Former Kiambu Governor Ferdinand Waititu has received a partial reprieve after the High Court varied his bail conditions, reducing the amount to Sh20 million pending the determination of his appeal.
The ruling, delivered on Wednesday by Justice Winfrida Okwany, allows Waititu to be released on Sh20 million cash or on two sureties with property each valued at not less than Sh30 million.
The proposed properties will be verified and approved by the court’s Deputy Registrar.
Waititu’s lawyers told the court that their client had faced difficulties in securing the bank guarantee previously ordered as part of his bail.
They argued that more than seven months have passed since the original ruling, and the former county boss has consistently attended court hearings, showing he is not a flight risk.
“The key consideration should be whether Mr Waititu has complied with court appearances and whether the bail conditions remain reasonable under the circumstances,” the defence submitted.
The State opposed the application. Counsel Mwamburi, representing the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), argued that Waititu had not met the legal requirements for a review of the original bail terms.
Mwamburi noted that submissions in the case are set for later this month and that the defence had not presented any new or compelling reasons to justify altering the existing conditions.
The prosecution also questioned the fluctuating nature of the bail request, pointing out that the proposed amount was initially included, later withdrawn, and then reintroduced in the review application. “This change does not meet the threshold for review,” Mwamburi said.
As part of the revised bail terms, Waititu has been ordered to deposit his passport with the court until the appeal process is concluded.
Barely a week after the first arrest in a brazen gold scam that robbed an American businessman of USD 217,900, detectives from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations have hauled in a second suspect whose role in the scheme is as audacious as it is damning. Mohammed Noor Muhyadhin Mohammed, a Nairobi-based mobile phone trader with business tentacles stretching all the way to Hong Kong, was this week arrested by sleuths from the Operations Support Unit (OSU) for his alleged role in laundering millions of shillings that passed through his hands like sand through a sieve.
What makes this arrest remarkable is not just the scale of the fraud, now one of the most investigated gold scam networks in recent Nairobi history, but the identity of the man caught in the crosshairs. Mohammed is the sole proprietor of Mohazcom Trading, a registered Kenyan business that sources mobile phones primarily from Tecno Mobile Limited, one of the most recognised handset brands in East and Central Africa.
The revelation that a legitimate electronics distribution business allegedly served as a conduit for criminal proceeds has sent shockwaves through Nairobi’s trading corridors.
His arrest follows the February 16 arraignment of Willis Onyango Wasonga, known in shadier circles by the street alias “Marcus,” who now faces a thunderclap of charges at Milimani Law Courts: conspiracy to defraud contrary to Section 317 of the Penal Code; obtaining money by false pretences contrary to Section 313; and three counts under the Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act (POCAMLA No. 9 of 2009), covering acquisition, possession, and use of proceeds of crime.
Willis Onyango Wasonga
Wasonga pleaded not guilty and was released on a bond of Ksh 1 million, with the case returning for mention on March 3, 2026. The bond, critics say, was a bargain price for a man accused of engineering a multi-million shilling con.
The scheme itself reads like a crime thriller.
An American businessman, John Sodipo, and his Russian associate, Gershonov Oleg, were wooed into a deal for the purchase and chartered export of 495 kilograms of gold to Dubai.
The promise was glitter. The delivery was dust. Sodipo deposited funds into what he was assured was a legitimate escrow arrangement handled by MOAC Advocates, the law firm of one Michael Otieno Owano, a Nairobi advocate who has now earned the unenviable distinction of appearing at the centre of three separate fraud investigations targeting foreign investors.
That is where Mohammed enters the picture, and where the story darkens further.
Investigators have established that on February 3, 2026, USD 217,900 was transferred in a swift transaction from MOAC Advocates’ account at the National Bank of Kenya directly into Mohammed’s company account at the same institution.
The speed and precision of the transfer raised immediate red flags.
Within the same breath, Mohammed wired the entire amount overseas to accounts held by Tecno Mobile Limited at Citibank in Hong Kong, purportedly to finance a new shipment of mobile phones that, investigators note pointedly, has yet to set foot on Kenyan soil.
In a city where Nairobi’s murky gold underworld is estimated to be worth USD 28 billion, making it larger than the country’s entire national budget, the mechanics of laundering criminal proceeds through legitimate-seeming businesses is nothing new.
What separates this case is the sophistication of the paper trail assembled to cover the crime.
MOAC Advocates presented detectives with a debt settlement agreement allegedly signed by Mohammed and a second suspect still at large, a document investigators have now dismissed as what they describe as a mere smokescreen, a paper shield crafted to sanitise what was in reality a straightforward money laundering operation.
The threads connecting Mohammed to the broader syndicate do not end with a single suspicious transfer.
Investigators have dug deeper and established that he has maintained a decade-long business relationship with a forex bureau operating along Standard Street in the heart of Nairobi’s central business district.
This bureau, whose proprietor worked in close coordination with Mohammed, is believed to have routinely facilitated substantial cross-border transfers, including the very transaction now under scrutiny. Detectives say the bureau played a key role in the layering and concealment of criminal proceeds, the classic hallmarks of organised money laundering.
The name looming over everything, however, is that of Michael Otieno Owano.
Owano, the advocate behind MOAC Advocates, has found himself cast not as a professional servant of the law but as the alleged operational linchpin of a criminal enterprise targeting foreigners.
His firm’s accounts are now the subject of forensic investigation in connection with three separate fraud operations.
In November 2024, he was arrested following a Ksh 182 million fake tender scheme that targeted an American firm, Underground Pipeline Rehabilitation Company, with his firm receiving USD 90,000 in purported legal fees while the victim was deceived into paying over USD 1.6 million for fictitious government contracts bearing the names of the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority and the Kenya Meteorological Department.
He was released on bail while the Director of Public Prosecutions reviewed the matter.
Nairobi advocate Michael Otieno Owano of MOAC Advocates
In August 2025, Owano was arrested again in connection with a Sh79 million fake gold scheme targeting a Canadian investor, in which a proforma invoice of USD 318,400 was issued by a company called EAI Logistics, with funds wired directly into his firm’s account.
The victim was also pressured into sending USDT 300,000 in cryptocurrency. In that case, Owano was linked to a Cameroonian national, Francis Ouafo, identified as the mastermind of that operation.
Now Owano is wanted in connection with this latest case. Detectives are described as being hot on his heels, and sources indicate that three additional suspects remain at large. The rogue advocate has not been publicly apprehended as of press time, and the DCI has confirmed investigations are ongoing.
Three cases. Three sets of foreign victims. Three sets of criminal allegations. And a man who remains a licensed advocate, bound by the Law Society of Kenya to uphold ethics that, investigators allege, he has systematically trampled underfoot.
Nairobi’s reputation as a gold scam capital is not a new wound.
The DCI Director-General himself has described the problem as a huge cartel involving Kenyans, Congolese, Liberians, Nigerians, and Ghanaians, operating in a very sophisticated manner, with the upmarket Kilimani residential area specifically fingered as Africa’s fortress of gold scams.
The United Nations and international investigative agencies have documented massive discrepancies between what Kenya officially exports in gold and what the UAE alone reports importing from Kenya, suggesting a shadow economy of staggering proportions flowing beneath the surface of the country’s commercial life.
For Mohammed, the next stop is a magistrate’s court. He is currently in custody, undergoing processing for arraignment. For Wasonga, it is a court date on March 3. For Owano, it is a manhunt that detectives say is closing in by the hour.
For Kenya, it is a reckoning.
The country’s credibility as a destination for serious foreign investment depends in part on its ability to chase down and punish the conmen who have turned the promise of gold into a weapon against the very investors the country needs.
Every shilling stolen from a foreign businessman is not just a personal loss. It is a message broadcast to boardrooms in New York, Toronto, and beyond: that Kenya’s legal system, its licensed professionals, and its registered businesses can be instruments of fraud.
Whether the courts will deliver that reckoning remains to be seen. What is no longer in doubt is that the DCI is now pulling hard on threads that lead, investigators believe, to a syndicate far larger than the two men so far arraigned.
The gold was never real. The lawyers may have been. The reckoning is coming regardless.
NAIROBI — Kenya has received its first shipment of the long-acting HIV prevention injectable Lenacapavir, positioning the country at the forefront of next-generation HIV prevention efforts in Africa as it moves to curb new infections among high-risk populations.
The initial consignment of 21,000 starter doses arrived in Nairobi this week through a partnership between the Ministry of Health and the Global Fund. Health officials confirmed that an additional 12,000 continuation doses are expected by April, while a further 25,000 doses supported by the United States Government will reinforce early implementation.
Lenacapavir, a twice-yearly injectable form of pre-exposure prophylaxis, offers a significant shift from daily oral PrEP regimens that have struggled with adherence, particularly among adolescent girls, young women, and other populations at substantial risk of HIV acquisition.
Kenya’s Director General for Health, Dr Patrick Amoth, received the shipment alongside representatives from the U.S. Embassy and intergovernmental agencies. He said the country had completed all regulatory and scientific requirements ahead of the rollout.
The drug was approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in June 2025 and subsequently endorsed by the World Health Organization in July 2025 within updated global guidelines on long-acting HIV prevention.
In January 2026, Kenya’s Pharmacy and Poisons Board registered both the oral and injectable formulations for national use following a comprehensive scientific review.
Health authorities announced that Lenacapavir will be offered at an estimated annual cost of about Sh7,800 per patient.
