led board carries implications that cut in multiple directions. The case for a Thakrar return rests on the proposition that the company’s post-2021 decline is attributable, at least in significant part, to the loss of relationships, institutional knowledge and client confidence that Thakrar personally embodied. For major Kenyan advertisers, Thakrar was not merely a CEO. He was the face and the relationship. The departure of KCB, Equity and NCBA in the years following his removal may partly reflect the evaporation of those personal connections.

    The case against rests on a different reading of the same history. Thakrar was, by the end of his tenure, running a company that WPP believed had serious governance problems. The original whistleblower reports alleged misconduct spanning multiple years. The investigation found no material financial irregularity, but that is not the same as finding no misconduct of any kind. The full Control Risks report has never been published. Thakrar’s own lawsuit continues to allege things that WPP denies. The court has not yet heard the merits. For institutional investors and CMA-regulated clients, the return of a CEO who resigned under an unexplained investigation, regardless of whether he was ultimately cleared of financial wrongdoing, is not a simple governance restoration.

    There is also the arithmetic problem. Even if every minority shareholder votes with Thakrar and the proxy campaign generates maximum participation from the retail shareholder base, WPP’s 56 percent holding means the June 8 vote is mathematically not competitive. Thakrar cannot win through the ballot box alone. His campaign is better understood as a public pressure strategy designed to force WPP either to negotiate, to make board concessions beyond the three pre-emptive retirements already announced, or to take seriously the prospect of a governance crisis that lands on the front pages of the London financial press.

    WPP itself is under independent commercial and investor pressure. The London-listed parent has been navigating its own restructuring, digital transformation challenges and falling share price. A sustained public fight about governance failures at an African subsidiary, conducted through Kenyan courts, data regulators, social media and NSE-listed company mechanisms, is not the kind of press that helps WPP’s own narrative with institutional investors in London. Thakrar, for all that he may be a deeply interested party in this dispute, clearly understands that dynamic.

    The PR Company With a PR Crisis

    There is a dimension to this story that has been substantially underreported: the company at the centre of this crisis is, at its core, a public relations and marketing firm. WPP Scangroup sells, to its clients, the capacity to manage reputation, control narrative, shape public perception and handle crisis communications. Its agencies include Ogilvy, one of the most storied brand-building operations in the world. The board and management of WPP Scangroup are, professionally speaking, the people who should know better than anyone how this kind of story unfolds and how to get in front of it.

    They have not got in front of it. The company has issued no substantive public response to the minority shareholders’ May 8 requisition letter, with its enumeration of Sh3.3 billion in losses, a collapsed share price, departed major clients and a questioned related-party loan. It preemptively retired three directors to limit the damage of the specific board-removal resolutions, but it has not addressed the underlying commercial and governance critique. Its current CEO, who has been in post for six months, has not publicly outlined a credible turnaround thesis with specific financial targets and client acquisition commitments. The company that sells crisis communications cannot manage its own crisis.

    For current and prospective clients of WPP Scangroup’s agencies, specifically Ogilvy Africa, Scanad, JWT, Y&R and the group’s other subsidiaries, the question of board stability and strategic direction is not abstract. Clients commit marketing budgets on twelve-month and multi-year cycles. They need confidence that the agency they brief in January will still have the same creative leadership, strategic team and institutional memory in December. A company that has cycled through three CEOs in five years, is losing clients at the pace documented in its own published results, and is now subject to a public hostile takeover attempt does not project that confidence.

    The Capital Markets Dimension: CMA and NSE Accountability

    Kenya’s Capital Markets Authority has regulatory responsibility for listed companies and their governance. The standards applicable to WPP Scangroup include requirements for director independence, related-party transaction disclosure, and the treatment of minority shareholders. The minority shareholders’ requisition letter explicitly raises concerns about whether the Sh1.2 billion loan to WPP Group Services at five percent interest was properly disclosed and properly approved under applicable related-party transaction rules. It also raises concerns about whether three board members who are no longer WPP employees were properly disclosed as having changed status.

    The CMA has the power to investigate, to require enhanced disclosure, and to take regulatory action where governance failures are established. Whether it chooses to exercise that power in relation to a company whose majority shareholder is a London Stock Exchange-listed multinational is a test of institutional independence that the authority should take seriously. The NSE listing, for WPP Scangroup, is not merely a fundraising mechanism. It carries obligations to Kenyan retail shareholders, pension funds and institutional investors who purchased shares on the basis of disclosures and governance standards that a listed company is bound to maintain.

    For retail shareholders who bought WPP Scangroup shares at Sh5.94 and are now holding paper worth Sh2.24, the question of accountability is not rhetorical. Those investors have lost 62 percent of their capital over five years while the board collected fees and the parent company received a Sh1.2 billion loan at below-market rates. That is the kind of outcome that shareholder activism exists to prevent. That it is happening now, five years too late, does not make it less necessary.

    Conclusion: A Reckoning Whose Outcome Is Not the Point

    Bharat Thakrar will almost certainly lose the June 8, 2026 vote. WPP controls 56 percent. The arithmetic does not change. The board will be re-elected under ordinary business, and the special business resolutions for board removal will be defeated by the simple deployment of the majority shareholder’s voting power. The Kenyan press will write it up as a defeat for the founder and a reaffirmation of WPP’s control.

    That reading would miss the point. What Thakrar has accomplished, regardless of the vote outcome, is to place on public record, in a formal requisition carrying legal standing under Kenya’s Companies Act, the most comprehensive and sourced indictment of a publicly listed company’s performance and governance ever assembled in Kenyan corporate history. The Sh3.3 billion in losses is documented. The 62 percent share price collapse is documented. The client exodus is documented. The Sh1.2 billion below-market loan is documented. The data protection violation is a regulatory ruling. The court case, though dismissed on jurisdiction rather than merits, is a matter of public record.

    WPP Scangroup’s board, its current CEO Akua Brayie Owusu-Nartey, its chairman Richard Omwela, and its majority shareholder WPP Plc now face a choice that extends beyond the AGM. They can treat the June 8 vote as a problem to be managed and won, retire to the silence of majority ownership, and continue the present trajectory of declining revenues, contracting operations and zero dividends. Or they can acknowledge that the company is in structural crisis, that the post-Thakrar strategy has not worked, and that the minority shareholders raising these concerns are entitled to a credible answer.

    Bharat Thakrar is not, in this fight, merely a bitter former CEO seeking revenge. He is a 10.48 percent shareholder who has watched five years of capital destruction and has chosen to do, with the tools available to him under Kenyan law, exactly what minority shareholder protections were designed to enable. Whether his proposed alternative is the right answer for Scangroup’s future is a separate question. The one question that cannot be avoided is whether the current arrangement is working. The numbers have answered it.

  • The Man Who Thinks He Has Everyone Covered: Speaker Wetang’ula, CS Mudavadi and a Bribed Judge in Wamukota’s Corrupt Blueprint to Seize KETRACO

    The Man Who Thinks He Has Everyone Covered: Speaker Wetang’ula, CS Mudavadi and a Bribed Judge in Wamukota’s Corrupt Blueprint to Seize KETRACO

    He was not whispering. That, above everything else, is what those who were present in that Nairobi establishment in the weeks before the June 2 application deadline for KETRACO’s chief executive position find most remarkable about what they heard. Antony Tawayi Wamukota, the long-serving General Manager for Design and Construction at the Kenya Electricity Transmission Company, twice appointed acting Managing Director of the same institution, and a man the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission has recommended for prosecution over an Sh18.5 billion scandal, was speaking with the unhurried confidence of someone who has calculated, with some care, that he cannot lose.

    The boast, as it was relayed to this publication through multiple independent accounts from individuals with direct knowledge of what was said that evening, was not a single claim but a catalogue, delivered in the specific language of a man who is not performing confidence but reporting a completed transaction.

    He claimed a sitting female Luhya judge had been secured for the sum of three million shillings and would deliver whatever court orders he required in proceedings directly connected to the KETRACO recruitment. He declared that the executive and the legislature stood behind him. He named, with the ease of a man naming people he has already paid, two of the most powerful figures from Western Kenya in the current national administration as his personal guarantee against anyone who might question his qualifications, his corruption record, or his right to the corner office at a company managing Sh200 billion in public infrastructure assets.

    “I have the executive, the legislature, and even influence reaching into the judiciary,” he reportedly told the room, adding with what sources describe as the slightly forced laugh of a man projecting control he needs others to believe he possesses: “Everything is covered.”

    “I have the executive, the legislature, and even influence reaching into the judiciary. Everything is covered.” — Antony Wamukota, overheard in a Nairobi establishment, as reported to Kenya Insights by multiple independent sources

    THE SILENCE THAT CONFIRMS EVERYTHING

    The names Wamukota has been dropping with such confidence are not hypothetical. They are Speaker of the National Assembly Moses Wetang’ula, the third in Kenya’s constitutional line of succession and the most senior elected official from the Luhya community, and Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, whose office’s authority reaches across the machinery of government with a breadth that makes his awareness of significant developments within his community’s political network a matter of institutional inevitability rather than mere probability.

    Both men have been publicly named by Wamukota as his political guarantors in a live recruitment dispute at a major state corporation where he faces disqualification on both academic and integrity grounds. Multiple sources with knowledge of these proceedings confirm that the reports of his public boasts have reached both men’s offices through channels that are well established.

    Both men have said nothing.

    In Kenya’s political culture, where figures of the stature of Mudavadi and Wetang’ula have spent careers demonstrating a sophisticated and finely calibrated understanding of when public denial is required as a political instrument, silence in the face of specific, named, public claims is not a passive condition. It is a choice. And choices made at this level of political seniority carry consequences and communications that the people making them understand with precision.

    A man facing active EACC prosecution recommendations is invoking your name as his personal guarantee of impunity in the recruitment for a public leadership role, claiming you will override formal qualification requirements and integrity standards on his behalf, and boasting in establishments across Nairobi that he has arranged judicial outcomes through payments made in your name’s shadow. If that claim were false, the denial would have come within hours. It has not come at all.

    “Wamukota does not speak those names the way a man speaks names he has stolen. He speaks them the way a man speaks names he has paid for. There is a difference, and people who have been in these rooms long enough know exactly which one they are hearing.” — Senior energy sector source, speaking on condition of anonymity

    THE FILE THAT MAKES THE BACKING NECESSARY

    The scale and determination of the political architecture Wamukota has assembled is itself the most precise available measure of what he knows about his own file. A man with a qualifying degree and a clean record does not require the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Cabinet Secretary as his personal institutional shields in a CEO recruitment exercise. He applies, he is assessed, and if he is the best candidate, he gets the job. The architecture of political patronage that Wamukota has constructed and is now publicly describing, at personal and reputational risk to the figures being named, exists in direct proportion to the weight of what he is carrying.

    What he is carrying begins with the Loiyangalani-Suswa 400kV Transmission Interconnector, a 435-kilometre powerline designed to connect the Lake Turkana Wind Power plant in Marsabit to the national grid at Suswa. The project was catastrophically delayed under the contract management oversight of the man who was, at the relevant time, KETRACO’s General Manager for Design and Construction. The Spanish contractor Isolux Ingenieria went bankrupt mid-construction, and the cumulative failures of project stewardship produced a penalty bill of Sh18.499 billion paid to Lake Turkana Wind Power for electricity the plant generated but could not transmit because the line was not ready.

