Author: Kenya Insights Team

  • Deep-Running Syndicate: Fraud Scandal Rocks Stima DT Sacco Ahead of 51st AGM Amid KUSCCO Crisis

    Deep-Running Syndicate: Fraud Scandal Rocks Stima DT Sacco Ahead of 51st AGM Amid KUSCCO Crisis

    Stima DT Sacco Society Limited, a financial titan serving over 211,000 members from Kenya’s energy sector, is teetering on the edge of collapse as a multi-million-shilling fraud scandal threatens its 50-year legacy.

    With its 51st Annual General Meeting (AGM) slated for tomorrow, February 28, 2025, at the College of Insurance Auditorium in Nairobi’s South C, the Sacco—once a symbol of cooperative triumph—faces allegations of a sophisticated loan racket, a high-level cover-up, and ties to a broader crisis engulfing the Sacco sector.

    As assets stand at Ksh 61 billion and a 2023 pre-tax profit of Ksh 1.4 billion masks a deepening rot, the fallout could ripple through energy parastatals like Kenya Power and Lighting Company (KPLC), Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), and the Rural Electrification and Renewable Energy Corporation (Rerec), destabilizing thousands of civil servants who rely on its services.

    A Syndicate of Deceit: Forged Payslips and Ghost Shares

    The scandal at Stima Sacco centers on a well-orchestrated loan racket fueled by forged payslips, allegedly perpetrated by a coalition of rogue members, current employees, and former staff turned external “fixers.”

    Insiders estimate losses could range from tens to hundreds of millions of shillings, with funds meant for hardworking Kenyans siphoned into the pockets of a well-connected few.

    The scheme exploits the Sacco’s loan eligibility rules—capped at four times a member’s deposits and adhering to the one-third salary deduction limit under the check-off system, as outlined by Anne Kago, SASRA’s Manager of Market Conduct. Rogue players inflate loan limits by submitting falsified payslips, often co-guaranteeing each other to deepen the deception.

    But Stima Sacco’s woes echo a disturbing pattern across the sector.

    A forensic report by Reuben Gitahi & Associates, presented in court, revealed that staff at Energy Sacco—another entity tied to the Ministry of Energy—colluded with members to siphon Sh82.36 million between 2016 and 2021 through ghost shareholding.

    The report, part of a legal battle over unpaid fees, exposed how fictitious shares were created to secure loans and dividends, with staff manipulating records to mask defaults.

    At Energy Sacco, 38 of 44 investigated members tapped Sh80.77 million in mobile loans—far exceeding the Sh20,000 limit—while pocketing Sh1.58 million in unearned payouts. Suspicious transactions, like Sh5.1 million paid to a single account but recorded under 11 names, underscored the depth of the fraud.

    At Stima Sacco, parallels are striking. Sources allege a “deep-running syndicate” involving former employees like Erastus Mutwiri, whose departure a decade ago was only publicly disavowed on February 18, 2025, via a Daily Nation notice.

    The Sacco distanced itself from Mutwiri, claiming he misrepresented himself to deceive others, yet neither National Chairperson Joseph Siror (also KPLC’s Managing Director) nor CEO Gamaliel Hassan explained the decade-long delay.

    Communications Officer Jack Kulova dismissed broader fraud claims as “frivolous” but conceded forged payslips had been used illegally—a tacit admission of vulnerabilities mirroring Energy Sacco’s ghost share racket.

    Cover-Up or Collapse? Leadership Under Fire

    Suspicion of a cover-up at Stima Sacco intensifies the narrative. Whispers in Nairobi’s financial circles point to a faction of the board—meant to protect members’ interests—as potential architects of a cleanup effort gone awry.

    Rather than rooting out culprits, some implicated staff have reportedly been shuffled to other branches among the Sacco’s 12 nationwide outlets.

    This reluctance to act decisively has sparked theories of a power play by insiders, possibly to shield the Sacco’s image ahead of tomorrow’s AGM, where financial reports, policy amendments, and elections are on the table.

    The timing raises eyebrows. With revenues up 21% to Ksh 8.96 billion in 2023 and dividends at Ksh 1.44 billion, Stima Sacco’s success has been a point of pride.

    Yet, insiders warn of a “financial house of cards,” with ghost members, inflated financials, or kickbacks to boardroom figures potentially lurking beneath the surface.

    KPLC MD Dr. Joseph Siror

    Siror’s dual role as KPLC MD and Sacco chair only deepens the intrigue—his silence amid mounting allegations suggests either complicity or a scramble to contain the damage.