Officials described this as a dramatic reduction from earlier global pricing estimates of approximately $42,000 per year during its initial commercial phase, a figure that had raised concerns about affordability in low- and middle-income countries.
The lower price reflects negotiated access arrangements and donor-backed procurement mechanisms aimed at accelerating uptake in high-burden settings.
Under the National AIDS and STI Control Programme, the Ministry of Health will implement a phased rollout beginning in March 2026. Phase one will target 15 high-burden counties identified through epidemiological surveillance data.
Two subsequent phases will expand access nationwide, guided by health-system readiness, commodity security, and service integration capacity.
Kenya records tens of thousands of new HIV infections annually, with young women aged 15 to 24 disproportionately affected.
Public health experts say long-acting injectable prevention could be a decisive intervention in addressing structural barriers to daily pill adherence, including stigma, mobility, and inconsistent access to health facilities.
Unlike daily oral PrEP, which requires strict routine compliance, Lenacapavir is administered twice a year by a trained health professional.
Clinical trials have demonstrated high efficacy in preventing HIV acquisition when delivered on schedule, strengthening confidence in its potential population-level impact.
The Ministry says the rollout will be integrated into broader HIV prevention services, including prevention of mother-to-child transmission and sexual and reproductive health programmes, aligning with Kenya’s Universal Health Coverage reforms.
Authorities have emphasised that supply chain safeguards and pharmacovigilance systems are in place to monitor safety and ensure continuity of care.
Kenya becomes one of the first African countries to move from regulatory approval to structured public-sector deployment of the injectable PrEP, reflecting a strategy that links donor financing, regulatory preparedness and targeted epidemiological planning.
Public health analysts caution that successful scale-up will depend on sustained financing, community engagement and equitable distribution across urban and rural settings.
However, with initial stocks secured and additional consignments scheduled, Kenya’s health authorities say the country is transitioning from incremental prevention gains to a potentially transformative phase in HIV control.
The Director of Right Choice Tours And Safaris has been charged before a Nairobi court for allegedly obtaining USD 16,708 from tourism clients under false pretences.
George Ogunda Okech was arraigned before Magistrate Irene Thamara, where the prosecution alleged that on diverse dates between December 8, 2025 and January 20, 2026, at Town House in Nairobi’s Central Business District, he unlawfully obtained USD 12,450 from one of his clients.
According to the prosecution, Okech, in his capacity as Director of the tour company, falsely represented to Jean Jacques that he would organize and facilitate tourist activities for him and his colleagues in various parts of the country, thereby inducing him to part with the funds.
He faces a second count of unlawfully obtaining USD 4,258 from another client, Youakim Alexandre, by similarly claiming he would arrange tourist activities in different destinations across Kenya.
The accused denied the charges.
The court released him on a bond of Ksh 500,000 with an alternative cash bail of Ksh 100,000. The matter is scheduled for mention and further directions on March 4, 2026.
NAIROBI, Kenya — A man described by detectives as a seasoned con artist has been hauled before a Nairobi court after allegedly masterminding a sophisticated gold scam that robbed an American businessman of USD 217,900, approximately Sh28 million, in what investigators are calling one of the most brazen cases of money laundering and fake gold dealing to hit the capital in recent memory.
Willis Onyango Wasonga, who allegedly goes by the street alias “Marcus,” was arraigned at Milimani Law Courts where he pleaded not guilty and was released on a bond of Ksh 1 million with two sureties, or an alternative cash bail of Ksh 350,000.
His freedom, however, may be short-lived. Detectives are still closing in on multiple accomplices, and the case returns to court on March 3, 2026.
Willis Onyango Wasonga
What makes this case particularly explosive is the reappearance of a name that Kenyan authorities know all too well: Nairobi advocate Michael Otieno Owano of MOAC Advocates, a lawyer who has now found himself at the center of not one, not two, but three separate fraud investigations spanning foreign victims from the United States, Canada, and beyond.
Owano, it appears, has turned the sacred trust of legal practice into a personal criminal enterprise.
The scheme began innocuously enough.
A Russian national, Gershonov Oleg, first visited Kenya in September 2025 to pursue a gold transaction that, from the very beginning, was nothing but a carefully constructed illusion.
During that trip, he was introduced to Wasonga, the man investigators now identify as the principal architect of the fraud.
Wasonga, charming and calculated, groomed Oleg and his American business partner John Sodipo with the kind of confidence that only a practiced swindler possesses.
Negotiations between Sodipo and Wasonga for the purchase and subsequent chartering of 495 kilograms of gold to Dubai soon followed.
The deal was dressed up in the language of legitimacy: agreed timelines, formal terms, and crucially, an escrow arrangement funnelled through none other than Owano’s law firm.
Sodipo deposited the agreed chartering fees into what he believed was a secure escrow account handled by a licensed advocate. Oleg flew back to Kenya to personally oversee the shipment.
The gold, of course, never came.
As the agreed shipment deadline came and went, excuses piled up. Pressure mounted. And then, as investigators describe it with chilling precision, it dawned on the two foreigners that they had been dealing with what the DCI report characterises as “seasoned Machiavellian scammers with dark triad characteristics,” men for whom manipulation is not a tactic but a way of life, men entirely detached from the human consequences of their actions.
Investigators tore apart the syndicate’s methods with forensic determination.
At the heart of their operation was SRK Logistics Limited, a logistics company that allegedly misrepresented its entire capacity to supply gold.
Fictitious legal representation agreements were manufactured wholesale to give the fraud a veneer of respectability, with MOAC Advocates falsely presented as handling legitimate commercial transactions.
Most damningly, detectives established that the funds deposited by the victims were rapidly moved between company accounts before being spirited overseas in a pattern that investigators say bears every hallmark of money laundering, including the layering and concealment of the proceeds of crime.
This is not Owano’s first brush with such accusations, and that fact deserves to be stated plainly.
In November 2024, the same lawyer was arrested by DCI detectives in connection with a Ksh 182 million fake tender scheme that targeted an American company, Underground Pipeline Rehabilitation Company.
In that case, Owano’s firm received USD 90,000 in purported legal fees while his victim was deceived into paying a staggering USD 1,617,200 for fictitious government tenders, including fabricated contracts from the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority and the Kenya Meteorological Department.
He was released on cash bail while the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions reviewed the matter.
Then in August 2025, Owano was arrested again, this time by the Operations Support Unit of the DCI, in connection with a Sh79 million fake gold scheme targeting a Canadian investor.
In that operation, a Proforma Invoice of USD 318,400 was issued by a company called EAI Logistics, with funds wired directly into Owano’s law firm account.
The victim was also pressured into sending USDT 300,000 to a cryptocurrency wallet. No gold arrived.
That case linked Owano to a syndicate that included a Cameroonian national, Francis Ouafo, described as the mastermind of the operation.
The pattern is unmistakable and deeply disturbing.
A licensed advocate, bound by the Law Society of Kenya to uphold the highest ethical standards, has allegedly made his law firm a revolving door for criminal proceeds targeting foreign investors.
Nairobi advocate Michael Otieno Owano of MOAC Advocates
Three cases. Three sets of foreign victims. Hundreds of millions of shillings alleged to have passed through his accounts. And yet the man remains in practice.
As for Wasonga, he demonstrated one notable instinct for self-preservation.
As investigations tightened around him, he ran to the High Court and secured anticipatory bail before voluntarily presenting himself at DCI Headquarters on February 13, 2026, to record a statement.
It was a move that speaks less to innocence and more to a man who understood exactly what was coming.
The DCI has confirmed that investigations are ongoing and that more suspects are being pursued.
The syndicate behind these scams, which has now claimed victims from the United States, Canada, and Gabon, represents a sophisticated criminal network that has turned Kenya into a hunting ground for foreign investors lured by the promise of gold, government contracts, and profitable deals.
For every legitimate businessperson seeking opportunity in Kenya, these men and their networks are a stain on the country’s reputation. For Owano and Wasonga, the courts now await.
President William Ruto has directed the Interior Ministry to develop a framework for a dedicated Nairobi Metropolitan Police Unit within 60 days, signalling a major shift in the capital’s security architecture.
Speaking at State House, Nairobi on Tuesday where he outlined details of the enhanced cooperation between the national government and Nairobi City County, the President said security remains central to the transformation of the capital into a modern, globally competitive metropolis.
“Security is non-negotiable for a modern capital like Nairobi. I therefore direct the Cabinet Secretary for Interior to prepare and present, within 60 days, a framework for a dedicated Nairobi Metropolitan Police Unit,” Ruto said.
“We will make Nairobi safe for citizens, visitors, investors, and businesses alike.”
The proposed Metropolitan Police Unit is expected to provide a specialised, coordinated security presence tailored to the unique demands of the capital, which hosts key government institutions, diplomatic missions, international organisations and major commercial hubs.
Ruto linked the security initiative to a broader intergovernmental partnership already underway between the national and county governments.
He cited the Nairobi River Regeneration Program as an example of ongoing collaboration, describing it as a Sh50 billion initiative aimed at transforming riverine settlements through housing, sanitation, public spaces and environmental restoration.
According to the President, the program has also created employment for more than 45,000 young people.
“Our cooperation with the Nairobi City County Government is not beginning today,” Ruto said, noting that the new measures are designed to scale up existing efforts rather than introduce entirely new arrangements.
Ruto announced that the structured partnership will be backed by an initial quantified capital package of approximately Sh80 billion across priority sectors.