    The EACC’s investigation into this failure produced prosecution recommendations against a list of named individuals that includes Wamukota, former Energy Principal Secretary Patrick Nyoike, KETRACO colleagues Peter Njehia and Carol Kiara, and the officials of Luanda Concrete and Earth Movers Limited. The charges recommended encompass conspiracy to commit economic crimes, abuse of office, conflict of interest, fraudulent acquisition of public funds, and money laundering.

    The connection between Wamukota and Luanda is not a matter of rumour or anonymous assertion. It is documented in court filings forming part of the public record of High Court Petition E111 of 2023. EACC investigators seized from Wamukota a formal letter of introduction he had written for Luanda’s directors to the Development Bank of Kenya, bank transfer records from his personal account to Luanda Concrete and Earth Movers, documentation of equipment purchases where Luanda paid on behalf of a company in which Wamukota and his mother are named as shareholders, and a rubber stamp for Luanda physically found in his possession at KETRACO. The directors of Luanda carry the Wamukota family name. The investigation further identified his connection to Aliceson Investments Limited, with his mother listed as a co-director.

    This is not the conduct of a man who kept his professional and private interests at arm’s length during the project he was supposed to be overseeing. It is the conduct of a man who believed, with apparently justified confidence, that his political connections would insulate him from the consequences of using his institutional position as a procurement pipeline for companies carrying his family’s name.

    THE DEGREE THAT DOES NOT EXIST

    Against that backdrop arrives the question of his academic credentials, and the answer is both simple and devastating. KETRACO’s board advertised the managing director position requiring a master’s degree as a minimum. Wamukota’s publicly documented professional record lists a Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering and a CPA qualification. No master’s degree appears anywhere in his documented credentials. Industry sources who have followed his career closely note that this gap has been an internal subject of institutional discussion since at least 2022, when he was placed in the acting MD role and questions were raised about whether his academic profile matched the authority he was being handed. The Nyakundi Report’s investigation adds a further detail that has circulated within KETRACO as settled institutional knowledge: questions have been raised internally about the standing of the institution from which he obtained even his undergraduate degree.

    Every other serious candidate in the current recruitment field holds postgraduate qualifications from accredited universities. Several hold multiple advanced degrees. The master’s degree requirement is not a frivolous bureaucratic imposition for an entity managing Sh200 billion in assets, handling World Bank and multilateral financing, and coordinating with regional power pools across East Africa. It is the minimum credential commensurate with that responsibility, and Wamukota does not have it.

    COFEK AND THE ART OF THE JUDICIAL PROXY

    The Consumer Federation of Kenya filed its petition in the High Court seeking to halt the KETRACO CEO recruitment on the grounds that the master’s degree requirement exceeds what the Government Owned Enterprises Act permits. The timing was precise: filed days before the June 2 application deadline. Its legal effect, if successful, would be to eliminate the one qualification requirement that most directly disqualifies the one candidate whose political backers most needed it eliminated.

    The GOE Act sets a statutory floor for appointment to state corporation leadership. It requires a degree, ten years of relevant experience, five years in senior management, and Chapter Six compliance. It does not prohibit a board from setting higher standards commensurate with the complexity of the institution. Legal analysts who have examined this argument with the seriousness it deserves are largely dismissive of the petition’s substantive merits. A board does not exceed its authority by determining that the chief executive of a Sh200 billion infrastructure entity should hold a postgraduate degree. It exercises that authority.

    What the petition does, and what its timing and the identity of its primary beneficiary makes impossible to avoid examining, is provide a judicial mechanism through which a political arrangement can be converted into a legal outcome. By eliminating the master’s degree requirement through conservatory orders, the petition would advance Wamukota’s candidacy to an interview stage where his political backing, rather than his academic credentials, becomes the decisive variable. That is precisely the stage at which the names he has been describing as his guarantee are expected to deliver their return on whatever investment has been made in their use.

    The question of who activated COFEK’s institutional machinery for this specific action, at this specific moment, on behalf of a primary beneficiary who does not hold the qualification being challenged, and what was communicated to Secretary-General Stephen Mutoro about the desired outcome, are questions that sit in the public interest with an urgency that the relevant investigative authorities should not allow to dissipate.

    The COFEK petition did not emerge from an independent assessment of consumer rights in public sector recruitment. Its primary beneficiary is a man who does not hold the qualification being challenged. Its timing was a deployment, not a coincidence of civic concern.

    MR. POWERPOINT AND THE TRANSFORMER THAT NEVER WORKED

    The corruption file and the political architecture are the dominant stories. But they do not exist in isolation from a record of technical stewardship that current and former KETRACO staff have described, in accounts shared with this publication across multiple independent conversations, as a catalogue of decisions whose consequences have been absorbed by Kenya’s electricity consumers in the form of avoidable costs, outages, and infrastructure damage.

    Staff within KETRACO refer to Wamukota by a nickname that has acquired the persistence of institutional truth: Mr. PowerPoint. The designation captures something precise about its subject, specifically a facility with presentation slides that exists in inverse proportion to his command of the technical substance those slides are meant to communicate. The nickname has circulated with enough durability to qualify as settled institutional knowledge rather than passing gossip.

    In 2022, he personally authorised the purchase of two 132kV power transformers for the Kitale-Ortum project at a voltage rating incompatible with that transmission line. When senior engineers identified the error and raised technical objections, he dismissed them. He reportedly suggested the transformers could be adapted through a process that the engineers confirmed was not technically possible. The equipment spent two years in a warehouse, components stolen during storage, while KETRACO paid Sh85 million in fees for equipment it could never deploy. The error was attributed to the supplier.

    During testing at the Suswa substation, a critical node in the Ethiopia-Kenya interconnector, a fault that experienced transmission engineers assessed as resolvable within fifteen minutes through standard isolation procedures prompted Wamukota, then serving as acting CEO, to order a complete emergency shutdown of the entire facility. Power was cut to three counties for six hours. The subsequent technical assessment of that decision was unambiguous: it reflected a fundamental misunderstanding of grid management protocols that postgraduate training in power systems engineering would have prevented.

    The incident that most clearly illuminates the human cost of this technical inadequacy is the dismissal of a lead project engineer who held a master’s degree from the University of Nairobi. He had corrected Wamukota’s technical assessments in front of colleagues on more than one occasion. He was removed from the project. His replacement was a family member carrying a diploma in business information technology. The project continued under the revised arrangement with the technical consequences that those qualifications made inevitable.

    THE JUDICIAL BRIBERY CLAIM AND THE JSC’S OBLIGATION

    Wamukota’s bar room declaration that a sitting female Luhya judge has been secured for three million shillings to deliver favourable court orders in proceedings connected to this recruitment is not a claim that can be received, noted, and allowed to dissipate without institutional consequence. It is a public claim of active judicial corruption in live proceedings, made by the primary beneficiary of those proceedings, with enough specificity to identify the nature of the judicial relationship being described.

    The Judicial Service Commission carries a constitutional obligation that is not satisfied by passive receipt of such information. The identity of the judge being described, the nature of her relationship to the COFEK proceedings and any related KETRACO litigation, and the conduct of any judicial officer who may have received or solicited payment in connection with these proceedings, are matters the JSC has both the authority and the obligation to examine with the urgency that active, live judicial corruption demands.

    That Wamukota made this claim publicly, in a room with witnesses, about specific proceedings in which he has a direct and documented financial interest, removes any ambiguity about whether the claim is serious enough to warrant institutional attention. It demands it.

    THE APPOINTING AUTHORITY’S MOMENT OF TRUTH

    This appointment arrives at a moment when President Ruto’s administration has invested public credibility in the proposition that Kenya’s state corporations will be led by people who qualify for the jobs they are given and who can withstand integrity scrutiny. The November 2023 suspension crackdown, directed by Head of Public Service Felix Kosgei on the EACC’s recommendation, was a public declaration that officials under active anti-corruption investigation would not continue to exercise authority over the institutions under scrutiny. Wamukota was on that list. He survived it. He has survived everything.

    But permanent appointment to the managing director role is a different category of decision from the employment relationship he has been litigating to preserve. It is an affirmative choice, made with full knowledge of the EACC’s prosecution recommendations, the documented Luanda financial relationships, the academic credentials gap, the technical stewardship failures, the political patronage network he has publicly described, and the judicial bribery claims he has been making in establishments across Nairobi.

    Appointing this man to lead KETRACO would not simply be a bad personnel decision. It would be a declaration, delivered through the machinery of the state, that the political network he has assembled is more powerful than the institutions designed to hold it accountable, that the EACC’s prosecution recommendations are advisory rather than consequential, that a missing master’s degree is a qualification that political backing can substitute for, and that the courts of this country can be purchased by the people with sufficient desperation and sufficient connections to make the call.

    The archives are public. The court filings are accessible. The EACC’s institutional position has not been withdrawn. The boast has not dissolved. It has reached the desks of people with the authority to act on it, and the country is watching what they choose to do with what they now know.

  • Yet Another Blow for Bia Tosha as Court Rejects Bid to Halt Diageo–Asahi Transaction

    Yet Another Blow for Bia Tosha as Court Rejects Bid to Halt Diageo–Asahi Transaction

    Bia Tosha has suffered another legal setback after the High Court dismissed its latest attempt to stop the proposed Diageo-Asahi transaction involving East African Breweries PLC (EABL).

    In a ruling delivered today, the court held that Bia Tosha had already chosen to pursue the matter before the Court of Appeal and could not return to the High Court seeking similar interim orders. The application, dated May 4, 2026, was dismissed with costs.

    The decision reinforces the court’s insistence on procedural discipline in a dispute that has generated multiple applications and amendments over several years. According to the court, once Bia Tosha elected to seek relief from the Court of Appeal, the High Court was no longer the appropriate forum to grant the same interim intervention.

    Legal observers say the ruling strengthens the principle that parties should not pursue overlapping remedies in different courts at the same time. The latest setback follows recent proceedings in which the court directed the parties to first determine which version of Bia Tosha’s petition is properly before the court before any substantive issues can be considered.

    That direction arose amid disputes over a Further Amended Petition that sought, among other remedies, to challenge the transaction and introduce a claim worth KES 45 billion. The court’s focus on resolving foundational procedural issues before addressing the merits of the case has increasingly shifted attention away from headline-grabbing allegations and toward the legal basis of the claims being advanced.

    For EABL and parties backing the transaction, the ruling removes an immediate legal obstacle to the completion of the proposed deal. Although the broader dispute remains unresolved, the latest decision is likely to be seen as strengthening EABL’s position that the matter should proceed through established legal channels rather than through multiple parallel applications seeking similar relief.

    The case remains active, but the ruling marks another significant procedural victory for EABL and a fresh setback for Bia Tosha in its efforts to challenge the transaction through the courts.

  • US to Slash Number of African Embassies Processing Visas from 50 to 20, Kenya Remains a Key Hub

    US to Slash Number of African Embassies Processing Visas from 50 to 20, Kenya Remains a Key Hub

    Thousands of Africans seeking to study, work, visit or migrate to the United States could soon face longer journeys and higher costs after Washington unveiled plans to drastically reduce the number of embassies and consulates processing visa applications across the continent.

    Under the proposed changes, the number of US diplomatic missions in Africa handling routine visa applications will be cut from nearly 50 to just 20, according to reports by the Associated Press citing US officials and an internal State Department memo.