    Energy Sacco’s experience offers a cautionary tale. Its Sh82.36 million loss remained buried until Reuben Gitahi & Associates dragged it into court, exposing a cover-up that failed to prevent legal scrutiny. Stima Sacco’s leadership may hope its energy sector clout buys a softer landing, but the parallels are undeniable: both institutions, tied to the same ministry, face staff-driven fraud threatening their stability.

    The KUSCCO Fallout

    Stima Sacco’s troubles unfold against a backdrop of sector-wide turmoil, headlined by the Sh13.3 billion heist at the Kenya Union of Savings & Credit Cooperatives (KUSCCO).

    A PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) audit exposed a litany of malpractices—cooked books, executive theft, bribery, and unexplained withdrawals—leaving KUSCCO insolvent by Sh12.5 billion.

    The umbrella body’s collapse imperils Sh24.8 billion in deposits from 247 Saccos, including heavyweights like Stima Sacco, which ranks second in assets at Sh59.15 billion among deposit-taking entities.

    The State Department for Cooperatives has ordered these 247 Saccos to slash dividends and provision for losses tied to KUSCCO, a directive hitting members as AGMs loom. Stima Sacco’s meeting tomorrow, alongside others like Mwalimu Sacco (Saturday), Harambee Sacco (March 3), and Mhasibu Sacco (March 8), will grapple with this mandate.

    Commissioner David Obonyo urged Saccos to set aside surpluses rather than disbursing full profits, warning, “Don’t declare a lot of dividends anticipating money from KUSCCO.” For Stima’s members, accustomed to robust payouts, this could compound the pain of internal fraud.

    KUSCCO’s rot—executives like George Ototo and George Magutu face charges of felony, theft, and money laundering—mirrors the insider threats at Stima and Energy Saccos.

    The PwC audit’s revelation of Sh9.3 billion in phantom profits and Sh206 million in stolen cash underscores how unchecked governance lapses can devastate cooperatives, a lesson Stima Sacco’s leadership cannot ignore.

    High Stakes for Energy Parastatals

    The stakes at Stima Sacco are colossal. Its 211,000 members, predominantly from energy parastatals, rely on its loans and dividends to weather Kenya’s economic storms—building homes, funding education, and bridging financial gaps.

    KPLC, a cornerstone of its membership, employs thousands who could face frozen savings or loan defaults if the Sacco falters.

    A domino effect across the Energy Ministry’s ecosystem looms, amplified by Energy Sacco’s own distress, where 2023 data showed Sh155.84 million in deposits against a 29.99% non-performing loan ratio—the fifteenth highest in the sector.

    A Reckoning Looms

    Co-operatives and MSMEs Cabinet Secretary Wycliffe Oparanya is spearheading a nationwide crackdown, catalyzed by KUSCCO’s implosion.

    Forensic audits across all Saccos, coupled with a vow to jail corrupt officials and empower SASRA, signal a reckoning. “This will no longer be tolerated,” Oparanya declared, a storm cloud hovering over Stima Sacco as its AGM nears.

    Energy Sacco’s unearthed fraud and KUSCCO’s collapse only heighten the pressure on Siror, Hassan, and their board—will their energy sector ties buy leniency, or face the full brunt of Oparanya’s purge?

    The AGM Showdown

    Tomorrow’s AGM was poised to crown Stima Sacco’s 50th anniversary celebrations in October 2024 with a victory lap.

    Instead, it risks becoming a crucible where members demand answers amid swirling theories—of a years-long syndicate, ghost members, or broader corruption.

    The State’s directive to provision for KUSCCO losses, layered atop internal fraud, could temper the Sacco’s budget and dividend plans, testing its resilience.

    For now, Kulova insists the institution is sound, but the evidence paints a grimmer picture.

    As Oparanya’s auditors sharpen their pencils and members brace for revelations, Stima Sacco’s legacy—and the trust of its energy sector backbone—teeters on a knife’s edge.

    This report will be updated as the AGM unfolds and government investigations progress.

  • Sh145 Million Funds Missing in Sakaja’s ‘Dishi na County’ Initiative, Auditor-General Reveals

    Sh145 Million Funds Missing in Sakaja’s ‘Dishi na County’ Initiative, Auditor-General Reveals

    The Auditor-General has raised serious concerns over the management of funds in Nairobi City County’s school feeding programme, Dishi na County, revealing that Sh145.7 million donated by the French Embassy in Kenya remains unaccounted for.

    In a report tabled before the County Assembly, Auditor-General Nancy Gathungu highlighted that her office could not trace how the funds were spent.

    The donation, announced in September 2023 by French Minister of State for Development Chrysoula Zacharopoulou, was intended to support the feeding programme at Olympic Primary School in Kibera.

    The funds were reportedly channelled directly to the Food for Education account, a non-profit organisation partnering with the county to implement the initiative.

    However, the audit revealed a lack of accountability and transparency in the handling of the funds.