The investment is intended to address critical infrastructure and service delivery gaps in the capital, including street lighting, water supply, sanitation, waste management and urban mobility.
“Taken together, these enhanced cooperation measures will make Nairobi more livable, more secure, and more efficient,” Ruto said.
He added that the interventions would elevate the city’s stature and strengthen its competitiveness on the continental stage.
Ruto said the overarching goal is to position Nairobi as “a capital worthy of the Republic it serves — orderly, functional, competitive, and globally respected,” reflecting Kenya’s national ambition and inspiring confidence among both local and international stakeholders.
A Ugandan national has been arraigned in Nairobi over an alleged Sh223 million fake gold scheme that prosecutors say targeted a foreign investor in a high-value bullion deal gone wrong.
Steven John Waiswa was charged before Senior Resident Magistrate Irene Thamara at the Milimani Law Courts with obtaining USD 1,271,200.74, approximately Sh223.7 million, from Tanner Caldwell Cook by falsely claiming he was in a position to sell 2,820 kilogrammes of gold.
According to the charge sheet, the alleged offence was committed between March 31 and May 30, 2024 within Nairobi, jointly with others not before court.
The prosecution contends that Waiswa misrepresented his ability to deliver the consignment of gold, a fact he allegedly knew to be false at the time he received the funds.
He also faces a separate count of conspiracy to steal the same amount from the complainant.
Waiswa denied the charges in court. He was released on a Sh2 million bond with one Kenyan surety of a similar amount. In the alternative, the court granted him a Sh500,000 cash bail option and directed him to provide two contact persons. He was further ordered to deposit his passport in court as an additional safeguard.
The case will be mentioned on March 11, 2026 for consolidation with another similar matter, suggesting investigators believe the alleged scheme may be linked to a broader pattern of fraudulent gold transactions.
Kenya has in recent years witnessed a surge in fake gold scams targeting foreign investors, often involving elaborate documentation, staged warehouse inspections and forged export permits. Authorities have repeatedly cautioned buyers to verify mineral export licences and conduct due diligence through official state agencies before committing large sums of money.
If convicted, Waiswa faces penalties under the Penal Code provisions relating to obtaining money by false pretences and conspiracy to commit a felony. Prosecutors are expected to rely on financial transaction trails and communication records when the matter proceeds to hearing.
Robert Duvall, the Oscar-winning actor known for his roles in “The Godfather,” “Apocalypse Now” and “Tender Mercies,” has died at 95, his wife said Monday.
Luciana Duvall said he died peacefully at home, surrounded by love and comfort.
“To the world, he was an Academy Award-winning actor, a director, a storyteller. To me, he was simply everything,” she said in a statement.
Born Jan. 5, 1931, in San Diego, California, Duvall studied acting in New York and was part of a generation that included Al Pacino, Dustin Hoffman and Gene Hackman.
His breakthrough role came in 1972 when he portrayed Tom Hagen, the adopted son and consigliere of the Corleone family, in “The Godfather.”
Over a career spanning more than 60 years, Duvall became known for understated but powerful performances. He won the Academy Award for best actor for “Tender Mercies” and received multiple nominations, including for his roles in “The Godfather” and “Apocalypse Now.”
“For each of his many roles, Bob gave everything to his characters and to the truth of the human spirit they represented,” his wife said.
“In doing so, he leaves something lasting and unforgettable to us all,” she added.
Funeral arrangements were not immediately announced. His wife asked for privacy as the family celebrates his life and legacy.
Raphael Tuju has done what few men in this country dare to do. He has walked into the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, looked squarely into the face of Kenya’s legal establishment, and declared war.
The former Cabinet Secretary and Jubilee Party Secretary General strode out of DCI headquarters on Monday, February 16, having formally recorded a statement against one of the most decorated lawyers in the land.
Senior Counsel Fred Ojiambo of Kaplan and Stratton, a man who moves in the rarefied air of Kenya’s corporate elite, now finds himself the subject of a criminal complaint lodged by a man who is clearly not afraid of consequences.
And Tuju, never one to whisper when he can roar, did not mince his words.
“Fred Ojiambo is a Bible-carrying fraud with a fake British accent,” he thundered outside DCI headquarters, his lawyer Duncan Okach standing a measured step behind him.
Lawyer Fred Ojiambo.
THE MAN, THE PROPERTY AND THE 1.5 BILLION SHILLING QUESTION
At the centre of this seismic legal storm sits a prime property in Karen worth a staggering Ksh 1.5 billion. The Tuju family’s ownership of this piece of prime Nairobi real estate has been contested in a drawn-out war with the East African Development Bank (EADB), a regional lender that extended a loan to Tuju’s Dari Ltd and later moved to enforce securities against the property when repayment became contested.
What began as a commercial dispute over loan terms and enforcement proceedings has, in Tuju’s telling, long since crossed into something far darker. He is not talking about interest rates or missed instalments anymore. He is talking about forgery, fabricated evidence, manufactured affidavits, phantom diplomatic immunity, and a fake international arrest warrant that he says came all the way from a Ugandan magistrate’s court.
This is not a small claim.
THE CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AT THE DCI
Tuju told journalists that he had written to the DCI ten days before personally presenting himself to record his statement.
He arrived bearing what he described as documentary evidence of criminal conduct by Ojiambo, a senior partner at Kaplan and Stratton, one of the oldest and most prestigious law firms operating in Kenya.
At the core of his allegations is a claim that Ojiambo and other advocates at the firm “procured and manufactured many falsehoods” from a former Kenya Country Manager of the East African Development Bank and then deposited those fabricated falsehoods in sworn affidavits filed before both the High Court and the Supreme Court of Kenya.
Tuju says these affidavits were presented as having been properly commissioned before a Commissioner for Oaths when, in his view, they were no such thing.
If that allegation holds any water at all, it would mean that sworn documents presented to the highest court in the land were fraudulent. The implications for Kenya’s judiciary and legal profession would be catastrophic.
“With his left hand, he is filing documents filled with lies in court in support of a scheme to wrongfully deprive my family and me of properties acquired through decades of hard work,” Tuju declared, his voice carrying the particular fury of a man who believes he is fighting not just for land, but for his life’s work.
A THORN BY ANY OTHER NAME: THE KAPLAN AND STRATTON QUESTION
Tuju saved particular venom for the public image of Kaplan and Stratton as an institution. The firm, he pointed out with theatrical derision, carries an internationally polished, British-sounding name and projects itself as a global corporate firm of impeccable standing.
“It is wholly run by Kenyans,” he said, letting the observation land like a punch.
He then went further, raising the spectre of another senior partner at the same firm, Peter Gachuhi, who is already facing prosecution over the alleged forgery of the will of the late former Attorney General James Boro Karugu. Tuju stopped short of legally linking the two matters but the insinuation was clear: where there is smoke this thick, somebody has been playing with fire.
“If this can happen to persons like the late former AG James Boro Karugu and me, who have had the privilege of serving this country in high office, what is the situation for other Kenyans who cannot afford to engage teams of lawyers?” Tuju posed, framing his personal battle as something larger, a question of whether Kenya’s legal system belongs to the powerful or to everyone.
THE PHANTOM IMMUNITY AND THE UGANDAN GHOST WARRANT
Among the more extraordinary claims Tuju laid before investigators were two allegations that, if proved, would suggest a deliberate campaign to obstruct justice and intimidate a litigant into submission.
First, he alleged that a separate criminal matter pending before a Magistrates Court had been frozen in its tracks for over a year after Ojiambo allegedly persuaded the High Court to recognise a diplomatic immunity claim on behalf of the East African Development Bank, an immunity that Tuju flatly says does not exist in law.
Second, and more dramatically, he told investigators about what he described as a “fake international warrant of arrest” allegedly emanating from a Ugandan magistrate’s court, which he said was deployed against him to frighten him away from pursuing the matter.
“Nothing but an attempt to intimidate me,” Tuju said, his jaw set.
OJIAMBO FIRES BACK: ‘WE HAVE NEVER FALSIFIED ANY AFFIDAVIT’
Fred Ojiambo, reached by phone for comment, was having none of it.
The Senior Counsel, whose legal reputation spans decades of corporate and commercial practice in East Africa, dismissed Tuju’s claims with the quiet confidence of a man unconcerned by the storm gathering around him.
“We haven’t falsified any affidavit on any matter whatsoever,” Ojiambo said flatly. “I cannot deny something I have not heard.”
He added that he was unaware of the specifics of Tuju’s DCI complaint at the time of the call, but maintained that neither he nor his firm had engaged in any of the conduct alleged. His calm stood in sharp contrast to Tuju’s fire, and it will be for investigators and, ultimately, prosecutors or courts to determine which version of events bears scrutiny.
WHAT HAPPENS NOW
The DCI now sits with a complaint that directly implicates one of Kenya’s most prominent Senior Counsel in what would, if proved, amount to a serious subversion of justice at the highest levels of the country’s judicial hierarchy.
Investigators must wade through court filings, commissioning records, correspondence chains and sworn documents across multiple proceedings in the High Court and the Supreme Court to determine whether the evidence Tuju has presented constitutes prosecutable criminal offences or whether it amounts to the highly emotional, highly charged output of a man who has been fighting this battle for years and has run out of civil remedies.