    The changes are expected to be rolled out this month as part of the Trump administration’s broader immigration crackdown.

    The directive, reportedly approved by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, is aimed at tightening immigration controls, reducing visa overstays and strengthening security screening for both immigrant and non-immigrant visa applicants.

    US officials say the move will allow resources to be deployed more efficiently while maintaining rigorous vetting standards for those seeking entry into the United States.

    For many Africans, however, the changes could create a major new hurdle.

    Applicants from countries that will lose routine visa services may be forced to travel across borders to attend interviews and complete application procedures at designated regional hubs. Immigration observers warn that the added travel costs, accommodation expenses and logistical challenges could make the visa process significantly more difficult for many people.

    While visa services will be centralised, US embassies and consulates in countries that are not selected as hubs will remain open. Their focus will largely shift to services for American citizens, including passport renewals, emergency assistance, diplomatic visas and a limited number of special cases.

    Kenya is expected to play a pivotal role in the new arrangement.

    The US Embassy in Nairobi has been listed among the 20 designated visa-processing hubs that will continue handling all categories of applications. Other hubs include locations in Accra, Lagos, Johannesburg, Kampala and Kigali.

    The move is likely to increase demand for appointments at the US Embassy in Nairobi, particularly from applicants in neighbouring countries that may no longer have access to routine visa processing services.

    The latest policy is part of a series of immigration measures introduced under the administration of Donald Trump. Previous measures have included tighter visa vetting procedures, travel restrictions affecting several countries and efforts aimed at reducing immigration and visa overstays.

    Although US officials have indicated that the changes are expected to take effect in June, no exact implementation date has been announced.

    For thousands of African travellers planning to visit the United States, the shake-up could soon mean that securing a visa begins with an additional journey before the journey itself.

    The United States government plans to significantly reduce the number of embassies and consulates in Africa that process visa applications, a move expected to affect thousands of travellers seeking to visit, study, work, or migrate to the US.

  • Trump Picks Veteran Crisis Diplomat Henry Wooster as New U.S. Ambassador to Kenya

    Trump Picks Veteran Crisis Diplomat Henry Wooster as New U.S. Ambassador to Kenya

    The administration of Donald Trump has nominated veteran American diplomat Henry T. Wooster to become the next United States ambassador to Kenya, signaling Washington’s intention to place one of its most experienced foreign service officers at one of its most strategic missions in Africa.

    The nomination was formally transmitted to the U.S. Senate on June 1 and now awaits vetting by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee before a confirmation vote. If approved, Wooster will become America’s top envoy in Nairobi, succeeding Meg Whitman, who left the post in late 2024.  

    For Kenya, the appointment is significant. The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi is regarded as one of Washington’s most influential diplomatic missions in sub-Saharan Africa due to Kenya’s role in regional security, counterterrorism operations, trade, technology investment, and diplomatic engagement across East Africa.  

    Who Is Henry Wooster?

    Unlike many American ambassadors who are political appointees, Wooster is a career diplomat who has spent more than three decades navigating some of the world’s most volatile regions.

    Born in Virginia, he is a member of the Senior Foreign Service with the rank of Minister-Counselor, one of the highest positions in the U.S. diplomatic corps. He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree from Amherst College and a Master’s degree from Yale University. Before entering diplomacy, he served as an officer in the U.S. Army Reserve.  

    Throughout his career, Wooster has built a reputation as a specialist in conflict zones and high-stakes diplomacy. His assignments have included postings in Pakistan, Russia, France, Iraq, Jordan and Haiti, as well as senior positions within the U.S. State Department and the White House National Security Council.  

    Among the most notable chapters of his career was his tenure as U.S. ambassador to Jordan between 2020 and 2023. There, he worked through a turbulent period marked by regional security concerns, refugee crises and shifting Middle East alliances. Remarkably, he remained in the role under both the Trump and Biden administrations, a rare indication of bipartisan confidence in his diplomatic abilities.  

    After leaving Jordan, Wooster became Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs before being deployed to crisis-hit Haiti as Chargé d’Affaires, effectively serving as Washington’s chief representative in Port-au-Prince amid escalating gang violence and political instability.  

    A Diplomat Built for Difficult Assignments

    Foreign policy observers often describe Wooster as one of the State Department’s most seasoned “troubleshooters.”

    His résumé includes work as Director of the Office of Iranian Affairs, Political Counselor in Islamabad, Deputy Chief of Mission in Paris, Deputy Assistant Secretary covering the Maghreb and Egypt, and Director for Central Asia at the National Security Council. He also served as a foreign policy adviser to the U.S. Joint Special Operations Command, exposing him to the intersection of diplomacy and military strategy.  

    Wooster is also known for his linguistic abilities. Besides English, he speaks French and Russian and has working knowledge of Arabic, Persian (Farsi) and Syriac, skills that have made him valuable in some of Washington’s most sensitive diplomatic theaters.  

    Why Kenya Matters to Washington

    His nomination comes at a time when Kenya has become increasingly important to U.S. foreign policy.

    The East African nation hosts major American diplomatic, military and development operations and serves as a regional hub for multinational corporations, humanitarian agencies and international organizations. Kenya has also emerged as a critical security partner in efforts to combat extremist groups operating in the Horn of Africa, particularly Al-Shabaab.

    At the same time, Washington is seeking to strengthen economic ties with Nairobi while competing with growing Chinese and Russian influence across Africa. The next ambassador will therefore play a key role in shaping trade, investment, security cooperation and diplomatic relations ahead of Kenya’s 2027 General Election.  

    Trump’s Message to Kenya

    The choice of Wooster is being viewed by some analysts as a sign that the Trump administration wants a professional diplomat rather than a political ally in Nairobi.

    Historically, several U.S. ambassadorial appointments have gone to campaign donors or political supporters. By selecting a career foreign service officer with extensive experience in conflict management and strategic diplomacy, the White House appears to be signaling that Kenya is too important to be treated as a ceremonial posting.  

    If confirmed by the Senate, Henry Wooster will arrive in Nairobi carrying a rare combination of military experience, diplomatic expertise and crisis-management credentials. For a region grappling with security threats, geopolitical competition and economic uncertainty, Washington appears to be sending one of its most battle-tested diplomats.

  • Former Catholic Priest Arrested Over Alleged Treasonous Social Media Posts

    Former Catholic Priest Arrested Over Alleged Treasonous Social Media Posts

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Jun 2— Detectives from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) have arrested a 44-year-old former priest over allegations of publishing online content advocating the unlawful overthrow of the government.

    The suspect was apprehended during what the DCI described as a carefully coordinated operation conducted by officers from its Headquarters-based Operation Action Team (OAT).

    According to the agency, the suspect was arrested at a hideout in Kirigiti, Kiambu County, following investigations into content allegedly posted on his Facebook page, “Kinta Kinte II.”

    The DCI claims the publication outlined a plan calling for sustained street demonstrations throughout June 2026, targeted arson attacks on specified public and private properties, tax boycotts, and the formation of a parallel transitional administration.

    Investigators allege that the content crossed the line from lawful political expression into incitement and actions aimed at undermining constitutional governance.

    “The publication is said to have outlined an elaborate plan calling for sustained street demonstrations throughout June 2026, targeted arson attacks against specified public and private properties, tax boycotts, and the establishment of a parallel transitional administration,” the DCI said in a statement.

    The arrest has drawn attention due to Waiguru’s religious background. The DCI said the suspect is an ordained former Roman Catholic priest who later joined the Catholic Charismatic Church, a splinter denomination that permits clergy to marry.

    Despite leaving the Roman Catholic Church, investigators say he continued to wear clerical attire and had recently been associated with church activities in Nairobi’s Riruta area.

    Following his arrest, Waiguru was taken to DCI Headquarters before being handed over to the Serious Crime Unit for further investigations.

    Authorities said forensic examination of the online content is ongoing and will form part of the evidence in the case.

    The suspect is expected to face charges under Section 40(1)(a)(iii) of the Penal Code, which criminalizes attempts to unlawfully overthrow a legitimate government.

    The arrest comes just days after another suspect, David Onyango Elgon, also known as MC Adek Tatu, was arrested in Mombasa County over alleged dissemination of inflammatory social media content.

    In its statement, the DCI reiterated that freedom of expression remains a constitutionally protected right but emphasized that it does not extend to advocacy of violence, destruction of property, or unconstitutional attempts to seize power.

    “The digital space is not exempt from legal accountability,” the agency said, warning that it will continue pursuing individuals who publish or distribute content deemed inflammatory or likely to incite violence and division.

    The DCI further urged members of the public to exercise responsibility in their online engagements and to report suspicious activities through established law enforcement channels.

    Waiguru remains in police custody as investigations continue. Authorities have not indicated when he will be arraigned in court.

  • Hundreds Protest Against Planned US Ebola Quarantine Facility in Kenya

    Hundreds Protest Against Planned US Ebola Quarantine Facility in Kenya

    NAIROBI, (Reuters) – Hundreds of people took ​to the streets in the central Kenyan town of Nanyuki on Monday to protest moves by the ‌United States to set up an Ebola quarantine facility at a military base there, residents told Reuters, days after the High Court ordered the government to suspend the plan temporarily.

    The court ordered the temporary suspension on Friday after a lawsuit was brought arguing that the site ​could endanger public health.

    Senior U.S. officials said the 50-bed unit at an air force base in Laikipia county ​would serve Americans who have been exposed to the virus but are still asymptomatic. Kenya’s ⁠government has also confirmed plans to set up the facility, with Health Minister Aden Duale saying in a statement on ​Saturday that it was part of a wider push to strengthen emergency response systems.

    The U.S. officials said the site was ​expected to have become operational last Friday. A number of military aircraft flew in and out of Nanyuki late last week and over the weekend, in what diplomats and experts said appeared to be part of ongoing U.S. preparations for the quarantine unit despite the court ​order.

    A Reuters witness on Saturday said police and military had increased their presence on roads leading to the air ​base.

    Footage obtained by Reuters on Monday showed a crowd of about 100 people standing about 4 km from the site of the planned ‌facility, ⁠blowing whistles and some riding atop a pickup. Smoke could be seen rising from something burning on the road. Local residents put the number of protesters in the hundreds.

    NTV Kenya and Citizen Kenya television channels showed footage of people standing by a wall outside the air base, with a tank stationed there and a handful of soldiers on guard.

    A demonstrator gestures as they erect a barricade during a protest against a U.S.-backed Ebola quarantine plan and the establishment of a 50-bed facility at a Kenyan air force base that was intended to host Americans exposed to Ebola, in Nanyuki town, in Laikipia County, Kenya, June 1. REUTERS
    A demonstrator gestures as they erect a barricade during a protest against a U.S.-backed Ebola quarantine plan and the establishment of a 50-bed facility at a Kenyan air force base that was intended to host Americans exposed to Ebola, in Nanyuki town, in Laikipia County, Kenya, June 1. REUTERS

    Patrick Wahome, ​one of the organisers of the ​protest, told Reuters that ⁠they wanted the health facility to be shut down for good by Tuesday, June 9.

    “Nanyuki is a very small town. The military personnel who serve the base… live with us. ​Our kids go to the same schools and that means if anyone is infected, ​we are all ⁠infected,” he said.

    “We are picketing for our lives,” he added.