    “The audit could not ascertain the accountability for these funds. In addition, there were no established measures by the County Executive regarding the management of the donations received, as there were no guidelines in place for handling such donations,” the report stated.

    The Auditor-General also pointed out the absence of a formal agreement or memorandum of understanding between Nairobi County and Food for Education, raising questions about the organisation’s engagement and the terms of its involvement in the programme.

    Further scrutiny revealed discrepancies in the payment structure.

    Despite a requirement for parents to contribute Sh5 per meal, with the county covering the remaining Sh20, the county paid Sh25 per plate instead of the agreed Sh20.

    This resulted in an overpayment, with Food for Education invoicing Sh345,961,676 and receiving Sh262,262,167 during the 2023/2024 financial year.

    The report comes amid ongoing concerns about the lack of clear guidelines and regulatory frameworks governing the programme.

    Last year, the County Health Committee, chaired by Mountain View MCA Maurice Ochieng, criticised Governor Johnson Sakaja’s administration for failing to establish a policy framework to guide the initiative’s implementation.

    “It is concerning that the programme is being run without clear guidelines on structures,” Ochieng remarked, echoing the Auditor-General’s findings.

  • Zaheer Jhanda’s Alleged Ties to Sudan Warlord Fuel Fresh Gold Fraud Allegations

    Zaheer Jhanda’s Alleged Ties to Sudan Warlord Fuel Fresh Gold Fraud Allegations

    Alleged gold scammer and Nyaribari Chache MP Zaheer Jhanda has once again found himself at the center of public attention following the resurfacing of a video showing him welcoming Sudanese paramilitary leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known as Hemedti, at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) last year.

    The footage, initially shared in January 2024, captures Jhanda alongside other Kenyan officials receiving Hemedti, who was in the country for discussions with President William Ruto.

    However, unlike the routine diplomatic greetings exchanged by others in the delegation, Jhanda’s warm embrace and shoulder tap with Hemedti have raised eyebrows, fueling speculation about his alleged involvement in illicit gold dealings.

    Sudan’s Gold Trade and Its Global Impact

    Sudan is Africa’s third-largest gold producer, with billions of dollars’ worth of the precious metal exported annually.

    However, much of this trade occurs through unofficial channels, with gold reportedly smuggled to markets such as Dubai, where it is refined and sold internationally.

    A Bloomberg report from February 2025 highlighted that Sudan’s gold production has surged since the country’s civil war intensified, raising concerns that illicit gold revenues could be funding armed conflict.

    Hemedti, as the commander of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is a dominant figure in Sudan’s gold industry.

    His forces have controlled key mining regions, including the Jebel Amer mines in North Darfur, and reports suggest that a substantial portion of Sudan’s gold is trafficked outside the country, with the United Arab Emirates frequently cited as a primary destination.

    U.S. Sanctions and Heightened Scrutiny

    In January 2025, the United States imposed sanctions on Hemedti and the RSF, citing alleged human rights violations and financial networks linked to the ongoing conflict.

    These sanctions aim to disrupt the RSF’s funding sources, including gold revenues.

    The international crackdown on illicit gold trade has increased scrutiny on individuals and entities with perceived ties to figures such as Hemedti.

    Given Jhanda’s previous entanglements in gold-related controversies, his association with the Sudanese leader has prompted renewed public interest and speculation.

    Jhanda’s Past Controversies

    Zaheer Jhanda has previously been linked to high-profile gold-related disputes. In 2021, he was named in a reported KSh 400 million gold scam involving Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai.

    Kenya’s Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) identified Jhanda as a person of interest, alleging that he had misrepresented himself as a close associate of then-Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i.

    Jhanda, however, denied any wrongdoing, asserting that his company merely provided consultancy services to Zlivia, a Dubai-based gold trading firm.

    Beyond gold, Jhanda has also been linked to other controversies, including a KSh 140 million land compensation case involving Altana Corporation Ltd and the National Land Commission.

    Additionally, he was mentioned in the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) compensation dispute, where reports claimed he sought KSh 200 million from a church in Ongata Rongai for consultancy services.

    In September 2023, Jhanda’s name resurfaced in connection with an alleged KSh 1 billion gold scam involving two other legislators.

    The controversy escalated when blogger Cyprian Nyakundi implicated Jhanda in the case, leading to a defamation suit that some described as a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) intended to silence criticism.

    The Dubai Connection

    Dubai has long been identified as a major hub for illicit gold trade, with Sudan being one of its key suppliers. A 2024 report by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime estimated that 80% of Sudan’s gold is smuggled to Dubai, where it is processed and sold globally. This trade has allegedly provided financial backing to various armed groups, exacerbating instability in Sudan.