The stakes could not be higher. The East African Development Bank is a regional institution backed by member states. Kaplan and Stratton is a cornerstone of Kenya’s corporate legal infrastructure. Fred Ojiambo is a Senior Counsel, a title conferred by the state on advocates of exceptional distinction.
And Raphael Tuju is a former minister, a former ruling party secretary general, a man who sat at the tables of power and now stands outside the DCI insisting that power has been turned against him.
“The fact that Ojiambo flashes the title of Senior Counsel must not be a license for him to lie with impunity, commit criminal offences, intimidate law enforcement and judiciary officers, and engage in the robbing of properties of Kenyans,” Tuju declared.
As investigators sift through the mountain of documents he has placed before them, one thing is already certain. This matter has graduated from a property dispute into something that will test the character of Kenya’s legal system in ways that no boardroom negotiation ever could.
The Karen property, the 1.5 billion shillings, the affidavits, the immunity, the warrant, the Bible. All of it now sits in the hands of the DCI.
A shadowy Russian national at the centre of a fast-spreading sex scandal that has rocked Nairobi’s nightlife and rattled digital rights defenders is now the subject of a high-level multi-agency probe, as authorities in Ghana signal plans to pursue his extradition over similar allegations.
The Kenyan government on Monday confirmed it had activated a coordinated investigation into claims that the foreign national secretly filmed intimate encounters with multiple women, allegedly without their knowledge or consent, and circulated or monetised the footage online.
The explosive development comes after viral clips surfaced on social media platforms appearing to show the man engaging women in casual street conversations before luring them into private settings. Several women have since come forward online claiming they were recorded during sexual encounters without being informed.
In a strongly worded statement, Gender Cabinet Secretary Hanna Wendot Cheptumo condemned the alleged conduct as a grave violation of human dignity and privacy, warning that Kenya would not tolerate exploitation disguised as social media bravado.
Filming intimate encounters without consent is criminal under Kenyan law, particularly under the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, which outlaws the non-consensual publication of intimate images. Article 31 of the Constitution guarantees the right to privacy, while the Data Protection Act imposes strict obligations on the handling and dissemination of personal data.
Senior officials say the case has triggered a whole-of-government response involving investigative, security and prosecutorial agencies. Sources familiar with the probe indicate detectives are analysing digital trails, including possible use of wearable recording technology such as smart glasses equipped with concealed high-definition cameras.
Unverified reports circulating online suggest the suspect may have used devices similar to Ray-Ban Meta smart glasses to discreetly capture footage during encounters. While such devices are legal consumer products, privacy experts warn that their misuse for covert sexual recording could amount to serious criminal offences.
The scandal has also spilled beyond Kenya’s borders.
Authorities in Ghana have acknowledged parallel investigations into the same individual following complaints from Ghanaian women who allege they too were secretly recorded during intimate encounters. Ghanaian officials have indicated they are exploring legal avenues, including a potential extradition request should charges crystallise.
The cross-border dimension has heightened diplomatic and legal stakes, with Kenyan authorities confirming they are engaging international law enforcement partners.
Online, the suspect has been accused of preying on women in vulnerable economic situations, allegedly using money, gifts or promises of support to secure encounters before secretly documenting them. Some of the videos appear to show brief negotiations over payment before sexual activity, fuelling debate over coercion, exploitation and consent.
Digital rights activists say the case underscores a dangerous intersection of technology, misogyny and cross-border impunity.
“This is not about morality. It is about consent and criminality,” said one Nairobi-based advocate who asked not to be named. “Recording and distributing intimate content without consent is sexual violence facilitated by technology.”
The outrage echoes a recent uproar in Nairobi after a woman was filmed in a vulnerable state at an entertainment joint, prompting public condemnation and renewed scrutiny of digital ethics and voyeurism. That earlier incident reignited debate over how quickly private humiliation can become viral spectacle.
In the current case, investigators are working to identify alleged victims and preserve digital evidence that may have been shared across encrypted platforms or subscription-based channels. Cybercrime specialists warn that once intimate material is uploaded to global servers, tracing its circulation becomes significantly more complex.
At the time of publication, Kenyan authorities had not disclosed whether the Russian national remains in the country or has exited through another jurisdiction. His exact immigration status is also under review.
Legal analysts say extradition, if formally requested by Ghana, would depend on the existence of bilateral agreements, the location of the suspect, and whether charges are filed in either jurisdiction first.
For now, the message from Nairobi is clear. Officials insist that any individual found culpable will face the full force of Kenyan law, regardless of nationality.
As the investigation deepens, what began as viral shock content has morphed into a high-stakes international probe that could test the limits of digital privacy law in Africa’s rapidly evolving online landscape.
Governor Johnson Sakaja faces mounting pressure to explain why his Chief Officer for Urban Planning, Patrick Analo, remains in office even as the Ombudsman pushes for criminal prosecution of officials in his department over rogue construction approvals that have left Nairobians dead.
Analo, who oversees the Built Environment and Urban Planning Department’s approval process, has presided over what investigators describe as a “dysfunctional” system where illegal high-rises sprout across the city like weeds, often with fatal consequences. Yet despite damning findings by the Commission on Administrative Justice and a trail of collapsed buildings, Sakaja has shown no indication of removing him from his powerful position.
The most recent tragedy, the collapse of a 14-storey residential building in South C earlier this year, has thrust Analo and his department back into the spotlight. The building, investigators found, was originally approved for 12 floors but mysteriously gained five additional illegal storeys. Construction continued despite multiple stop orders, a pattern that has become the signature of Nairobi’s planning crisis.
“The approval system has been completely captured,” a source within the county government told The Star on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisals. “Junior officers are rubber-stamping applications without proper technical review. The question everyone is asking is: where does the money go, and who is being protected?”
The Ombudsman’s recent report named Analo alongside his predecessor Stephen Mwangi, Director of Planning Tom Achar, and Development Control officer Fredrick Ochanda as figures who should face criminal charges for approving unlawful projects and ignoring enforcement mechanisms. The report specifically highlighted the Khaleej Towers project in Eastleigh, where construction reached completion despite formal revocation of building plans and documented violations of zoning regulations.
Yet Analo remains at his desk, wielding the same authority that has allegedly been misused to approve developments that build “beacon-to-beacon,” violate setback requirements, and threaten neighboring properties. His continued presence has fueled speculation about either extraordinary political protection or simply the governor’s reluctance to acknowledge the scale of corruption within his administration.
“There are two possibilities here,” said a retired county official familiar with planning procedures. “Either Analo is taking kickbacks directly and has enough leverage to keep his job, or he’s serving as a convenient buffer for decisions being made at higher levels. Either way, someone is making a lot of money from these illegal approvals.”
The financial incentives are substantial. Property developers in Nairobi can increase returns dramatically by adding unauthorized floors. According to planning experts, each additional floor on a prime property can represent millions of shillings in potential revenue. The temptation to bribe officials for approval is enormous, particularly when enforcement mechanisms have proven toothless.
Sakaja himself has publicly called for county governments to receive direct prosecutorial powers to tackle rogue developers, a move that critics suggest rings hollow when his own appointees stand accused of enabling the very corruption he claims to oppose. The governor has not responded to repeated requests for comment on why Analo retains his position despite the Ombudsman’s findings.
Inside City Hall, officials speak in hushed tones about a “planning cartel” that operates with impunity. One source described a system where proper technical review by the Urban Planning Technical Committee has been effectively bypassed, with approvals flowing through informal channels that leave no paper trail.
“The committee exists on paper, but in practice, decisions are being made elsewhere,” the source said. “When buildings collapse, everyone acts surprised, but the truth is that senior people knew exactly what was happening. They just didn’t care because the money was too good.”
The human cost of these rogue approvals extends beyond the headline-grabbing collapses. Residents across Nairobi complain of illegal developments that block sunlight, compromise structural integrity of neighboring buildings, and violate basic safety standards. Yet enforcement remains selective at best, with well-connected developers able to ignore stop orders while smaller violators face demolition.
Analo’s background raises further questions. Before his appointment to the influential planning post, he had worked within the county’s built environment sector, giving him intimate knowledge of both proper procedures and how to circumvent them. Those who have worked with him describe a competent technocrat, which makes his apparent inability to stop the flood of illegal approvals even more puzzling to observers.
“Someone with his experience knows exactly what’s required for a legal approval,” said an architect who has dealt with Analo’s department. “The failures we’re seeing aren’t accidents. They’re choices.”
The broader pattern suggests systemic capture rather than isolated incidents. From Eastleigh to South C, from high-rise apartments to commercial developments, the violations follow a template: initial approval for a modest project, incremental additions that violate regulations, stop orders that are ignored, and county officials who somehow never manage to enforce compliance until disaster strikes.
For victims’ families and Nairobi residents living in fear of the next collapse, Analo’s continued tenure represents not just a failure of accountability but a signal that the lives lost were acceptable collateral damage in a lucrative game of corruption. Each day he remains in office, they argue, is another day that dangerous approvals may be flowing through a compromised system.
As pressure builds for prosecutions and reforms, all eyes remain on Sakaja. His decision to retain Analo despite the mounting evidence will either be vindicated by future revelations of his Chief Officer’s innocence, or remembered as a catastrophic failure of leadership that prioritized political convenience over public safety.
The governor has promised reforms and audits, but promises mean little when the officials accused of enabling deadly corruption remain in their posts, wielding the same authority that has already cost Nairobians their lives. Until Sakaja acts decisively, the question will persist: why does Patrick Analo still hold the power to approve the buildings that may become tomorrow’s death traps?