    Cafe owner Patrick Maina said he was forced to shutter his business and described the situation as “very bad.”

    “We haven’t opened since morning and it’s likely to be worse tomorrow,” he told Reuters.

    A U.S. ⁠military C-130 ​transport plane flew into Nanyuki as recently as Friday afternoon, according to ​the flight-tracking service Flightradar24.

    Two Nanyuki residents also reported seeing military aircraft flying towards the base over the weekend, though Reuters was unable to confirm if ​they were U.S. aircraft.

  • President Ruto Defends Laikipia Ebola Quarantine Centre, Tells Critics to ‘Relax’

    President Ruto Defends Laikipia Ebola Quarantine Centre, Tells Critics to ‘Relax’

    President William Ruto has mounted his strongest defence yet of the controversial Ebola preparedness facility being established at Laikipia Air Base, dismissing criticism from opponents and insisting the project is a necessary investment in Kenya’s health security rather than a threat to the country.

    Speaking during the North Eastern Media Roundtable shortly after the Madaraka Day celebrations in Wajir County, the President said the facility was part of a long-standing partnership between Kenya and the United States and was designed to strengthen the country’s ability to respond to future disease outbreaks.

    The project has been at the centre of a heated national debate in recent weeks after reports emerged that Kenya had agreed to host a quarantine and emergency response facility linked to Ebola preparedness. The disclosure triggered protests, legal challenges and widespread public concern, with critics questioning why Kenya was hosting the project and whether the country had been exposed to unnecessary health risks.

    For the first time since the controversy erupted, Ruto personally addressed the issue, revealing that the initiative followed discussions with the United States government and was anchored within broader bilateral cooperation agreements.

    “When President Donald Trump asked the government of Kenya to support them by establishing a centre at Laikipia Air Base, I gave the go-ahead because it was part of an agreement and partnership with friends who have worked with Kenya for 30 to 40 years,” Ruto said.

    He argued that the facility should not be viewed as a foreign project being imposed on Kenya but as a joint effort intended to strengthen preparedness against future outbreaks.

    According to the President, Kenya has benefited from decades of American support in sectors such as healthcare, security, education and economic development, making the partnership a natural extension of existing cooperation between Nairobi and Washington.

    Ruto insisted that the centre was not intended to import diseases into the country but to ensure Kenya is better prepared if a future outbreak emerges within its borders or the wider region.

    “What the American government is doing is to work with us in partnership to build the capacity to make sure that if ever we needed a facility, that facility will be there to serve the people of Kenya and to serve our friends, including the Americans,” he said.

    His remarks come just days after the High Court temporarily suspended the establishment of the facility and barred the arrival of any foreign patients pending the hearing of a petition filed by the Law Society of Kenya and Katiba Institute.

    The legal challenge has intensified scrutiny of the project, with petitioners arguing that the agreement was reached without adequate public participation and raising concerns about transparency and safety protocols.

    The controversy has also sparked demonstrations in Nanyuki, where residents have demanded the project be halted. Protesters have questioned why a facility linked to Ebola preparedness should be located in Kenya instead of countries currently battling outbreaks.

    Some residents fear that workers and communities around the military installation could be exposed to health risks despite government assurances.

    Ruto, however, dismissed those concerns and pointed to Kenya’s existing disease surveillance and containment infrastructure.

    The President said the country already operates more than 20 specialised health facilities capable of screening, isolating and managing infectious diseases. He cited institutions including Kenyatta National Hospital, Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital, the Police Hospital, Alupe Hospital and facilities in Thika as part of the national preparedness network.

    “These facilities are meant to make sure that there is proper screening and, if there is any positive identification of people who have Ebola, then immediately they are isolated and treated so that we avoid any spread of the disease,” he said.

    The medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has warned that the rapid spread in DRC is deeply alarming.

    The Head of State also linked the project to Kenya’s broader regional responsibilities, noting that Kenyan peacekeepers, health workers, businesspeople and humanitarian personnel regularly travel across East and Central Africa, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, where Ebola outbreaks have previously occurred.

    “The fact that we could end up with a case is not far-fetched,” he warned.

    Ruto compared the Laikipia facility to emergency measures adopted during the Covid-19 pandemic, when isolation and treatment centres were established to contain the spread of infections.

    He maintained that governments have a responsibility to prepare for worst-case scenarios before crises occur rather than waiting until lives are at risk.

    As political pressure continues to mount and court proceedings move forward, the President accused some critics of politicising a public health issue and spreading unnecessary alarm.

    “We are a responsible government. We know what we are doing. People should relax. Politicians should avoid reckless, unnecessary talk that doesn’t mean anything,” he said.

    The dispute comes at a time when East Africa remains on alert over Ebola outbreaks in neighbouring countries. While Kenya has not recorded any confirmed Ebola cases, health authorities continue to monitor developments in the region amid fears that increased cross-border movement could heighten the risk of transmission.

    For now, the Laikipia project remains suspended by the courts, but Ruto’s intervention signals that the government is unlikely to back down. Instead, the administration appears determined to frame the facility as a strategic public health asset, even as questions persist over transparency, public participation and the full details of the agreement with the United States.

  • “Raila Died Walking, He Didn’t Collapse,” Maurice Ogeta Breaks Silence On His Boss’ Final Moments

    “Raila Died Walking, He Didn’t Collapse,” Maurice Ogeta Breaks Silence On His Boss’ Final Moments

    For months, speculation, political intrigue and conflicting accounts have surrounded the death of Kenya’s veteran opposition leader and former Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Now, one of the men who stood closest to him for nearly two decades has offered what may be the most intimate and detailed account yet of the statesman’s final moments.

    Maurice Ogeta, Raila’s longtime personal bodyguard and trusted aide, has broken his silence, dismissing widespread claims that the Orange Democratic Movement leader collapsed before his death in India.

    Speaking emotionally during a ceremony at the Odinga family home in Karen on Monday, where Gor Mahia Football Club presented its latest league trophy to Raila’s widow Ida Odinga, Ogeta recounted the events of October 15, 2025, when the veteran politician breathed his last.

    According to Ogeta, Raila was undertaking a routine therapeutic walk at a medical facility in Kerala, India, where he had been receiving treatment. The exercise formed part of his daily recovery programme and, despite his health challenges, the former premier remained determined to keep moving.

    Ogeta revealed that Raila had informed him before the walk that he intended to complete five laps around a short walking track measuring about 50 metres.

    The first lap passed without incident.

    However, moments into the second round, Raila unexpectedly stopped.

    Standing just behind him, Ogeta immediately sensed something was wrong and moved closer to offer assistance.

    What followed, he says, lasted only seconds.

    “My boss just stopped,” Ogeta recalled. “Many people have been saying he fell down or collapsed, but that is not what happened. He simply stopped.”

    Concerned, Ogeta asked whether there was a problem and whether he could help.

    The response was brief.

    “He just said, ‘Aii’,” Ogeta said, fighting back emotion. “That was the only word.”

    According to the bodyguard, those became Raila’s final words.

    The account sharply contrasts with reports that emerged immediately after Raila’s death, some of which suggested he had collapsed during a morning walk before being rushed for emergency medical attention.

    Even members of the Odinga family have previously offered differing descriptions of the incident. Raila’s sister, Ruth Odinga, had earlier indicated that her brother collapsed before his condition worsened.

    The varying accounts have fuelled persistent public debate over what exactly happened during the final moments of one of Kenya’s most influential political figures.

    The uncertainty has also fed wider political speculation.

    Siaya Governor James Orengo has repeatedly questioned the circumstances surrounding Raila’s death, making explosive claims at public gatherings that the ODM leader was “killed” by unnamed individuals. While Orengo has stopped short of providing evidence or naming those allegedly responsible, his remarks have intensified public curiosity and kept the issue alive in political circles.

    Other leaders, including Wiper Party leader Kalonzo Musyoka, Saboti MP Caleb Amisi and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, have also hinted that more information regarding Raila’s death could emerge in future.

    Despite the controversy, Ogeta’s account paints a far less dramatic picture than many of the theories circulating online and in political circles.

    Instead, it portrays a leader spending his final moments doing something that had become part of his disciplined daily routine.

    The revelation came during an event that itself reflected Raila’s enduring legacy beyond politics.

    Fresh from securing another Kenyan Premier League title, Gor Mahia officials visited the Odinga family to honour the club’s longtime patron. Throughout the years, Raila remained one of the club’s most influential supporters, frequently stepping in with financial assistance during periods of economic hardship.

    His support became particularly significant during the final years of his life, with donations helping sustain the club’s operations and player welfare as it pursued domestic success.

    As tributes continue to pour in months after his death, Ogeta’s emotional testimony has offered Kenyans a rare glimpse behind the public image of a political titan who dominated the country’s political landscape for decades.

    For a nation still grappling with the loss of a leader many simply called “Baba”, the account provides a deeply personal final chapter.

    According to the man who never left his side, Raila Odinga did not collapse. He did not spend his final moments confined to a hospital bed.

    He simply stopped walking.

    And then he was gone.

  • Bolt Denies Viral Exit Claims, Says Kenya Operations Remain Fully Active

    Bolt Denies Viral Exit Claims, Says Kenya Operations Remain Fully Active

    Ride-hailing giant Bolt has dismissed widespread claims that it is preparing to shut down its Kenyan operations, describing a viral notice circulating online as fake and misleading.

    The company was forced to issue a public clarification after a document shared across social media platforms and WhatsApp groups claimed that Bolt would cease operations in Kenya on June 8, 2026. The alleged notice sparked confusion among thousands of riders, drivers and business partners who rely on the platform for transport and income.

    In a statement released on Sunday, Bolt said the document did not originate from the company and was not issued by any of its authorised representatives.

    “We wish to categorically state that this document is FAKE and did not originate from Bolt Kenya or any of its authorised representatives,” the company said.  

    The statement was signed by Dimmy Kanyankole, who reassured customers and driver-partners that Bolt remains fully operational across Kenya and has no plans to exit one of its most important African markets.

    The company said investigations have already been launched to establish who created and distributed the fabricated communication, warning that legal action could follow against individuals found responsible for spreading false information.  

    The fake notice gained traction partly because it appeared professionally designed and cited alleged operational challenges within Kenya’s highly competitive ride-hailing sector. However, industry observers quickly questioned its authenticity, noting the absence of official corporate communication channels and the unusually short notice period for a company of Bolt’s size.  

    The controversy emerged against the backdrop of growing tensions in Kenya’s ride-hailing industry, where operators continue to grapple with rising fuel costs, driver dissatisfaction and intense competition. Last month, Bolt increased ride fares by six percent following a surge in fuel prices, saying the move was necessary to cushion drivers from escalating operating expenses.  

    Kenya remains one of the most competitive ride-hailing markets in East Africa, with Bolt battling for market share against rivals including Uber and Little. The sector has experienced recurring disputes over pricing, commissions and driver earnings as companies attempt to balance affordability for passengers with profitability for drivers.  

    Despite those challenges, Bolt has continued expanding its footprint in the country. The company recently revealed that more than 5,800 electric vehicles operating in Kenya are on its platform, accounting for nearly a quarter of the country’s EV fleet. It has also positioned itself as a major player in Kenya’s rapidly growing gig economy, which supports more than 1.5 million workers according to industry estimates.  