    Jhanda’s ties to Dubai’s gold market, along with his Arab heritage and reported connections to influential figures in the Gulf region, have led to speculation regarding his role in these transactions. While he has consistently denied any illegal activities, questions persist about the extent of his business dealings and affiliations.

    Unanswered Questions and Kenya’s Role

    The resurfacing of Jhanda’s interaction with Hemedti has raised broader concerns:

    •What is the nature of Jhanda’s relationship with Hemedti? Is it strictly diplomatic, or does it extend into business dealings?

    •Could these associations expose Kenya to international scrutiny or diplomatic challenges?

    •What steps are Kenyan authorities taking to address potential illicit gold networks operating within the country?

    Kenya’s position as a regional transit hub has made it a focal point in gold smuggling operations, with JKIA reportedly serving as a key transit point.

    Allegations of high-level complicity in such activities remain unproven but continue to generate debate.

    As international enforcement efforts intensify, the intersection of political influence, gold trade, and conflict financing remains a critical issue.

    Whether Jhanda’s interactions with figures like Hemedti amount to mere diplomacy or something more remains to be seen.

  • Rigathi Drags Sidian Bank, Owned by Centum, into SHA Housing Levy Scandal Amid Ties to Ruto

    Rigathi Drags Sidian Bank, Owned by Centum, into SHA Housing Levy Scandal Amid Ties to Ruto

    In a bombshell interview on KTN News this Monday, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua threw a Molotov cocktail into the heart of Kenya’s already embattled financial and political landscape.

    Without naming names—or banks—he hinted heavily at a shadowy scheme involving a senior official in President William Ruto’s administration, a recently acquired local bank, and the contentious Housing Levy and Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) contributions. “I know these things because I was there when they were happening,” Gachagua declared, his tone dripping with insider gravitas.

    The implication? A powerful figure has snapped up a financial institution to funnel billions from these controversial programs, leaving Kenyans buzzing with speculation—and one name keeps surfacing: Sidian Bank.

    Gachagua’s cryptic revelations didn’t explicitly finger Sidian, but the rumor mill didn’t need a map to connect the dots.

    “There’s a bank that the people in power have bought, and the housing levy funds have been kept there—close to Kes 100 billion has been collected so far,” he alleged.

    The timing, he claimed, was suspiciously convenient: the acquisition happened “just when they had entered office.”

    Social media lit up almost instantly, with sharp-eyed Kenyans pointing to Sidian Bank—a tier-III lender with a tangled ownership history and whispers of high-level ties—as the likely suspect. Could this be the financial vault where Kenya’s hard-earned contributions are being stashed?

    A Bank in the Spotlight: Sidian’s Murky Ownership Trail

    Sidian Bank, formerly K-Rep Bank, has long been a player in Kenya’s financial scene, serving small-to-medium enterprises and the urban poor since its founding in 1984. But its ownership saga reads like a corporate thriller.

    In 2015, Centum Investment Company swooped in, acquiring a majority stake and rebranding it as Sidian in 2016. Fast forward to 2023, and the plot thickened: Centum offloaded a hefty 38.91 percent chunk to a consortium of local and UAE-based investors, reducing its hold to 44.52 percent through its subsidiary, Bakki Holdco Limited.

    The deal, valued at Sh1.98 billion for Centum alone, saw Pioneer General Insurance Limited—backed by shadowy UAE firms like Abcon International LLC, Parkview Investments Limited, and Medillon Trading FZE—emerge as a key shareholder with a 20 percent stake.

    The UAE connection raised eyebrows, but Gachagua’s allegations add a spicier twist: was this sale a front for a powerful Kenyan figure pulling strings behind the scenes? “The bank was bought by the said senior official through his proxies,” he claimed, leaving just enough ambiguity to dodge a lawsuit while fueling the fire.

    Business Daily reported in April 2024 that the original founders and individual shareholders pocketed Sh841.66 million in the sell-off, with K-Rep Group and others cashing out entirely.

    Sidian’s valuation then stood at Sh5.08 billion—a modest sum for a bank now allegedly sitting on a multibillion-shilling jackpot.

    The SHA and Housing Levy Quagmire: A Scandal Waiting to Explode

    Gachagua’s bombshell lands amid a storm of public outrage over the Housing Levy and SHIF—two flagship Ruto administration programs mired in controversy.

    The Housing Levy, a 1.5 percent salary deduction aimed at funding affordable homes, has been a lightning rod since its inception under the Finance Act 2023.

    Critics, including Gachagua himself, have called it “a deception disguised as job creation,” arguing it burdens salaried workers while offering little tangible benefit.

    The High Court struck it down as unconstitutional in November 2023, citing its discriminatory targeting of formal-sector employees, only for the government to resurrect it via the Affordable Housing Act 2024—prompting fresh lawsuits from groups like the Kenya Human Rights Commission.