Activist Mwabili Mwagodi was on Sunday arrested and detained at the Kenya–Tanzania border after immigration officials blocked him from leaving the country over what they described as a Red Notice linked to his passport.
Mwagodi was stopped on February 15 at the Lunga Lunga border while travelling to Dar es Salaam. In a statement posted on his X account, he said officers from the Immigration Department informed him that a Red Notice had been issued against his passport in early 2025 by an officer attached to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations.
He claimed the alert was initiated by a DCI officer based at Mazingira House along Kiambu Road under the Serious Crimes Unit but that no offence had been specified.
“On my way to Dar es Salaam on February 15, 2026, I was denied exit out of Kenya at the Lunga Lunga border by the Immigration Department due to a Red Notice issued against my passport around January or February 2025,” he wrote.
He said he was later handed over to officers at the Lunga Lunga Border Police Post and detained as they awaited instructions from DCI headquarters.
By Monday morning, he remained in custody at Lunga Lunga Police Station, with officers reportedly saying they were yet to receive guidance on the nature of the alleged offence or the next course of action.
Under international policing procedures, Red Notices are circulated through INTERPOL to alert member states that an individual is wanted for prosecution or to serve a sentence. Such notices are ordinarily based on a valid arrest warrant issued by a judicial authority and are tied to specific offences.
Mwagodi maintained that he has not been informed of any charge against him.
His detention has drawn criticism from civil society organisations, including Vocal Africa, which questioned the legality of holding him without formally disclosing the reasons for his arrest.
The development also revives scrutiny over a 2025 incident in which Mwagodi disappeared while in Tanzania, where he was working for a hospitality company.
He was reported missing on July 23 and resurfaced four days later in Kinondo, Kwale County, under circumstances that were never fully explained publicly.
By Monday, police and immigration authorities had not issued an official statement on the matter. Rights groups have called on authorities to either charge Mwagodi in court or release him, warning that prolonged detention without clear grounds would violate constitutional safeguards.
Nairobi County has awarded a controversial 20-year waste management contract worth billions of shillings to Zoomlion Ghana Limited, a corruption-tainted foreign company previously blacklisted by the World Bank and recently dropped by Ghana’s government over integrity concerns.
The deal, signed by Governor Johnson Sakaja’s administration, grants the Accra-based firm exclusive rights to manage the 76-acre Dandora dumpsite and operate an integrated solid waste management system across the capital in what civil society groups are now calling a procurement scandal that threatens to drain taxpayer resources while handing over a strategic public asset to a firm with a documented history of corruption.
Investigations by Kenya Insights have established that Zoomlion was the sole bidder in a tender process that bypassed international competitive bidding protocols, raising serious questions about transparency and adherence to public procurement laws.
The contract, awarded under Tender NO: NCC/ENV/RFP/109/2025-2026, was opened on January 8, 2026, but critics argue the procurement violated requirements for Public Private Partnership projects by sidelining the Public Procurement Directorate.
Zoomlion’s troubled history reads like a catalogue of corruption scandals that would ordinarily disqualify any company from handling public funds. In 2013, the World Bank debarred Zoomlion Ghana Limited and two affiliates, Accra Compost Plant and Zoom Alliance, for two years after finding that the company had paid bribes to facilitate contract execution and invoice processing on the Emergency Monrovia Urban Sanitation Project in Liberia.
The company and its subsidiaries were barred from bidding on World Bank-funded contracts worldwide, a sanction that remained in effect until 2015 when Zoomlion entered into a Negotiated Resolution Agreement with the Bank, acknowledging misconduct and accepting responsibility.
In Ghana, Zoomlion’s relationship with state agencies has drawn persistent scrutiny over allegations of fraudulent billing, overbilling and questionable contracts.
The company became embroiled in the infamous GYEEDA scandal in 2013, one of Ghana’s biggest corruption cases, when investigative journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni exposed massive corruption in the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Agency.
A government-appointed ministerial committee corroborated the findings, revealing that about 80 percent of the funds allocated for the youth employment programme went to private businesses and corrupt officials while only 20 percent reached the youth the programme was meant to serve.
Executive Chairman of the Jospong Group of Companies (JGC), Dr. Joseph Siaw Agyepong. Photo by courtesy.
Between 2009 and 2012, nearly 500 million dollars was spent on GYEEDA, with Zoomlion and other Jospong Group companies among the main beneficiaries.
The committee found that Zoomlion had received millions in payments for work not done and was overcharging the state. For instance, the company charged the government 25 million cedis more than warranted for providing tricycles.
The committee recommended discontinuation of Zoomlion’s contract, but successive Ghanaian governments failed to act on these findings.
Instead of being punished, Zoomlion continued receiving payments even after its contract expired in February 2013.
A cabinet sub-committee report revealed that despite President John Mahama’s directive to terminate the sanitation contract, Zoomlion continued rendering services to the state from 2013 onwards, accumulating debts of over 450 million cedis.
The Ghanaian Auditor-General repeatedly flagged Zoomlion for financial irregularities.
One report exposed how a waste bin contract awarded on a sole sourcing basis to the Jospong Group was inflated by at least 130 million cedis.
Another revealed that 98 million cedis was awarded to 11 companies under the Jospong Group to undertake fumigation when Zoomlion, the parent company, had already been paid for the same work.
The Ghanaian government pays Zoomlion 850 cedis per sweeper per month under the Youth Employment Agency initiative, but only 250 cedis goes to the workers, with Zoomlion pocketing the remaining 600 cedis as management fees. This arrangement has been described as exploitative by labour rights advocates.
In June 2025, Ghana’s newly elected President John Mahama terminated Zoomlion’s long-standing Youth Employment Agency contract, citing transparency concerns and fair compensation issues for workers. The decision marked a significant shift after years of controversy surrounding the company’s operations.
Despite these well-documented scandals, Nairobi has rolled out the red carpet for Zoomlion.
The timing of the contract award has raised eyebrows, coming just weeks after President William Ruto and Governor Sakaja announced a joint initiative to clean up the capital and relocate the Dandora dumpsite.
Ruto committed over Sh4 billion from the national government to support waste management improvements, with garbage collection set to begin on April 1, 2026.
During the 2025 Devolution Conference in Homa Bay, President Ruto commended Zoomlion Ghana Limited for its advanced, technology-driven waste management facilities after visiting the Jospong Group stand.
Interestingly, a City Hall delegation comprising teams from the Department of Environment and Procurement is scheduled to travel to Ghana tomorrow, February 15, for a benchmarking tour of Zoomlion’s facilities.
The timing has sparked criticism from procurement experts who question why due diligence would be conducted after awarding the contract rather than before.
Sources familiar with the tendering process told Kenya Insights that the procurement was structured to favor Zoomlion, with the tender framed as a local procurement despite the nature of the project warranting international competitive bidding under PPP regulations.
This approach eliminated competition and deprived Kenyan companies of the opportunity to bid for the lucrative contract.
The company’s executive chairman, Dr Joseph Siaw Agyepong, faces ongoing legal troubles in Ghana.
In late 2025, he and three others were dragged to court for contempt, accused of flouting High Court orders by entering disputed land and allegedly hiring thugs to destroy properties despite the existence of a court order and penal notice served upon them.
The application, filed by Royal Bell Investment Ltd, Terraform Development Ltd and other parties, avers that Jospong and the other respondents would not abate their contemptuous conduct unless convicted and punished by imprisonment.
In Mombasa, Zoomlion’s parent company, Jospong Group of Companies, is under investigation by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission over a Sh17 billion, 35-year waste management contract signed by Governor Abdulswamad Shariff Nassir.
The Centre for Litigation Trust, a Mombasa-based civil society group, has demanded transparency on the procurement process, public participation and whether the deal complies with public procurement and environmental management laws.
The Nairobi contract gives Zoomlion control over waste collection, haulage, sorting, recycling and disposal for two decades, effectively creating a monopoly that locks out local companies and potentially costs Kenyan jobs.
The 20-year tenure means the contract will outlast at least three gubernatorial terms, binding future county governments to a deal whose terms remain largely opaque to the public.
When contacted for comment, Governor Sakaja had not responded by the time of going to press. However, in a recent interview with Nation, Sakaja defended his collaboration with the national government, insisting that unlike the defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services arrangement, the current framework is not a transfer of functions but a support mechanism.
He clarified that there would be no formal document under Article 187 of the Constitution transferring county functions, and emphasized that Nairobi’s unique status as Kenya’s capital demands a funding structure that reflects its national and international obligations.
“We have not ceded any functions. A transfer of functions is not what we are discussing and it is not something we will do,” Sakaja said, adding that Nairobi requires closer collaboration with the national government because it carries responsibilities far beyond those of an ordinary county.
The governor cited Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2019, which recognizes Nairobi as Kenya’s capital and calls for formal cooperation between county and national governments on funding and service delivery.
According to Sakaja, Nairobi hosts the Presidency, Parliament, Judiciary, foreign embassies, key national institutions and global offices and therefore needs a special financing model similar to other major cities worldwide.
“Paris, with a population of 2 million, has a budget of Sh13 trillion yet Nairobi, with over 6 million people, has a budget of about Sh38 billion. If we want to compete with international cities, we must embrace special financing and strategic partnerships,” he said.