    Online discussions following the circulation of the fake notice reflected the level of dependence many Kenyans have on ride-hailing services. Some users expressed concern that an exit by Bolt would reduce competition and lead to higher transport costs, while others quickly flagged the document as fraudulent and called for verification before sharing it further.  

    Bolt has now urged the public to ignore the viral document and rely only on information published through its verified channels, including its website, official social media accounts and mobile application.

    The company insists business is continuing as usual and says its focus remains on providing transport services while creating economic opportunities for thousands of drivers, couriers and merchants across Kenya.

  • Secret Trident Meetings, Claims of Millions Exchanged: Fresh Questions Raised Over PCF Boss Mohammed Sahal’s Role in Insurance Battle

    Secret Trident Meetings, Claims of Millions Exchanged: Fresh Questions Raised Over PCF Boss Mohammed Sahal’s Role in Insurance Battle

    A bitter dispute surrounding the collapse of Trident Insurance Company has taken a dramatic new turn after directors linked to the insurer accused Policyholders Compensation Fund (PCF) Chief Executive Officer Mohammed Sahal of engaging in secret meetings with company officials before the firm’s troubles escalated.

    The accusations, which have surfaced amid an ongoing fight over compensation payouts and regulatory actions, have intensified scrutiny over the handling of one of Kenya’s most closely watched insurance failures.

    Sources familiar with the matter claim that senior figures from Trident Insurance held several private meetings with Sahal and members of his inner circle while the insurer was still operational. Among the officials frequently mentioned by insiders are PCF Director of Legal Affairs James Njogu, Director of Compensation and Insurance Risk Monitoring Douglas Mburia, and Noel Zuma, who is said to have been involved in discussions surrounding the troubled insurer.

    At the heart of the controversy are allegations that substantial sums of money changed hands during efforts to secure protection or intervention for Trident as pressure mounted from regulators. Those allegations have not been independently verified.

    The accusations emerge as Trident directors increasingly question the speed and manner in which PCF has moved to compensate policyholders following regulatory intervention against the company.

    The insurer has long been associated with prominent businessman Diamond Hasham Lalji, whose business empire spans flour milling, manufacturing, real estate, steel production and insurance.

    Lalji’s interests include Premier Flour Mills, Atta Kenya, Hasham Lalji Properties and several other companies operating across multiple sectors. Over the years, he has weathered numerous commercial disputes, including high-profile battles over family-owned businesses and multimillion-shilling property conflicts.

    Supporters of Lalji argue that the pressure facing Trident is part of a broader campaign targeting influential industry players. Some allege the insurer’s troubles could ultimately benefit competitors such as Amaco seeking greater dominance in Kenya’s insurance market. No evidence has been publicly produced to support those claims.

    The controversy comes as PCF continues processing claims from Trident policyholders following the firm’s placement under statutory management.

    In a public notice issued in May, the fund announced that compensation payments had commenced in April under provisions of the Insurance Act and the Policyholders Compensation Fund Regulations. Eligible claimants were directed to submit applications through an online portal, with compensation capped at Sh100,000 per claim.

    However, critics of the process have raised concerns about verification mechanisms and oversight of claims submitted through the digital platform. PCF has maintained that all applications undergo review before compensation is approved.

    The dispute has also revived memories of the collapse of Resolution Insurance, where court proceedings questioned actions taken by PCF before liquidation processes were fully completed.

    In that case, the High Court ruled that certain financial decisions relating to company funds could not be undertaken once liquidation had commenced, reinforcing the authority of appointed liquidators. The judgment has since become a reference point in debates over the limits of PCF’s powers when handling distressed insurers.

    Trident directors now argue that similar questions should be asked about the management of their company.

    Beyond Trident, Sahal’s office has been involved in matters concerning several troubled insurers that have either collapsed or entered liquidation, including Corporate Insurance Company, KUSCCO Mutual Assurance Limited, Blue Shield Insurance, Standard Assurance, Concord Insurance, United Insurance and Xplico Insurance.

    The growing controversy has now placed Sahal and the compensation fund under an uncomfortable spotlight, with critics demanding greater transparency regarding interactions between regulators, compensation officials and struggling insurers before they collapse.

    As compensation payments continue and legal battles simmer in the background, the Trident saga is rapidly becoming one of the most politically and commercially sensitive insurance disputes Kenya has witnessed in recent years.

  • The Kamukunji Cash Pit: Ghost School, Phantom Audit Trails and NG-CDF Manager Who Refuses to Leave

    The Kamukunji Cash Pit: Ghost School, Phantom Audit Trails and NG-CDF Manager Who Refuses to Leave

    On the official website of the Kamukunji National Government Constituencies Development Fund, the stated mission is solemn: prudent management of all NG-CDF projects for transformative socio-economic development.

    The core values listed prominently include Transparency and Accountability, Professionalism and Integrity, and Neutrality and Objectivity.

    What is unfolding inside that office, according to residents and accountability activists who have spent months tracking the fund’s financial history, is the precise opposite of every word on that list.

    Kamukunji Constituency in Nairobi County is represented by Yusuf Hassan Abdi, a former United Nations diplomat who first entered parliament in 2011 and is now serving his fourth consecutive term. Under his long political watch, public records and community testimony paint a picture of a constituency development fund plagued by suspicious bank account movements, alleged ghost infrastructure, a fund manager with what appears to be supernatural immunity from the public service transfer system, and an emerging pattern of intimidation directed at citizens who have the audacity to follow the money.

    A school received KSh8.5 million. Residents cannot find it. The Auditor-General confirmed millions worth of projects were unimplemented. Someone must answer for this.

    THE BANK ACCOUNT SHELL GAME

    At the centre of the residents’ demands is a question that should have a simple, documentary answer: why did the Kamukunji NGCDF bank account migrate from Cooperative Bank, to Equity Bank, and then again to KCB Bank? Three different commercial banks. Three separate sets of account signatories. Three distinct audit trails, each abruptly interrupted before a successor was properly documented and reported to oversight authorities.

    Under the National Government Constituencies Development Fund Act, 2015, and the Public Finance Management Act, 2012, the management of constituency fund accounts is subject to strict governance requirements. Changes in banking institutions and authorised signatories are not supposed to be casual administrative decisions. They require formal approvals, documented justifications, and notification to the NG-CDF Board. Residents now want to know whether any of those requirements were observed in Kamukunji. They are asking whether the serial migration of accounts from bank to bank was a deliberate strategy to complicate audit trails and frustrate forensic scrutiny.

    The suspicion is not unfounded. Forensic accountants and public finance auditors have long recognised that repeated bank account changes, particularly when coupled with signatory substitutions, are among the most common mechanisms used to obscure the movement of public funds. Each change creates a seam in the documentary record. Each new set of signatories dilutes institutional memory. Each new bank resets the informal relationships between fund managers and compliance officers. In aggregate, three bank changes over the life of one constituency fund office constitute a pattern that demands rigorous explanation, not administrative silence.

    THE GHOST OF NEW KAMUKUNJI SECONDARY SCHOOL

    No allegation in the Kamukunji scandal is more damning, or more verifiable, than the claim surrounding New Kamukunji Secondary School. According to residents and community activists who have tracked NG-CDF disbursements, the project was allocated KSh8.5 million. The money was apparently processed, approved, and disbursed. The project appears in expenditure records. And yet when residents attempt to locate the school, nothing matches the description of a completed or functioning institution that received nearly nine million shillings in public money.

    This is not a technical accounting dispute. If New Kamukunji Secondary School received KSh8.5 million, there must be a physical project proposal signed by the project management committee, a procurement record identifying the contractor who was awarded the work, payment vouchers authorising the transfer of funds, inspection reports certifying that construction milestones were reached, and a completion certificate confirming that the school exists and functions. If any of those documents are missing, the implication is stark: either the school is a ghost project whose funds were diverted, or the documentation was fabricated to support a disbursement that was never spent on what it claimed to fund.

    The Auditor-General’s report on the Kamukunji NGCDF for the financial year ended June 2019 is instructive on the fund’s project implementation history. That report flagged the non-implementation of projects worth KSh15.8 million that had been budgeted and transferred to government entities. The Auditor-General stated clearly that physical inspection revealed the projects had not been implemented at the time of the audit in February 2020, and that no explanation was given for the failure. If the pattern of non-implementation visible in 2019 continued into subsequent financial years, the New Kamukunji Secondary School allegation fits squarely within an established failure mode.

    Three bank accounts. Three sets of signatories. And a fund manager in position for fifteen years who reportedly refused a lawful transfer order. This is not administration. This is a fortress built around public funds.

    THE IMMOVABLE FUND MANAGER

    The figure at the operational heart of the Kamukunji NGCDF is its constituency fund manager, identified in public records and community documents as Oner Farah. Fund managers under the NG-CDF structure are public servants deployed by the NG-CDF Board to administer the day-to-day operations of the fund at the constituency level. They are directly responsible for procurement compliance, financial record-keeping, project supervision, and reporting. They are, in structural terms, the single most powerful official determining whether public money reaches the ground in the form of real projects.

    Residents allege that Farah has occupied the Kamukunji NGCDF post for approximately fifteen years. That tenure is extraordinary by any public service standard. Kenya’s public service transfer regulations exist specifically to prevent the kind of institutional entrenchment that breeds impunity. An officer embedded in one posting for over a decade develops relationships with contractors, political networks, and oversight officials that effectively insulate him from accountability. He becomes, in the language of forensic governance, a single point of systemic risk.

    The residents’ allegations become considerably more serious when they recount what happened when authorities reportedly attempted to move Farah to Gatundu South Constituency. According to those tracking the matter, Farah was formally transferred but allegedly failed to report to his new station. He is said to remain physically attached to Kamukunji. If accurate, this constitutes outright defiance of a lawful public service directive, a category of conduct that in any other public office would result in immediate disciplinary proceedings. The question residents are now demanding the NG-CDF Board and the Public Service Commission answer is simple: who is protecting Oner Farah, and why has his refusal to obey a transfer order attracted zero visible consequence?

    STATE HOUSE, EACC AND THE POLITICS OF SILENCE

    The most alarming dimension of this story is not financial. It is the reported deployment of institutional names to frighten citizens into silence. According to multiple sources familiar with the accountability campaign inside Kamukunji, those who have been publicly vocal about the fund’s management have faced direct intimidation. The specific and disturbing detail is that the names of State House and the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission have been invoked in these encounters, not as references to oversight intervention, but as threats intended to signal to questioners that powerful actors are watching and that continued scrutiny carries personal risk.

    This is a profound perversion of institutional purpose. The EACC exists to pursue corruption, not to intimidate those who report it. State House represents the executive branch and carries constitutional obligations of accountability, not a licence to menace citizens exercising their right to demand transparency in the expenditure of public funds. If the names of these institutions are genuinely being weaponised to silence accountability advocates in Kamukunji, that constitutes a separate and serious matter that warrants investigation by the very institutions whose names are allegedly being abused.

    Kenya Insights sent queries to the Kamukunji NGCDF office and to the office of MP Yusuf Hassan seeking responses to the specific allegations detailed in this report, including the bank account migrations, the status of New Kamukunji Secondary School, the employment status of Oner Farah, and the intimidation claims.

    No substantive response had been received at the time of publication. Farah could not be independently reached for comment. The NG-CDF Board had not responded to queries on the signatory changes and transfer compliance.