    SHIF, its healthcare twin, fares no better. Replacing the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF), it demands 2.75 percent of monthly salaries, sparking accusations of inefficiency and opacity.

    President Ruto has touted both as pillars of his Universal Health Coverage and housing agendas, but the rollout has been a mess—plagued by delays, corruption allegations, and public distrust.

    The Federation of Kenya Employers warned in January 2025 that these deductions, combined with PAYE and other taxes, devour up to 45 percent of workers’ paychecks, leaving many with “less than one-third of their salary.”

    Gachagua’s claim that nearly Sh100 billion from these schemes is parked in a single bank only deepens the suspicion of a grand heist.

    Sidian’s Convenient Role: Coincidence or Conspiracy?

    Here’s where the speculation gets juicy. Eagle-eyed Kenyans on X have unearthed past ads positioning Sidian Bank as a go-to for SHIF contributions—a detail that aligns eerily with Gachagua’s hints.

    A past newspaper advertisement for Sidian Bank.

    Mainstream chatter has long swirled about a senior state official strong-arming parastatals to channel funds into a favored bank, a rumor that’s gained traction since Centum’s partial exit from Sidian.

    Posts on X from February 24, 2025, amplify the buzz: “Riggy G claims Ruto bought a bank for affordable housing and SHIF cash. KOX KOT say it’s Sidian. True?” Another quipped, “All the levies deposited to a bank owned by Kasongo—he’s trading with our money while supplying hardware too. Devil incarnate.”

    Some of the comments following Rigathi’s claims on TV.

    Sidian’s financials don’t scream “cash cow” on the surface— it posted a Sh447.96 million net loss in 2023—but its access to long-term financing from entities like the East African Development Bank and Dutch FMO suggests it’s well-positioned to handle big inflows.

    Could it be the perfect vessel for a high-stakes money shuffle? Gachagua’s refusal to name the bank keeps the story legally slippery, but the breadcrumbs lead straight to Sidian’s door.

    Ruto’s Shadow and Political Fallout

    The unspoken target of Gachagua’s ire? President Ruto himself. Their fallout—culminating in Gachagua’s impeachment in October 2024—has turned the ex-deputy into a loose cannon, eager to spill tea on the administration he once helped lead.

    His claim that the bank purchase coincided with their 2022 entry into office points to a calculated move by someone at the top.

    Ruto’s defenders, including the man himself, have shrugged off such attacks, with the President embracing his “Zakayo” tax-collector nickname and vowing to push ahead with his agenda. “Even if they call me Zakayo, so long as I deliver, I have no problem,” he said in Busia on January 23, 2025.

    Yet, the stakes are soaring. Kenya’s economy is reeling from inflation, debt, and a restive workforce fed up with shrinking payslips. Gachagua’s warning that “3.3 million taxpayers could sway the 2027 election” looms large, especially if voters connect the dots between their deductions and an alleged banking bonanza.

    If Sidian—or any bank—is indeed a Ruto-linked piggy bank, the fallout could dwarf past scandals.

    The Verdict: Smoke, Mirrors, and Billions

    For now, Gachagua’s allegations remain just that—tantalizing hints wrapped in plausible deniability. Sidian Bank hasn’t commented, and Centum’s silence only thickens the intrigue.

    But the pieces fit too neatly to dismiss: a bank with fresh UAE and local owners, a government desperate for cash, and a former insider crying foul.

    Whether it’s Sidian or another player, one thing’s clear: the Housing Levy and SHIF scandals are far from over. Kenyans, already squeezed dry, deserve answers—and they’re watching closely.

    As the rumor mill churns and lawsuits pile up, this saga promises more twists. Stay tuned—because if Gachagua’s right, the lid on this financial Pandora’s box is barely screwed on.

  • Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Secret Gold Deals with Sudan Rebel Leader

    Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Secret Gold Deals with Sudan Rebel Leader

    In a bombshell interview on KTN News on Monday, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua alleged that President William Ruto is personally engaged in a gold trade deal with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti.

    Gachagua, who served as Ruto’s deputy until their fallout in 2023, claimed that the President’s dealings with the internationally sanctioned rebel group are not only undermining Kenya’s diplomatic standing but also prioritizing personal gain over national interest.

    Gachagua revealed that he was tasked with inviting Hemedti to Kenya in 2023, bypassing diplomatic protocols.

    However, he was excluded from the closed-door meeting between Ruto and the RSF leader at State House in Nairobi. “Since it wasn’t possible for him to invite Hemedti due to diplomatic protocols, he asked me, as Deputy President, to extend the invitation,” Gachagua said.