The controversy threatens to undermine President Ruto’s ambitious plan to transform Nairobi’s waste management system and restore the capital’s image. The president announced plans to build a modern waste treatment facility at Dandora by 2027 to produce fertilizer and generate energy from garbage.
Civil society activists are now calling for the tender to be cancelled and the procurement process reopened to ensure transparency, competition and value for taxpayers’ money.
Anti-corruption campaigners warn that the deal could replicate Ghana’s experience, where despite Zoomlion’s near-total monopoly over sanitation contracts and billions spent over two decades, Ghana remains one of the dirtiest countries in Africa.
The deal also raises questions about Kenya’s commitment to supporting local enterprises, as the contract hands over a strategic public asset to a foreign company with a documented history of corruption allegations, inflated billing and poor service delivery.
Nairobi generates approximately 3,000 metric tonnes of waste daily, making waste management a lucrative sector that could generate significant revenue through recycling and waste-to-energy projects if managed transparently and competitively.
Critics warn that awarding such a critical contract to a company with Zoomlion’s track record could expose Nairobi residents to poor service delivery while draining potential profits through corruption and overbilling, patterns well-documented in Ghana.
The Dandora dumpsite has operated for decades as a major environmental and public health hazard. In February 2026, the Environment and Land Court awarded Sh25.8 million in damages to 1,032 waste pickers who suffered constitutional rights violations due to prolonged exposure to air pollution at the site.
The court found both Nairobi County and the National Environment Management Authority jointly responsible for failing to protect workers from harmful pollution, adding legal pressure on the government to address longstanding concerns at the dumpsite.
Legal experts have warned that the structure of the Nairobi-Zoomlion deal, particularly the 20-year tenure and exclusive access to Dandora dumpsite, could expose the county to litigation from companies that were denied the opportunity to compete for the contract.
The Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015 requires that PPP projects above certain thresholds must be approved by the PPP Directorate and involve competitive bidding processes that ensure value for money and protect public interest.
By framing the tender as a local Request for Proposal while incorporating PPP elements, City Hall appears to have circumvented these safeguards, a move that could render the entire contract legally challengeable.
Governance experts have expressed alarm at the pattern emerging in Kenya where counties are awarding waste management contracts to Zoomlion despite the company’s well-documented corruption scandals in Ghana. After Nairobi and Mombasa, there are concerns that other counties may follow suit, creating a nationwide monopoly for a foreign company whose track record suggests taxpayers will not get value for money.
As Nairobi embarks on what officials describe as a transformative waste management era, the decision to partner with a corruption-tainted foreign firm threatens to turn what could have been a historic opportunity into yet another scandal that benefits a select few at the expense of taxpayers and the environment.
The saga also highlights the broader challenge of corruption networks that transcend borders, with politically connected companies moving from one African country to another, securing lucrative government contracts despite their tainted reputations, while local businesses that could deliver better value struggle to access opportunities.
For Nairobi residents who have endured decades of poor waste management, uncollected garbage and mountains of trash in estates, the promise of transformation rings hollow when delivered through a company whose home country terminated its contracts for the very failures Nairobians hope to escape.
A man has been charged with obtaining Sh 4 million credit from NIC Bank by false pretenses.
Walter Brian Dunga alias Captain is accused of obtaining the credit in the name of John Otieno Wanam.
Dunga is alleged to have committed the offense on diverse dates between 26th May 2015 and 8th August 2015 at NIC Bank, Harambee Avenue branch in Nairobi.
The accused person is also charged with personation by falsely presenting himself as John Otieno Wanam at NCBA (NIC) Bank.
He denied the charges before Chief Magistrate Lukas Onyina and was released on a bond of Sh 1 million with one surety of a similar amount.
A congressional investigation into US Representative Ilhan Omar’s husband has taken a dramatic international turn, with American lawmakers demanding documents related to mysterious business dealings spanning Kenya, Somalia and the United Arab Emirates.
House Oversight Chairman James Comer has written to Tim Mynett, the Somalia-born congresswoman’s husband, demanding he surrender all records of travel and business communications linked to the three countries by February 19.
The probe has intensified following revelations that Omar’s family wealth exploded from a modest Sh6.6 million to a staggering Sh3.9 billion in just one year, according to federal financial disclosure documents filed in 2024.
At the centre of the controversy is Rose Lake Capital, an investment firm co-owned by Mynett that claims to specialise in global opportunities. The firm had explored ambitious plans to build solar panel installations across Africa, with particular interest in Somalia and Kenya, according to documents obtained by investigators.
Business records show that Mynett’s partner, William Hailer, received a Sh1.4 million airline ticket to Dubai for discussions about a potential deal in the Emirates. The nature of that deal remains unclear, as Rose Lake Capital has recently scrubbed its website of key information, including the names of its officers and advisors.
The international scope of the investigation marks a significant escalation in what began as scrutiny of Mynett’s domestic business ventures. Comer’s February 5 letter specifically requests documentation of all travel to Kenya, Somalia and the United Arab Emirates, including dates, travellers and stated purposes.
“She needs to explain to the American people how her net worth went from zero to Sh1.3 billion in one year, and explain why the Biden Department of Justice was investigating her husband’s financial activities over the course of that year, where her net worth ballooned up,” Comer said in a television interview Wednesday night.
The probe extends beyond Rose Lake Capital to include eStCru, a California winery that Mynett co-owns with Hailer. That business has become the subject of intense scrutiny after its reported valuation skyrocketed from Sh2 million to Sh650 million in 12 months, despite having no visible operations, no active telephone lines and virtually no online presence.
Multiple investors have already sued Mynett and Hailer over the winery venture. In one case, a Washington DC restaurant owner named Naeem Mohd claims he invested Sh39 million after being promised a 200 per cent return within 18 months. The lawsuit alleges the pair fraudulently misrepresented the winery as a legitimate business.
Another lawsuit involving a cannabis investment saw Hailer settle for Sh156 million in August 2024 after investors claimed he promised to raise Sh975 million but instead allegedly misappropriated their Sh460 million investment.
House Oversight Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) demanded Rep. Ilhan Omar’s husband Tim Mynett (r) hand over any information about his company Rose Lake Capital LLC’s business in Nigeria, Somalia, and the United Arab Emirates.
The connection to East Africa is particularly sensitive given Omar’s Somali heritage and her district’s large Somali-American population in Minnesota. That same district has been rocked by what authorities describe as a multi-billion shilling social services fraud scandal involving members of the Somali community.
Former political operatives who worked with Mynett and Hailer describe them as well-connected Democratic Party insiders who previously ran E Street Group, a political consulting firm that received nearly Sh390 million from Omar’s congressional campaigns alone.
The FBI and Department of Justice opened their own investigation into Omar’s finances in 2024, examining her campaign spending and interactions with foreign citizens, though that probe appears to have stalled without charges being filed.
Omar’s spokesperson, Jackie Rogers, has dismissed the congressional investigation as a “political stunt” and “smear campaign,” insisting the reported valuations reflect full company assessments rather than Mynett’s individual stake.
Comer has now referred the matter to the House Ethics Committee, whose members say they are better positioned to investigate sitting members of Congress. Republican lawmakers have vowed to pursue subpoenas if Mynett fails to comply with document requests.
The deadline for Mynett’s response passed on Wednesday with no public indication he has turned over the requested materials. His attorneys have not responded to requests for comment.
President Donald Trump has publicly called for Omar to face criminal charges, claiming without evidence that she is connected to what he alleges is Sh2.5 trillion in Minnesota welfare fraud, though he has provided no proof to support the astronomical figure.
As investigators piece together the puzzle of how a struggling political consultant amassed a fortune seemingly overnight, the trail now leads from California vineyards to solar ventures in the Horn of Africa, and onwards to the gleaming towers of Dubai.
Whether that trail reveals legitimate business success or something more sinister remains to be seen, but lawmakers have made clear they intend to follow the money wherever it leads.
A senior Kisumu County official is staring at immediate dismissal after a professional body exposed him for allegedly using forged academic papers to secure his lucrative position.
Robert Rawinji, the director of planning, is at the centre of a storm after the Kenya Institute of Planners revealed that his Registration Certificate Serial No. 392 is fake and does not appear in the register of qualified physical planners.
In a hard-hitting letter to the Secretary to the Public Service Board and the Head of Civil Service, the institute has demanded Rawinji’s immediate termination, warning that his appointment is irregular and unlawful.
The planners body says the fraudulent certificate was used to hoodwink county bosses into hiring Rawinji for the critical position at Kisumu city planning department.
“For the avoidance of doubt, the referenced registration certificate does not appear in the register of registered physical planners, as confirmed by the Physical Planners Registration Board pursuant to the provisions of the Physical Planners Registration Act 1996,” the letter states.
The institute has backed its claims with a confirmation letter from the Registrar of the Physical Planners Registration Board, leaving little room for doubt about the authenticity of their allegations.
The professional body has now given the Kisumu County Public Service Board a 14-day ultimatum to correct the irregularity and take appropriate administrative action against the embattled director.
“We firmly request that the appointment be terminated immediately in compliance with the law. We further advise the Kisumu County Public Service Board to expeditiously correct this irregularity,” the institute warned.
The body has also demanded written confirmation of the action taken within the same two-week period.
The scandal raises serious questions about the recruitment process at the county government and how Rawinji managed to sail through the vetting process with allegedly fake credentials.
It also threatens to open a Pandora’s box as concerns grow over how many other county officials may have secured their positions using dubious academic papers.