    TWO BILLION SHILLINGS AND A CONSTITUENCY THAT SHOWS LITTLE FOR IT

    Since the NG-CDF was established under President Mwai Kibaki in 2003, constituency allocations have grown dramatically. Nationwide, the Auditor-General Nancy Gathungu’s most recent comprehensive report on the 2023/2024 financial year flagged KSh1.3 billion in unsupported NGCDF expenditure across 99 constituencies, a scandalous figure that earned barely a week of headlines before political news consumed it. Kamukunji was among the constituencies that received regular allocations across this entire period.

    Residents estimate that more than KSh2 billion has been disbursed to the Kamukunji NGCDF since the fund’s inception. Kamukunji is a densely populated urban constituency covering barely 8.8 square kilometres in the heart of Nairobi. Its schools, police facilities, and community infrastructure should be among the most visible and best-funded in the city. What residents describe instead is a constituency that struggles to point to completed NG-CDF-funded facilities that match the scale of money that has passed through the fund’s accounts.

    The Auditor-General’s nationwide findings on NG-CDF confirm a systemic pattern that makes the Kamukunji-specific allegations entirely plausible. Across the 2023/2024 financial year, 86 NG-CDF offices failed to provide documentation for bursary disbursements totalling KSh2.1 billion. Projects worth KSh495.6 million across 29 constituencies were found stalled or abandoned. Completion of projects worth KSh6.9 billion was delayed in 157 constituencies. In this context, allegations about ghost projects in Kamukunji are not extraordinary claims. They are consistent with a broken accountability architecture that permits public officers to disburse money, record expenditure, and produce certificates for projects that either do not exist or exist only in a state of chronic incompletion.

    The Auditor-General flagged KSh1.3 billion in unsupported NGCDF spending nationwide. In Kamukunji, a single alleged ghost school consumed KSh8.5 million. The pattern is national. The impunity is local.

    WHAT MUST HAPPEN NOW

    The residents of Kamukunji are not asking for anything novel or radical. They are asking for what the law already requires. They want a forensic audit of all Kamukunji NGCDF bank accounts spanning the full operational history of the fund, with particular attention to the circumstances of each bank migration, every signatory change, and the documentation authorising those decisions. They want the NG-CDF Board to produce a complete status report on every project funded in the constituency, with physical verification of each. They want the Auditor-General to explain the specific findings of each successive annual audit and why any adverse findings were not acted upon with sufficient urgency to prevent further losses.

    They want the Public Service Commission to explain the current employment status of Oner Farah, confirm whether he was indeed transferred to Gatundu South, and if so, state definitively whether he reported to his new station or whether disciplinary proceedings have been initiated for his failure to do so. They want the EACC to investigate the intimidation claims and establish whether its institutional name has been misused to suppress accountability advocacy. And they want Yusuf Hassan, who has been the constituency’s Member of Parliament since 2011 and who chairs the constituency development committee, to account for the governance of a fund that absorbed billions in public money under his political watch.

    Yusuf Hassan is a former United Nations official whose career was built on the principles of human rights, transparency, and public service. The constituency he represents is one of the most economically active urban zones in Nairobi, home to tens of thousands of residents who deserve infrastructure, education, and security services proportionate to the public money allocated in their name. The allegations now publicly made against the fund he oversees are not political attacks. They are accountability demands grounded in specific financial facts, documented audit queries, and the lived experience of a community that watched billions pass through an office and emerge as very little visible development.

    The Kamukunji NGCDF scandal, if the allegations withstand the forensic audit that residents are demanding, will stand as one of the most prolonged and systematic constituency-level public finance failures in Nairobi’s history. It will also raise uncomfortable questions about every institution that was supposed to catch it and did not. The Auditor-General audited Kamukunji repeatedly. The NG-CDF Board oversaw the fund. The Public Service Commission managed its officers. None of them, on the publicly available record, produced a response to the emerging pattern that matched the scale of the alleged harm.

    Until a forensic audit is ordered, its terms published, its findings independently verified, and its results acted upon with prosecutorial consequences for any officer found culpable, the people of Kamukunji are entitled to conclude that the institutions designed to protect them have failed them completely. The money is gone. The school does not exist. The fund manager will not leave. And the names of Kenya’s most powerful institutions are being used not to deliver justice, but to ensure that no one asks where the billions went.

  • Lawyer in Sh65 Million Fake Gold Scandal Dragged to Court as Investigators Uncover Web of Suspicious Deals

    Lawyer in Sh65 Million Fake Gold Scandal Dragged to Court as Investigators Uncover Web of Suspicious Deals

    A prominent Nairobi lawyer has found himself at the centre of a multi-million-shilling fake gold scandal after investigators linked him to an alleged scheme that saw a Dubai-based businessman lose more than Sh65 million in what authorities describe as a fictitious precious metals deal.

    The case, which has reignited concerns over Kenya’s long-running fake gold syndicates, pits lawyer Conrad Anangwe Maloba and his law firm against the state, with prosecutors insisting that criminal charges should proceed despite attempts to halt the case through the courts.

    Director of Public Prosecutions Renson Igonga has urged the High Court in Kiambu to throw out an application filed by Maloba and Conrad Law Advocates LLP seeking protection from arrest and prosecution.

    The lawyer is accused of playing a role in a transaction that investigators say was carefully orchestrated to convince foreign investors that they were purchasing a lucrative gold consignment from Kenya.

    Court documents reveal that the complaint was lodged by Andrew Adel Gaballa, a director of Sakina Commodities FZCO, who claims he was duped out of more than USD 505,000, equivalent to about Sh65 million, after being drawn into a purported gold export deal.

    According to investigators, Gaballa entered into agreements witnessed by Maloba before wiring hundreds of thousands of dollars into accounts operated by the law firm. The transfers reportedly included USD 10,000 in legal fees and USD 495,000 allegedly held in trust pending completion of the transaction.

    The complainant later travelled to Kenya expecting to finalize the purchase and was allegedly shown what appeared to be a genuine gold consignment. Investigators say he was even provided with three boxes said to contain 10 kilograms of gold as security under a collateral management arrangement.

    But what initially appeared to be a high-value commodity transaction quickly began to unravel.

    Detectives told the court that Gaballa became alarmed after inconsistencies emerged regarding insurance arrangements linked to the shipment. Documents allegedly indicated cryptocurrency payments worth hundreds of thousands of dollars had been made despite vastly different insurance quotations.

    Further suspicion arose when he was reportedly issued with what investigators believe was merely a receipt rather than a valid insurance policy.

    Authorities say requests for proof that insurance payments had actually been remitted went unanswered.

    The biggest red flag emerged when Gaballa was informed that the gold had been flown to Oman aboard a private jet in March.

    Investigators subsequently checked aviation records and allegedly found no evidence that such an aircraft departed Nairobi on the stated date. Detectives also say no shipping documentation was produced to support claims that the gold had ever left the country.

    By then, investigators say, the businessman had concluded that he had been caught in a sophisticated fraud scheme and reported the matter to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations.

    The case adds to a growing list of high-profile gold scams that have repeatedly tarnished Kenya’s reputation as a regional trading hub.

    Over the past decade, foreign investors from the Middle East, Asia and Europe have lost millions of dollars in elaborate fake gold transactions involving forged export permits, counterfeit refinery documents, fake security companies and non-existent consignments.

    Several investigations have previously exposed criminal networks that use luxury hotels, rented offices, lawyers, brokers and individuals posing as government officials to create the appearance of legitimacy before victims are persuaded to release large sums of money.

    In the latest case, detectives arrested Duncan Okonji Okaka, whom they describe as an intermediary linking the complainant to the alleged deal. He has already been charged and released on bail pending trial.

    Maloba’s legal troubles do not end there.

    Court records indicate that prosecutors are also pursuing a separate conspiracy to defraud case in which he is accused of participating in a scheme involving a purported Kenyan government contract for the supply of 500 Toyota Hiace ambulances.

    In that matter, authorities allege that a foreign investor was induced to part with USD 470,750 after being promised access to the lucrative tender. Maloba has denied the accusations.

    The lawyer maintains that he acted strictly within the confines of his professional duties and insists that the money received by his firm was held in escrow on behalf of a client. He argues that he neither negotiated nor executed the underlying commercial transaction and merely processed payments based on written instructions.

    He has also told the court that no complaint has been lodged against him before the Advocates Complaints Commission or the Advocates Disciplinary Tribunal, arguing that the dispute is fundamentally commercial rather than criminal.

    However, investigators have dismissed claims that he is being targeted unfairly.

    In court filings, detectives insisted that the probe was conducted professionally and that there is sufficient evidence to warrant prosecution. They argue that granting the orders sought by the lawyer would effectively shield him from lawful criminal proceedings and frustrate efforts to establish the truth behind the missing millions.

    The High Court’s decision is now expected to determine whether Maloba will face trial in a case that has once again cast a spotlight on Kenya’s notorious fake gold underworld, where promises of vast fortunes have repeatedly ended in allegations of deception, vanished money and bitter international disputes.

  • Port Tycoon Samuel Kairu Dragged Into Sh500 Million Mombasa Port Tax Scam

    Port Tycoon Samuel Kairu Dragged Into Sh500 Million Mombasa Port Tax Scam

    Businessman Samuel Kairu Njonde, the man behind Compact Freight Systems, has emerged as one of the prominent names linked to an explosive investigation into an alleged Sh500 million customs fraud scheme at the Port of Mombasa, a scandal that investigators say exposed deep vulnerabilities within Kenya’s most important maritime gateway.

    The investigation, being conducted jointly by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), has already led to the arrest of eight government officials and is now widening its net to include freight forwarding companies and businessmen suspected of facilitating the movement of cargo through the port without payment of mandatory customs taxes.

    According to investigators, the alleged scheme relied on the recycling of legitimate customs entry numbers that had already been used and approved. Rather than creating fake documentation, suspects allegedly attached previously processed clearance records to new consignments, allowing containers to exit the port while appearing to have complied with all customs requirements.

    Authorities believe at least 238 containers left the Port of Mombasa irregularly between 2025 and early 2026, with fears that the final figure could surpass 300 containers. The suspected tax losses are estimated to exceed Sh500 million.

    Investigators say the operation involved a sophisticated network spanning both public and private sectors. Five KRA officers and three Kenya Ports Authority employees have already been identified as key suspects. Authorities allege that retired KPA employees’ login credentials were unlawfully used to access port systems and process container clearances under dormant digital identities.

    While no criminal charges against Kairu have been publicly announced, investigators are examining the role of firms linked to freight forwarding activities connected to the irregular container releases. His company, Compact Freight Systems, has been repeatedly mentioned in reports surrounding the ongoing probe.

    The latest allegations add to a long trail of legal and commercial disputes that have followed the businessman over the years.

    Court records show that Compact Freight Systems has repeatedly found itself embroiled in litigation involving cargo handling, contractual disputes and claims of cargo losses. One of the most notable cases involved allegations surrounding the loss of 153 bales of imported garments valued at more than USD 214,000 at the company’s Miritini-based container freight station. Courts handled multiple proceedings between 2022 and 2024 concerning liability for damaged or missing cargo.

    Kairu’s company has also battled creditors in court. In the long-running case involving Aswan Developers and Contractors Limited, judgment was entered against Compact Freight Systems for approximately Sh6.8 million. Attempts to stop execution of the decree were unsuccessful, leading auctioneers to target company assets, including a Reachstacker container-loading machine considered critical to the firm’s operations.