    “But I was locked out of the room. If it had been about Kenya’s interests, I would have been part of the meeting. Instead, I later learned it was a personal business discussion.”

    According to Gachagua, the meeting focused on smuggling gold from Sudan to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) before transporting it to Dubai. “William Ruto is conducting business with the RSF leader. He invited Hemedti for business dealings at State House in Nairobi. They are smuggling gold from Sudan to JKIA and then shipping it to Dubai,” Gachagua alleged.

    He accused Ruto of exploiting his position to facilitate this illicit trade, tarnishing Kenya’s reputation globally. “President Ruto must accept that he will not be president forever. He cannot destroy this country or how we are perceived by other nations,” Gachagua asserted. “He must be a nationalist, rise above commercial and personal interests, and put the country first.”

    The ousted deputy president lambasted Ruto for what he called reckless leadership, arguing that the president’s ties to the RSF—an outfit sanctioned by the United States and accused of genocide in Sudan—are damaging Kenya’s international standing. “It’s putting Kenya in a very bad light,” Gachagua urged. “That group has been flagged by the international community, with sanctions imposed for genocide and the killing of children.” He pointed to U.S. sanctions imposed on Hemedti in January 2025, which freeze his assets and bar him from entering the country, as evidence of the RSF’s pariah status.

    The RSF, a paramilitary group led by Hemedti, has been accused of widespread human rights violations, including genocide and the killing of children, amid Sudan’s ongoing civil war. Sanctioned by the international community, the group’s alleged association with Kenya poses a significant diplomatic liability. Gachagua warned that Ruto’s ties to the RSF have already prompted the Sudanese government to threaten a ban on Kenyan tea exports—a critical revenue source that earned Kenya $1.2 billion in the first 10 months of 2024, with Sudan ranking among its top 10 markets. “I’ve heard murmurs that Sudan is threatening to stop Kenyan tea exports over this,” Gachagua claimed, echoing concerns raised by tea traders in Mombasa following the RSF’s political event in Nairobi on February 18, 2025.

    Broadening his critique, Gachagua alleged that Ruto’s foreign policy missteps extend beyond Sudan. He accused Ruto of mishandling the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), claiming it has alienated fellow African leaders. “We’ve handled DRC very badly. I’m told many African presidents are unwilling to join peace initiatives led by President Ruto because he’s conflicted, prioritizing commercial and personal interests over national interest,” Gachagua said. This aligns with past tensions, such as the DRC recalling its ambassador from Nairobi in December 2023 after Kenya hosted the M23 rebel group—a move Kinshasa branded as betrayal.

    Kenya’s decision to host the RSF in Nairobi on February 18, despite fierce backlash from Sudan, has intensified the controversy. The event, held at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre (KICC), saw RSF deputy commander Abdel Rahim Dagalo and other opposition figures sign a charter to establish a parallel government—an act Sudan condemned as “an act of hostility” and a violation of international norms. Sudan recalled its ambassador to Kenya in protest, accusing Nairobi of complicity in the RSF’s alleged atrocities. The Sudanese foreign ministry stated that hosting “a terrorist militia” responsible for genocide breached the UN Charter and the African Union Constitutive Act.

    In response, Kenya’s government, through Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, defended its actions on February 19, framing them as part of its broader commitment to peace in Sudan. “Kenya remains at the forefront of seeking solutions to the humanitarian crisis in Sudan,” Mudavadi said, emphasizing the country’s role as a regional mediator under the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). On February 24, Mudavadi reiterated Kenya’s stance, hailing the RSF’s charter-signing as a step toward reconciliation and calling for support from the African Union and United Nations. “The peace roadmap signed in Nairobi provides a solid framework for further negotiations,” he asserted.

    However, the move has drawn sharp criticism from analysts and civil society groups. The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) labeled it a “grave violation” of Kenya’s obligations, warning that it undermines Sudan’s sovereignty and endangers Sudanese refugees in Kenya. U.S. Senator Jim Risch, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, accused Kenya of “legitimizing” the RSF’s genocidal rule—a stance that could strain ties with Washington, which designated Kenya a major non-NATO ally in May 2024.

    As the diplomatic fallout deepens, Gachagua’s allegations add fuel to an already heated debate over Ruto’s leadership. Whether these claims withstand scrutiny remains uncertain, but they highlight the high stakes of Kenya’s geopolitical gambles. For now, Nairobi walks a tightrope, balancing its peacemaking ambitions against the risks of isolation—and the potential cost to its economy and reputation.