The Physical Planners Registration Act of 1996 makes it a criminal offense to practice as a physical planner without proper registration, casting further legal jeopardy on Rawinji’s position.
County officials have yet to respond to the damning allegations as pressure mounts for swift action against the director.
County insiders claim Wavinya Ndeti manipulated procurement system to enrich herself while legitimate contractors languish unpaid
Machakos Governor Wavinya Ndeti is facing explosive corruption allegations after contractors and county insiders claimed she orchestrated the payment of over Sh350 million to companies secretly linked to her through proxies and business associates.
The payments, allegedly made in December last year, relate to road projects that contractors say were either shoddily executed or remain incomplete, raising serious questions about value for money and abuse of office.
The scandal has erupted at a time when Machakos County’s pending bills have ballooned to a staggering Sh6.8 billion in just three years, pushing dozens of local contractors who completed legitimate work to the brink of financial collapse as they wait months for payment.
Multiple contractors interviewed described a pattern in which the governor allegedly seized direct control over procurement and finance operations, dictating tender awards, influencing evaluation processes, and personally approving payments in a centralized system that effectively eliminated checks and balances.
“She controls everything. The tenders, the evaluations, the payments. If you are not connected to her inner circle, you can do perfect work and still wait forever for your money,” one contractor told The Star on condition of anonymity, fearing professional retaliation.
According to sources within the county administration, firms associated with Governor Ndeti and her son Charles Odiwale received preferential treatment in the award and settlement of lucrative road contracts. Insiders allege these firms operated through proxy ownership structures and allied business partners to conceal direct links to the county leadership.
Several road projects tied to the disputed Sh350 million disbursements have drawn withering criticism from residents who report visible construction defects including uneven surfaces, early pothole formation, and incomplete sections despite the massive public expenditure.
“We see these roads falling apart within months yet we are told millions were spent. Where did the money go?” asked Jane Muthoni, a Machakos town resident.
Meanwhile, independent contractors who say they delivered quality projects on time and to specification report being systematically sidelined. Many allege they were forced to surrender 10 percent of contract values upfront before receiving tenders, a demand they describe as coercive and illegal.
“You pay the kickback, you mobilize resources from your own pocket, you complete the work perfectly, then you are met with total silence when you seek payment. They don’t answer calls, they don’t respond to letters. It is deliberate frustration,” said a contractor who has been chasing payment for eight months.
The financial strain has pushed several contractors into loan defaults. Many borrowed heavily from commercial banks to finance county projects, expecting timely settlement once they delivered. Instead, they now face bank auctions and mounting interest penalties.
Finance professionals within the county warn that the alleged micromanagement from the governor’s office has destabilized normal financial operations and created fertile ground for conflicts of interest.
“When procurement decisions are concentrated in one office without proper oversight, the system becomes vulnerable to manipulation. That appears to be exactly what has happened in Machakos,” said a finance officer who requested anonymity.
Data from internal finance discussions indicate that Machakos County’s pending bills have surged to over Sh6.8 billion in three years under Governor Ndeti, up from Sh2.1 billion inherited from her predecessor Alfred Mutua’s two terms. The Controller of Budget has warned that such levels threaten service delivery and long-term fiscal stability.
The procurement controversy comes against the backdrop of unverified reports that Governor Ndeti was detained in the United Kingdom in September 2024 alongside her son over allegations of attempting to smuggle large sums of money from Kenya into Europe. No public charges followed, but the incident intensified scrutiny of her financial dealings.
County insiders describe an atmosphere of fear in procurement and finance departments, with officers hesitating to question directives for fear of professional consequences. This environment, they say, has undermined transparency and weakened institutional safeguards designed to protect public funds.
When contacted, Chief Finance Officer Julius Kasanga did not answer calls or respond to text messages seeking comment on the payment allegations and the mounting pending bills crisis.
In a strongly worded response to the allegations, Governor Ndeti has categorically denied any wrongdoing, dismissing the claims as politically motivated attacks designed to tarnish her image and distract from her development record.
“These are fabricated narratives sponsored by my political opponents. We have delivered nearly 1,000 projects since August 2022 and achieved record-breaking own-source revenue collection of Sh1.7 billion in the 2023-2024 financial year. This is effective leadership, not corruption,” she said.
However, critics argue that revenue growth does not excuse alleged procurement violations or conflicts of interest. They point out that if investigations confirm public funds were channeled to companies secretly owned by the governor through proxy networks, it would represent a severe breach of public trust and procurement law.
Contractors are now demanding an independent forensic audit of all road contracts awarded under the Ndeti administration, full disclosure of beneficial ownership for every company that received county payments, and technical assessments of completed projects to determine whether public funds were properly used.
Financial analysts have also called for a comprehensive review of the county’s pending bills to establish whether payment delays result from mismanagement, misallocation of resources, or deliberate withholding to favor politically connected firms.
The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission has previously indicated it is building a case against the governor and her son over alleged massive graft linked to inflated contracts, single-sourced tenders, and misuse of public funds, though no arrests have been made.
As the scandal deepens, the people of Machakos are demanding transparent answers. The controversy has shifted from whispered complaints to a full-blown governance crisis that threatens to define Governor Ndeti’s legacy and may yet result in criminal prosecution if investigators substantiate the explosive allegations.
Former Education CEC Philip Kilonzo wins landmark case after being fired in just 72 hours for allegedly criticizing governor
Governor Wavinya Ndeti’s administration has been dealt a humiliating blow after a court ordered the Machakos County government to pay a staggering Sh4.2 million to a former minister she dramatically sacked over claims he predicted her government would be a “one-term wonder.”
In a damning judgment delivered on February 4, the Employment and Labour Relations Court slammed the governor for what it termed an arbitrary and oppressive dismissal that violated basic principles of fairness and justice.
Philip Mutua Kilonzo, who served as County Executive Committee Member for Education before his abrupt termination in October 2023, was vindicated after Justice Stella Rutto ruled that his sacking was based on nothing more than “hearsay” and unsubstantiated allegations.
The court heard how Kilonzo was given a mere three days over a weekend to respond to serious career-ending accusations before being shown the door on a Monday morning in what the judge described as a rushed and fundamentally flawed process.
The governor had accused Kilonzo of three offenses that she claimed warranted immediate dismissal: publicly stating at Matuu State Lodge that her government would serve only one term, illegally subdividing public land, and abusing his office in a land dispute involving one Mbithe Nzioka Kioko.
But when push came to shove in court, the county government spectacularly failed to produce a single shred of evidence to back up any of the explosive claims.
“The respondents failed to present any evidence in court to substantiate the allegations against the claimant. For example, on the first charge, there was no indication of when the claimant purportedly made the verbal statements that the Government of Machakos County would only serve one term,” Justice Rutto stated in her scathing judgment.
The court noted that no witnesses were called to testify about the alleged disparaging remarks, no documents proved Kilonzo’s involvement in illegal land allocation, and the complainant in the land dispute never gave a statement or testified.
“Consequently, the allegations amounted to mere hearsay,” the judgment declared.
Justice Rutto further tore into the county government for giving Kilonzo just three days to defend himself against such serious accusations, calling the timeframe “oppressive” and questioning what the “urgency” was.
The court also found that although the governor claimed to have reviewed evidence before making her decision, she never shared any of it with Kilonzo, completely undermining his constitutional right to a fair defense.
“Despite the first respondent herein issuing the claimant with a notice to show cause and requesting a response, the brief notice period, coupled with the failure to provide evidence supporting the allegations, severely undermined the claimant’s ability to adequately mount a defense and, consequently, his right to a fair hearing,” Justice Rutto ruled.
Kilonzo’s nightmare began in November 2022 when he was appointed to Ndeti’s cabinet as CEC for Land, Urban Development, Housing, and Energy. Just months later, in September 2023, he was shuffled to the Education docket during a surprise cabinet reshuffle at Matuu County Lodge.
His new posting barely lasted a month before he received the Friday show-cause letter and was terminated the following Monday on October 9, 2023.
The court awarded Kilonzo a comprehensive compensation package that includes Sh404,250 as one month’s salary in lieu of notice, Sh2,021,250 in damages for unfair termination equivalent to five months’ salary, Sh1,503,810 in gratuity for one year of service, and Sh282,975 for 21 days of accrued leave.
The county government has also been ordered to issue Kilonzo with a Certificate of Service, settle all legal costs, and pay interest on the full amount until complete payment is made.
In a statement that appears prescient in hindsight, the court emphasized that while governors have the power to dismiss CECs, that power is not absolute and must be exercised reasonably.
“Such a decision must be exercised reasonably and based on valid and compelling grounds. A governor may dismiss a CEC member on legitimate reasons and for the public good, subject to due process being followed,” Justice Rutto ruled.
The landmark judgment sends a clear warning to county bosses across the country that they cannot wield their powers arbitrarily or dismiss senior officials based on unproven allegations without following due process.
For Governor Ndeti, who swept into office promising to uphold high standards of service delivery and had publicly threatened to crack the whip on non-performing staff, the ruling represents a costly lesson in the limits of executive authority.
At the time of Kilonzo’s dismissal in October 2023, Governor Ndeti had issued a terse statement saying she had “reviewed his performance and come to the conclusion that it is untenable for him to continue holding office as CECM.”
She had claimed the decision was “informed by the need to uphold high standards of service delivery to the people of Machakos County.”
But the court’s findings paint a dramatically different picture, suggesting the dismissal had little to do with performance and everything to do with alleged political statements that were never proven to have been made.