    The businessman has additionally been linked to a high-profile dispute involving cargo transportation arrangements for South Sudan. The disagreement pitted interests associated with Compact Freight Systems against entities linked to the family of former Mombasa Governor and Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho.

    The dispute escalated into diplomatic and legal corridors after the South Sudan government moved to terminate cargo allocation arrangements. Justice Martha Mutuku subsequently directed the Kenyan government to comply with requests arising from the cancellation of the transport agreement involving Compact Freight Systems and Autoport Freight Terminal.

    The latest investigation has once again placed the spotlight on corruption and tax leakages at the Port of Mombasa, a strategic facility that serves not only Kenya but also Uganda, Rwanda, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    Over the years, the port has witnessed numerous fraud scandals involving container diversion, tax evasion, cargo theft, under-declaration of imports and manipulation of customs systems. Anti-corruption agencies have repeatedly warned that criminal cartels often rely on insider access within government agencies to bypass controls and facilitate illegal cargo movements.

    Several previous investigations at the port uncovered networks involving customs officers, clearing agents, transporters and private businessmen working together to manipulate cargo declarations, alter documentation and evade taxes worth hundreds of millions of shillings.

    The current probe appears to fit that pattern.

    Investigators say the alleged fraud did not depend on crude document forgery. Instead, it exploited weaknesses within existing electronic systems and internal controls, making detection more difficult and potentially allowing the operation to continue for months before authorities uncovered the scheme.

    As investigators continue tracing the movement of hundreds of containers and following money trails linked to freight firms operating within and around the port, pressure is mounting on authorities to determine whether the scandal was the work of a few rogue officials or evidence of a far larger cartel embedded within Kenya’s maritime logistics sector.

    For Samuel Kairu Njonde, a businessman whose name has repeatedly surfaced in court battles and transport-sector disputes over the past decade, the investigation represents the most serious scrutiny yet of a business empire that has long operated at the centre of East Africa’s lucrative cargo movement industry.

    Whether investigators ultimately establish direct criminal culpability or merely business association remains a matter for the ongoing inquiry. What is already clear, however, is that the unfolding scandal has once again exposed the immense financial risks posed by corruption and systemic weaknesses at one of Africa’s busiest ports.

  • Couple Charged With Sh13.8 Million Forex Fraud

    Couple Charged With Sh13.8 Million Forex Fraud

    Two traders have been charged with obtaining Sh13.8 million from forex investors.

    Timothy Iguta Macharia and Norah Gatugi Micheni appeared before Milimani Principal Magistrate Mutahi for allegedly obtaining the money by claiming they were in forex business. They denied the fraud charges.

    The prosecution told the court that they obtained the money from Stacey Kabura Njoroge, with intent to defraud.

    The charge sheet stated that they committed the offence on diverse dates between September 2025 and February 2026 in Nairobi County.

    According to the prosecution, the traders obtained the money by pretending that they would be remitting a 10 percent interest from the principal amount every month, a fact they knew to be false.

    The court heard that between September 2025 and February 2026 in Nairobi County, they deposited the money into their bank accounts at Stanbic and KCB, as well as Safaricom Mpesa account numbers registered, while aware that they were proceeds of crime.

    It is further alleged that they obtained another Sh1.5 million during the same period and claimed that they would pay the investor 15 percent of the principal amount every month, a fact they knew to be false.

    They were released on a bond of Sh2 million.

  • UK Wins Court Case Over Collapsed Rwanda Asylum Deal

    UK Wins Court Case Over Collapsed Rwanda Asylum Deal

    The UK will not have to pay Rwanda millions of pounds over the collapsed asylum agreement that was cancelled by Keir Starmer shortly after he took office, an international court has ruled.

    The Rwandan government had sought to sue the UK for more than £100m, saying it had breached the terms of the deal.

    Signed by the previous Conservative government, it was meant to see the UK pay Rwanda to host asylum seekers who had arrived illegally in the UK.

    Lawyers representing the UK during the three-day hearing in the Netherlands had argued that it was “entirely logical” the plan would be scrapped when Labour came to power and “simple common sense” that no further payments would be due.

    They also denied the UK breached parts of the deal.

    “Rwanda is not entitled to any of the forms of relief it seeks,” they told the Hague’s Permanent Court of Arbitration.

    A spokesperson for the Rwandan government said it respected the tribunal’s ruling and considered the matter concluded.

    But in a statement, they added: “We note that the dissenting and separate opinion by Professor Mohamed Abdel Wahab shows that the issues before the tribunal were complex and open to different legal conclusions, including that the November 2024 exchanges relied on by the UK did not validly change the financial arrangements between the two countries.”

    Emmanuel Ugirashebuja, Rwanda’s minister of justice and attorney general, previously told the court the country had incurred “significant costs” preparing for the partnership, but the UK “then sought to walk away from its legal obligations”.

    He also said the UK “did not do Rwanda a courtesy of informing it in advance” that it was scrapping the deal, and leaders were “left to read about this development in the media”.

    Former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak introduced the scheme as a deterrent to those looking to illegally cross the English Channel in small boats.

    The plan had first been announced in 2022 by then-prime minister Boris Johnson. It was designed so that asylum seekers arriving in the UK “illegally” from a safe country, such as France, would be sent to Rwanda and have their claims processed there.

    If successful, they could be granted refugee status and allowed to stay in Rwanda.

    The first flight that had been scheduled to take off under the plan in 2022 was grounded minutes before take-off due to an intervention from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), which triggered a series of legal challenges in London courts.

    The scheme faced a number of legal battles before it was ultimately scrapped.

    A voluntary removals programme was subsequently announced in 2024, under which migrants whose claims were rejected were offered up to £3,000 to move to the east African country.

    Only four people were voluntarily removed to Rwanda.

    Dropping the scheme was one of Labour’s manifesto pledges ahead of the 2024 general election, and when Starmer came into office he declared the plan “dead and buried”.

    Responding to the court’s decision, a government spokesperson said the UK had “robustly” defended its position.

    They said the government was “focused on delivering vital reforms to restore order and control to our borders, including removing the incentives drawing illegal migrants to Britain and scaling up removals of those with no right to be here”.

    Shadow home secretary Chris Philp welcomed the court’s ruling, saying the UK “should not be in the position where such courts have jurisdiction over the decisions made by our sovereign parliament”.

    But he said Labour “should have never cancelled the Rwanda plan” and that the decision has led to record crossings and asylum claims.

    Imran Hussain, the director of external affairs at the Refugee Council, said on Monday the scheme caused “chaos” by pausing decisions and leaving people stuck in the system.

    “The best way to get value for money is to build a fair and functioning asylum system that makes quick, accurate decisions about who can stay and who must return,” Hussain added.

    –BBC

  • Gachagua Attacks Ruto for Holding Madaraka Day Celebrations at Newly Built Wajir Stadium, Says Residents Have More Pressing Unmet Needs

    Gachagua Attacks Ruto for Holding Madaraka Day Celebrations at Newly Built Wajir Stadium, Says Residents Have More Pressing Unmet Needs

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has launched a sharp attack on President William Ruto over the decision to hold this year’s Madaraka Day celebrations in Wajir County, arguing that residents continue to grapple with poverty, inadequate infrastructure and limited access to essential public services.

    In a statement issued on Monday as the country marked its 63rd Madaraka Day, Gachagua questioned the rationale behind staging the national event in a region he says still faces serious development challenges despite years of funding from both the national and county governments.  

    The former deputy president said the celebrations should have provided an opportunity for the Head of State to account for the state of development in Wajir and explain what tangible gains residents have received from public investments over the years.

    “Holding the celebrations in Wajir is mocking them as they have nothing to celebrate,” Gachagua said, insisting that many residents continue to struggle with access to clean water, reliable electricity, quality healthcare, education and security.  

    His remarks came as President Ruto presided over the historic Madaraka Day celebrations at Wajir Stadium, the first time in Kenya’s history that the national event has been hosted in Northern Kenya. During his address, Ruto described the occasion as a symbolic declaration that no region should be excluded from the country’s development agenda.  

    Questions Over Development Priorities

    Gachagua accused leaders from the region of failing to explain why basic services remain inadequate despite years of devolved funding and allocations through national government programmes.

    He cited challenges ranging from poor road networks and unreliable electricity supply to inadequate sanitation infrastructure and recurring water shortages, arguing that these issues should have been addressed before investing in high-profile projects associated with hosting a national celebration.  

    The former deputy president also questioned whether resources used to prepare for the event could have been directed toward projects with a more direct impact on residents, including schools, hospitals, water systems and sewerage infrastructure.

    He further challenged the government to provide a detailed account of how billions of shillings allocated to Wajir County since the advent of devolution in 2013 have been spent, saying residents deserve transparency on the use of public funds and the outcomes achieved.

    Ruto’s Message of Inclusion

    The criticism came only hours after President Ruto used the national celebrations to acknowledge decades of neglect suffered by Northern Kenya and issue a rare public apology on behalf of the Kenyan state.

    Addressing thousands of residents gathered at Wajir Stadium, the President admitted that past governments had failed the region through policies that concentrated development in areas considered economically productive while leaving vast parts of Northern Kenya behind.  

    “Poleni sana,” Ruto told residents, describing the marginalisation of Northern Kenya as a historical injustice that should never have happened. He pledged to accelerate investments in roads, healthcare, water projects, education and other critical infrastructure to bridge the development gap.  

    The President also defended the decision to host Madaraka Day in Wajir, saying it was intended to demonstrate that every Kenyan region matters and that national celebrations should not be confined to major urban centres.  

    Political Undertones

    Gachagua’s latest remarks are likely to deepen the growing political rivalry between the former deputy president and his former boss as both leaders intensify efforts to shape the national political conversation ahead of the next General Election.

    Beyond development concerns, Gachagua urged the President to address historical grievances in the region, including the legacy of the Wagalla Massacre, and reassure residents that such tragedies would never recur.

    The exchange highlights the competing narratives emerging around Wajir’s hosting of Madaraka Day. While the government has portrayed the event as a landmark moment of national inclusion and recognition for a historically neglected region, critics argue that symbolism alone cannot substitute for improvements in the daily lives of residents.  

    As celebrations concluded in Wajir, the debate shifted beyond the festivities themselves to a broader question that has long shaped Kenya’s politics: whether promises of inclusion and development are translating into meaningful change for communities that have spent decades on the margins of the country’s growth.

  • Bought Popularity? Malindi NG-CDF Officer Nelson Alfayo Faces Fresh Claims of Poll Manipulation Amid Mounting Corruption Allegations

    Bought Popularity? Malindi NG-CDF Officer Nelson Alfayo Faces Fresh Claims of Poll Manipulation Amid Mounting Corruption Allegations

    A fresh controversy has erupted around a senior National Government Constituencies Development Fund (NG-CDF) official in Kilifi County after activists and political rivals accused him of allegedly attempting to manipulate public opinion through paid popularity surveys while facing a growing list of corruption and misconduct allegations.

    Nelson Alfayo Nyangwara, an officer linked to the Malindi NG-CDF office and reportedly eyeing a future political career in Mombasa’s Nyali constituency, has become the subject of renewed scrutiny following claims that favourable opinion polls circulating online may have been influenced by financial inducements.