  • Puzzle of a British Businessman Who Visited a Gay Bar in Nairobi Before Going Missing, Body Found in Makueni After Two Weeks

    Puzzle of a British Businessman Who Visited a Gay Bar in Nairobi Before Going Missing, Body Found in Makueni After Two Weeks

    NAIROBI, Kenya—The mysterious disappearance of Campbell Scott, a 58-year-old British businessman, has taken a grim turn with the discovery of a decomposing body in a forest in Makueni County, over 60 miles southeast of Nairobi.

    The body, identified as Scott’s by County Commander Alice Kimeli, was found stuffed in a green sack by herders in the Makongo Forest in Wote on Saturday morning—just days after Scott was reported missing from the upscale Westlands area of Nairobi.

    What began as a routine business trip to Kenya has unraveled into a chilling puzzle, with clues pointing to a night out at a gay bar in Nairobi, a taxi ride to one of the city’s sprawling slums, and a gruesome end far from the capital.

    Scott, a senior director at the London branch of FICO, an American data analytics giant specializing in credit scoring, arrived in Kenya on Saturday, February 15, for a three-day conference hosted by TransUnion at the JW Marriott Hotel in Westlands.

    Westlands, Nairobi.

    CCTV footage from the hotel captured the 58-year-old in cargo pants and a blue shirt, appearing relaxed and jovial as he waved to staff and exchanged pleasantries with security personnel that afternoon.

    After checking into his room at 1 p.m. and briefly stepping out, he returned at 4 p.m. Colleagues assumed all was well—until the next day.

    On Sunday, February 16, Scott left the hotel again at 11:15 a.m., seemingly for a casual stroll to shake off jet lag.

    His colleague, Manaton Michael Edward, expected him back for lunch and a meeting to prepare FICO’s presentation for the conference scheduled for Tuesday.

    But by 6 p.m., Scott’s UK-registered phone was off. Repeated calls went unanswered, and by 7 p.m., Edward alerted hotel management, who advised filing a missing person report with Parklands police.

    Thus began a frantic search for the missing Briton, a search that would stretch nearly two weeks and span two counties.

    As detectives from Nairobi and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) dug deeper, a puzzling timeline emerged.

    Gay Bar Puzzle

    According to the UK publication The Times, citing police sources, Scott is believed to have visited a gay bar in Westlands on Saturday, the day he arrived, and returned to the same establishment on Sunday—the day he vanished. Witnesses confirmed he was last seen leaving the bar and taking a taxi, reportedly headed toward Kibera, Nairobi’s largest slum.

    What transpired after that remains shrouded in mystery, but the trail went cold until the shocking discovery in Makueni, 60 miles from Nairobi.

    Discovery of Body and Signs of Strangulation

    On February 22, herders stumbled upon a decomposing body in a green sack in Makongo Forest, a remote area far removed from the bustling streets of Nairobi.

    Nairobi detectives, joined by officials from the UK Embassy, rushed to the scene on Monday to assist in identifying the remains.

    County Commander Kimeli confirmed the body was Scott’s, though a post-mortem scheduled for Tuesday at Makueni County Referral Hospital Mortuary is expected to shed light on the cause of death.

    Initial reports suggest strangulation, but investigators have yet to confirm this.

    The case has gripped both Kenya and the UK, with the DCI enlisting Interpol’s help to access Scott’s call data and piece together his final hours.

    The search in Nairobi saw police and hotel staff combing bars and restaurants in Westlands, but no one reported seeing Scott after he left the gay bar on Sunday.

    His company, FICO, expressed concern in a statement last week: “FICO is working with our local partners and local authorities to investigate the matter. Our thoughts are with Campbell’s family and friends.”

    From a conference in a luxury hotel to a night out in Westlands and a fatal journey to Makueni, Scott’s story has left more questions than answers. How did a British businessman end up dead in a sack in a remote forest? What happened between his taxi ride from the gay bar and the herders’ grisly find two weeks later?

  • How Capitaland East Africa Ltd CEO Rodgers Omwamba Obure Became a Fraudster and Conman

    How Capitaland East Africa Ltd CEO Rodgers Omwamba Obure Became a Fraudster and Conman

    It has now been exposed that the Chief Executive Officer of Capitaland East Africa Ltd, Mr. Rodgers Obure Omwamba, alongside city lawyer Stephen Juma Ndeda, are serious global fraudsters.

    Stephen Ndeda.

    The duo are alleged to have bribed senior officials in the immigration department, who have in turn blocked a complainant they defrauded of $195,000 in the UAE, preventing him from entering Kenya to pursue legal action.

    “Please help me come to Kenya. They have completely blocked my access to the country to file a formal report,” the complainant told our reporter.

    Others implicated in the scam include Mohamed Bashir Ibrahim, Martin Mwai, a fake Brigadier General, and Daniel Otieno Odiek.

    Mohamed Bashir

    The group allegedly operates in cahoots to facilitate their fraudulent deals, leaving victims in distress.