The case highlights the precarious position of county executive members who serve at the pleasure of governors but are also entitled to basic constitutional protections and fair treatment under employment law.
Kilonzo becomes the latest in a growing list of county officials who have successfully challenged their dismissals in court, with judges increasingly willing to push back against what they view as high-handed and arbitrary actions by county bosses.
The Sh4.2 million award will now be paid from public coffers, meaning Machakos taxpayers will foot the bill for what the court found to be an unjust and procedurally flawed dismissal.
Governor Ndeti’s office had not responded to requests for comment by the time of going to press.
Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, the powerful chairman and CEO of Dubai’s DP World, has stepped down with immediate effect after the release of over 3.5 million pages of files exposed his close relationship with convicted paedophile Jeffrey Epstein and raised uncomfortable questions about how the logistics giant secured lucrative East African port deals.
The resignation on Friday comes weeks after US Department of Justice documents revealed Sulayem boasted to Epstein about his access to African presidents, including Kenya’s former President Uhuru Kenyatta, just months before DP World began its aggressive expansion across the continent.
DP World announced that Essa Kazim, previously Governor of the Dubai International Financial Centre, would take over as chairman while Yuvraj Narayan, the company’s deputy CEO and CFO since 2005, becomes Group Chief Executive Officer.
The company made no mention of the Epstein scandal in its terse statement, saying only that the appointments “support its strategy for sustainable growth and reinforce its role in strengthening global supply chains.”
However, the timing of Sulayem’s departure leaves little doubt about the pressure that mounted after major international partners threatened to freeze billions in investments unless DP World took action.
Canada’s second-largest pension fund, La Caisse, which has invested more than $5 billion alongside DP World over the past decade, announced this week it would pause “additional capital deployment” with the company. British International Investment, which partners with DP World on four African ports, followed suit.
The Epstein files paint a disturbing portrait of Sulayem’s decade-long friendship with the disgraced financier, who died in 2019 while awaiting trial on sex trafficking charges.
Between 2007 and 2018, the two exchanged what investigators describe as hundreds of emails covering business matters, sexual encounters, escort services and pornography. Photographs released by House Democrats show Epstein cooking with Sulayem, suggesting an intimacy that went beyond professional acquaintance.
In one particularly troubling 2017 exchange, Sulayem helped arrange for a Russian “masseuse” from Epstein’s “private spa” to train at a Turkish hotel. During Ghislaine Maxwell’s 2022 trial, multiple witnesses testified that Epstein used massages as a cover to sexually exploit young girls.
The files also reveal Sulayem repeatedly asked to visit Epstein’s private island, Little St. James, where victims testified they were trafficked and abused. In December 2014, years after Epstein’s first conviction for soliciting prostitution from a minor, Sulayem wrote asking for updates on spending Christmas at the island.
Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem with Jeffrey Epstein.
But it is the Africa connection that has sent shockwaves through diplomatic and business circles in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam.
In April 2013, Sulayem emailed Epstein to inform him he was attending President Kenyatta’s inauguration, writing: “I am in Nairobi for the inauguration of Uhuru Kenyatta as president of Kenya, whom I know very well.”
Just over a year later, in October 2014, Sulayem updated Epstein about a three-hour meeting with Kenyatta in Mombasa to discuss building a massive logistics hub to serve Kenya and its landlocked neighbours.
Within months, DP World began its East African expansion. In March 2022, Kenya’s Finance Ministry entered into a controversial concession giving DP World rights to operate berths at Mombasa, Lamu and Kisumu ports.
The deal, which emerged after Kenyatta’s February 2022 visit to the UAE, sparked fierce political backlash. Kenya Kwanza Coalition leaders accused Kenyatta of secretly auctioning national assets. The letter requesting DP World’s proposal was addressed directly to Sulayem.
Although the Kenya deal ultimately collapsed amid election-year politics, DP World’s appetite for East African ports did not wane.
In October 2023, the company signed a 30-year concession to operate four berths at Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam Port, committing an initial $250 million that could grow to $1 billion. The deal, which took effect in April 2024, grants DP World control over one of the continent’s busiest maritime gateways.
There is no evidence that President Kenyatta or other African leaders had any knowledge of or involvement in Epstein’s crimes. Being mentioned in correspondence does not imply criminal wrongdoing.
Sulayem himself has not been charged with any crime. However, the revelations have permanently damaged his reputation and raised troubling questions about the due diligence conducted by East African governments before handing control of strategic national assets to a company led by a man who maintained such close ties to a convicted sex offender.
The Epstein files also reference Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania and Senegal in darker contexts. Documents describe coastal towns like Malindi as areas frequented by individuals involved in paedophile activity, with Tanzania identified as a transit point in alleged trafficking operations.
Newly released emails detail planning for 2009 trips to Kenya involving young women, with Epstein pledging $13,000 per girl for “safari and internship.” In May 2011, American publicist Peggy Siegal emailed Epstein that a girl “is finally turning legal.”
Children from Ethiopia, South Sudan, Sudan and Somalia were reportedly trafficked through Mombasa, the very port where DP World sought control and where Sulayem met Kenyatta to discuss regional logistics infrastructure.
DP World now controls ports and logistics centres across nine African countries, including Algeria, Angola, Djibouti, Egypt, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa, as well as Somaliland.
The company’s expansion has been marked by long-term concessions spanning 20 to 30 years, granting extraordinary control over critical trade infrastructure. In Senegal, DP World is constructing a $1.1 billion deepwater port at Ndayane under a 25-year concession. In Angola, it secured a 20-year concession for Luanda port’s multipurpose terminal.
Critics have long warned that such deals threaten national sovereignty. In Djibouti, the government nationalised the Doraleh Container Terminal in 2018, terminating DP World’s 30-year concession amid accusations of unfair contract terms.
In Tanzania, activist Maria Tsehai told The Africa Report in 2023 that the DP World agreement contained “clauses that were blatantly one-sided in favour of the Dubai government.”
As Kenya contemplates relaunching its port concessions and Tanzania deepens its partnership with DP World, the shadow of Jeffrey Epstein now looms over every contract.
The question facing East African governments is whether they conducted adequate background checks before handing control of strategic assets to a company led by a man so deeply enmeshed with a convicted paedophile.
Sulayem’s departure may close one chapter, but it opens another: will African nations demand better scrutiny of those who seek control over their critical infrastructure, or will the pursuit of foreign investment continue to trump considerations of character and judgment?
The University of Nairobi has emerged as the highest ranked university in Kenya in the newly released QS World University Rankings for Sub-Saharan Africa, reinforcing its status as the country’s flagship public institution amid intensifying regional competition.
In the inaugural Sub-Saharan Africa edition published by UK based education analytics firm Quacquarelli Symonds, the University of Nairobi posted an overall score of 62.9, placing 17th continentally out of nearly 70 universities drawn from 21 countries. It is the only Kenyan institution to break into the continental top 20.
The rankings assess universities across eight performance indicators tailored to the African higher education context. These include academic reputation, employer reputation, research output measured through citations per paper and papers per faculty, international research networks, sustainability performance, faculty student ratio and web impact.
UoN delivered its strongest performance in web impact, scoring 91.4 and ranking sixth across Africa, an indicator that measures digital visibility and online academic engagement. The university also recorded a strong sustainability score of 79.1, reflecting institutional alignment with environmental and social governance benchmarks including the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Crucially, the institution placed 15th in employer reputation across Africa with a score of 54.6, making it the only Kenyan university to feature in the continental top 20 for graduate employability and employer perception. This metric evaluates how employers rate graduates from an institution and is increasingly used as a proxy for workforce readiness and industry relevance.
Other Kenyan universities featured in the ranking but trailed behind. Kenyatta University ranked 25th overall with strong academic and employer reputation scores. Moi University placed 32nd, while Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology came in at position 33. Egerton University ranked 41st, and Machakos University was listed in the 51 plus band.
Notably, Machakos University recorded Kenya’s strongest performance in citations per paper with a score of 86.4, ranking seventh in Africa on research impact per publication. The metric captures how frequently academic work from an institution is cited by other researchers and is often viewed as a measure of research influence rather than volume.
The broader continental picture shows continued dominance by South African institutions. University of Cape Town took the top spot overall, with South Africa claiming 14 of the top 20 positions. Nigeria placed multiple institutions in the ranking, while Ghana and Ethiopia also registered strong representation. In East Africa, Makerere University ranked 16th, placing ahead of UoN by one position.
The release of the Sub-Saharan Africa table comes at a time when global rankings have increasingly influenced funding decisions, student mobility patterns and institutional branding strategies. Kenyan universities have faced sustained fiscal pressure, faculty strikes and declining research funding over the past decade, raising questions about competitiveness in global knowledge production.
UoN’s performance therefore carries symbolic weight. The institution has previously featured in the global QS rankings but often outside the top 1000 bracket. Its latest regional performance suggests relative resilience within the African context, even as structural challenges persist domestically.
Higher education analysts caution that rankings reflect methodological weightings as much as institutional quality. Indicators such as reputation surveys can favor historically established universities with broader international networks, while research citation metrics may privilege disciplines with higher publication density.
Even so, the University of Nairobi’s position at the top of Kenya’s university hierarchy in the QS Sub-Saharan Africa ranking is likely to strengthen its appeal to prospective students, international collaborators and development partners seeking credible academic anchors in the region.