    According to allegations made by individuals claiming to be familiar with internal campaign discussions, Nyangwara allegedly sought to secure positive ratings from polling firms in an effort to boost his public image as questions continue to emerge about his tenure in various NG-CDF offices. No evidence has publicly been produced proving that any polling organisation accepted money or altered survey findings, and the firms named in the allegations had not publicly responded to the claims at the time of publication.

    The allegations come against a backdrop of broader concerns surrounding accountability within the NG-CDF system, which has repeatedly found itself at the centre of governance, transparency and public finance disputes in Kenya. The fund has previously faced legal challenges over its management structure and oversight mechanisms, with courts and civil society organisations raising concerns about accountability in the handling of public resources.  

    Activists claim that Nyangwara has previously served in several constituencies and has been the subject of multiple complaints relating to the management of public funds. Some of those claims have surfaced in petitions and activist campaigns, although many remain untested in court and no criminal conviction has been secured against him.  

    The latest accusations stem from reports that a group of human rights and accountability activists submitted complaints to the NG-CDF Board seeking investigations into the officer’s conduct. According to petitioners, Nyangwara allegedly violated public service regulations by engaging in political activities while still serving in a public office role.

    The complaints also accuse him of using his position to cultivate political influence ahead of a possible run for elective office in Nyali. Petitioners argue that public officers are required to maintain political neutrality and avoid activities that could create conflicts between official duties and personal political ambitions.

    Among the most serious allegations are claims that millions of shillings allocated for constituency development projects may have been misappropriated during his service in different NG-CDF stations. However, no court has made a determination on those allegations, and relevant investigative agencies have not publicly announced any criminal charges arising from the claims.

    The controversy has also reignited debate about oversight within constituency development funds. In recent years, several NG-CDF officials across the country have faced investigations and arrests over alleged misuse of public resources, including procurement irregularities and disputed tender awards.  

    Political observers note that allegations involving opinion polling have become increasingly common as potential candidates seek to build momentum ahead of future elections. Polling firms often influence public perception, making claims of manipulation particularly sensitive in Kenya’s competitive political environment.

    The NG-CDF itself has remained under intense public scrutiny, with recurring court battles over its constitutionality and management. While the Court of Appeal recently upheld the legality of the fund, judges emphasized the need for strong accountability mechanisms, including audits and financial oversight, to safeguard public resources.  

    As pressure mounts, accountability groups say they will continue pushing for investigations into the allegations against Nyangwara and other public officials accused of abusing public office.

    For now, many of the claims remain allegations contained in petitions and activist complaints. Whether they result in formal investigations, disciplinary action or criminal proceedings will depend on findings by the NG-CDF Board, investigative agencies and other relevant authorities.

  • KDF Cordon Off Laikipia Air Base As Hundreds Protest Planned Ebola Facility

    KDF Cordon Off Laikipia Air Base As Hundreds Protest Planned Ebola Facility

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Jun 1 — Hundreds of residents in Nanyuki staged a protest on Monday against the proposed establishment of an Ebola quarantine and isolation facility at Laikipia Airbase, amid growing national debate over Kenya’s preparedness and role in managing cross-border infectious disease cases.

    The demonstrators initially marched toward the perimeter of Laikipia Airbase but were blocked by heavily armed Kenya Air Force personnel, who denied them access to the military installation.

    Security forces established a cordon around the facility, forcing the crowd to retreat and redirect their procession toward Nanyuki town.

    According to a security advisory, the demonstration later moved into the Nanyuki Central Business District, where police escorted protesters along designated routes.

    Authorities reported that the protest remained largely peaceful, although localized disruptions were recorded, including traffic congestion, slower vehicle movement, and intermittent interruptions to business activities as the crowd passed through major streets.

    Despite heightened tensions earlier in the day, no major incidents of violence were reported, with security agencies maintaining what officials described as controlled containment of the procession.

    The protests come amid intensified public debate following reports that Kenya could host an Ebola isolation or treatment facility under a proposed international arrangement involving the United States.

    The Law Society of Kenya, led by Charles Kanjama, has opposed the proposal, arguing that Ebola treatment centres should be located closer to outbreak epicentres rather than in countries without active cases.

    Kanjama warned that hosting Ebola-exposed individuals in Kenya could expose the country to unnecessary public health risks and urged authorities to prioritize containment efforts nearer affected regions such as Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda.

    “We owe patients human solidarity, but public health requires facilities to be placed near outbreak epicentres,” he said, while calling for stronger border protection measures against the importation of infectious diseases.

    Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale has maintained that any international arrangement involving Ebola exposure or treatment must strictly comply with Kenyan law and public health protocols.

    Duale emphasized that Kenya’s sovereignty, immigration procedures, and health safeguards cannot be bypassed under any agreement, noting that screening, quarantine, and surveillance systems remain operational at points of entry.

    Public Health Principal Secretary Mary Muthoni also defended ongoing discussions with international partners, saying isolation facilities are a standard component of epidemic preparedness.

    Muthoni said Kenya’s laboratories are capable of rapid testing and that the country has mapped high-risk zones while strengthening border surveillance systems.

    Local leaders have also voiced opposition to the proposed facility. Sarah Korere argued that Nanyuki, a key tourism and commercial hub, should not host an Ebola-related centre and suggested such facilities should instead be located closer to affected countries.

    Korere warned that the proposal could harm the region’s tourism industry and undermine public confidence.

    “As residents of Nanyuki, we have said we do not want that Ebola rescue centre in Nanyuki. And it’s not just Nanyuki; we’ve said we don’t want it in Laikipia, and not just Laikipia, we don’t want it in Kenya,” she said.

    Three days earlier, the High Court issued conservatory orders temporarily blocking the establishment or operationalisation of any Ebola quarantine, isolation, or treatment facility in Kenya under the disputed arrangement.

    The court also barred the admission or transfer of Ebola-exposed individuals into the country until the matter is fully heard and determined. The petition was filed by Katiba Institute and certified as urgent.

    The ruling effectively suspends all related preparations pending further judicial directions.

    The debate comes amid heightened regional concern over Ebola preparedness. Ebola Virus Disease is a highly infectious disease transmitted through direct contact with infected bodily fluids and has caused deadly outbreaks in parts of Central and West Africa.

    While Kenya has strengthened surveillance systems at airports and border points in recent years, public anxiety remains high over the possibility of hosting foreign Ebola-exposed individuals.

    Despite the court order, reports of continued movement of medical equipment and personnel linked to preparedness planning have continued to fuel public scrutiny and political debate.

  • Chilling CCTV Footage Shows Moments Suspects Setting Fire In Dormitory Killing 16 Fellow Students

    Chilling CCTV Footage Shows Moments Suspects Setting Fire In Dormitory Killing 16 Fellow Students

    Fresh details have emerged from CCTV footage captured before the devastating fire that tore through a dormitory at Utumishi Girls Academy in Gilgil, Nakuru County, killing 16 students and injuring dozens more.

    The footage is now at the centre of investigations into one of Kenya’s worst school tragedies in recent years, with detectives piecing together events leading up to the inferno that struck in the early hours of Thursday morning.

    According to investigators, the events unfolded at around 12:10 a.m. when five students quietly walked into the dormitory while most occupants were asleep and unaware of the danger that was about to unfold.

    The footage shows the group making its way to Cube 11, where they briefly stopped before proceeding further into the dormitory. Detectives noted that throughout the movement, the students did not appear to exchange any words.

    One of the students is seen attempting to conceal her face from the surveillance cameras while carrying a slipper, which investigators believe may have been intended to help muffle footsteps as they moved through the dormitory.

    Moments later, three of the students are seen quickly moving toward the dormitory entrance, leaving two others behind.

    It is these two students, investigators say, who allegedly ignited the first fire.

    The CCTV footage reportedly captures the pair striking a matchbox before calmly walking away toward the exit.

    But the first blaze was only the beginning.

    Investigators say the students then moved toward another section of the dormitory where mattresses were stored and started a second fire. This time, the flames spread more rapidly.

    After confirming that the fires had taken hold, the suspects are seen leaving the dormitory without raising an alarm, according to investigators.

    Within minutes, smoke and flames began spreading through the building.

    By 12:13 a.m., panic had erupted inside the dormitory as students woke up to thick smoke and growing flames. Some are seen attempting to understand what was happening while others scrambled to find a way out.

    The situation deteriorated rapidly.

    Investigators say that within five minutes, the fire had engulfed large sections of the dormitory, turning the sleeping quarters into a death trap as terrified students desperately searched for an escape route.

    Preliminary findings indicate the blaze was deliberately started near the dormitory’s main entrance, the primary evacuation point for students.

    Detectives further allege that kerosene had been smeared around the entrance area, causing the flames to spread quickly and effectively cutting off the main escape route.

    As the inferno intensified, many students found themselves trapped inside.

    The fire claimed the lives of 16 students, while 79 others sustained injuries as they attempted to escape the burning building.

    Investigators say 10 of the victims were found near the entrance, where the fire is believed to have started, while six others died deeper inside the dormitory.

    The tragedy triggered swift police action, with eight students arrested in connection with the fire.

    The DCI said a major breakthrough was achieved following the detailed forensic analysis of the CCTV footage.

    According to the agency, investigators conducted an enhanced review of the footage at the Forensic Imaging and Acoustic Laboratory within the National Police Service Forensics Laboratory, leading to the identification of the students involved in the arson incident.

    “After conducting a thorough, detailed forensic analysis of the CCTV footage recovered from the school, coupled with enhanced review at the Forensic Imaging and Acoustic Laboratory at DCI National Police Service Forensics Laboratory, a positive identification of the students who lit the fire has been realised,” the statement said.

    The DCI revealed that analysis conducted in collaboration with teachers enabled investigators to confirm the identities of  students who participated in the arson before fleeing the scene.

    The incident has shocked the nation and reignited concerns over safety in boarding schools.

    In response, Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen has directed all schools across the country to install CCTV cameras to monitor student movement and strengthen security measures.

    Speaking during a thanksgiving ceremony at Kipsigis Girls High School on May 31, Murkomen said surveillance footage had played a crucial role in unravelling what happened at Utumishi Girls and suggested that earlier access to the footage could potentially have aided rescue efforts.

    Murkomen said he was shaken by what he saw, adding that the actions of the students involved were difficult to comprehend.

    “I was reviewing the CCTV footage of Utumishi Academy, and I felt very sad. I even struggled to sleep because we could see the kids who were coming to light the fire,” he said.

    The Interior CS noted that the students involved appeared to be bright and promising but lamented that they had allegedly engaged in an act that destroyed the dormitory while their colleagues were inside.

    “Very brilliant kids. Some who have got the best because that’s a national school. But for them to just get paraffin and a matchbox and burn a dormitory, really consciously seeing their colleagues sleeping there and walk out and leave them to die, that is something,” Murkomen said.

    He described the incident as deeply disturbing and urged students to reflect on the broader implications of their actions, warning against overemphasis on academic performance at the expense of discipline and moral grounding.

    Murkomen called on learners across the country to prioritise character development alongside academic excellence, saying education must go beyond examinations.

    “That is the most demonic thing I saw myself and I have seen. As children and as students, as teenagers, you need to know that it is not enough to be brilliant. It is important to have the right character, the right attitude of learning, and the necessary skills that you need to navigate life,” he said.