    The complainant informed our investigative journalist that Martin Mwai, the fake Brigadier General Daniel Otieno Odieki, and Rodgers Obure Omwamba are the key suspects in the matter.

    The complainant further revealed that during his last visit to Kenya, he faced severe mistreatment. Omwamba, Lawyer Ndeda, and their accomplices subjected him to physical assault and endangered his life.

    “There is no way I can come to Kenya because they have blocked my entry with a red alert. I am only allowed to speak from the UAE,” the source told our reporter.

  • Boardroom Blowout: Sh500M Shareholder Feud Threatens Kenya’s Newest PSV Insurer Definite Assurance

    Boardroom Blowout: Sh500M Shareholder Feud Threatens Kenya’s Newest PSV Insurer Definite Assurance

    A fierce boardroom and shareholder battle is rocking Definite Assurance Company Limited, Kenya’s newest insurance firm targeting the lucrative public service vehicle (PSV) sector, barely two months after it received its operating licence from the Insurance Regulatory Authority (IRA) on December 11, 2024.

    The escalating conflict, pitting prominent businessmen Ronald Karauri and Peter Mbugua against each other, threatens to destabilize the fledgling insurer and expose the murky dealings behind its inception.

    At the heart of the dispute is Peter Mbugua, the Quiver Lounge & Grill owner, whose former allies in the company—including SportPesa CEO and Kasarani MP Ronald Karauri—are pushing for his exit. The fallout has spiraled into a high-stakes valuation war, with Mbugua demanding Sh500 million for his 22 percent stake, a figure his partners dismiss as outrageous, offering him Sh195 million instead—a sum they claim he had previously agreed to accept.

    The rift began brewing in early November 2024, when delays in securing the IRA licence left Mbugua disillusioned. Citing the prolonged uncertainty, he sought to cash out his initial Sh175 million investment, which included Sh75 million for setup costs and Sh100 million toward the firm’s capital.

    At the time, he requested an additional Sh20 million as a premium, notifying IRA Commissioner Godfrey Kiptum of his intent to withdraw on November 13. Karauri, holding a 10 percent stake and having injected Sh500 million into the firm, initially agreed to buy Mbugua’s shares, a move that would have elevated his ownership to 32 percent.

    But the deal unraveled when the IRA licence was finally granted in December. Emboldened by the firm’s newfound regulatory approval, Mbugua reversed course, hiking his asking price to Sh500 million.

    “How does he expect the value of my shares to be the same before and after the licence?” Mbugua said, “It’s like agreeing to sell a Range Rover without an engine, tyres, and gearbox for Sh1 million, then the buyer disappears for a month, resurfaces when I’ve installed everything, and still wants to pay the same amount.”

    Mbugua accuses Karauri and other shareholders, including businessman Kushian Muchiri—who holds a 30 percent stake—of sidelining him and running the company without his input. “I put in Sh175 million as seed capital, but I’ve been kept in the dark about operations,” he lamented, pointing fingers at Karauri as the mastermind behind his exclusion.

    Muchiri, however, paints a different picture, asserting that Mbugua voluntarily resigned and signed off on the sale of his shares for Sh195 million.

    “He resigned, signed shareholder and board resolutions, and share transfer forms,” Muchiri said. “The shares were sold to raise his requested settlement. The money is ready whenever he wants it.” Official records from the Business Registration Service (BRS) still list Mbugua’s Swingers Skypark as the holder of the 22 percent stake, adding fuel to the ownership dispute.

    The turmoil marks a shaky start for Definite Assurance, which aimed to disrupt the PSV insurance market—a Sh5.5 billion-a-year segment plagued by losses and the collapse of players like Invesco Assurance and Xplico.

    The firm had hoped to capitalize on Muchiri’s expertise in the matatu industry, gained from managing Kenya Mpya buses, and the financial muscle of Karauri, a betting mogul who reaped billions from SportPesa, and Mbugua, whose Quiver Lounge chain has become a nightlife staple in Nairobi.

    The partnership, once a promising blend of wealth and ambition, has soured into a bitter feud. Mbugua, who claims to have built his fortune from humble beginnings in the alcohol trade, alleges that his partners are manipulating the company’s directorship behind his back.

    Through his lawyer, Dunstan Omari, he has threatened legal action, warning that “additional persons/directors” unknown to him have been introduced into the firm. “We shall move to protect our client’s interest by instituting legal proceedings,” Omari’s letter to the company stated.

    Karauri, faces mounting pressure as the public face of the insurer. His Sh500 million investment was pivotal in meeting the Sh600 million minimum capital requirement for a general insurance company in Kenya, but the ongoing spat risks undermining Definite Assurance’s credibility before it can even establish a foothold.

    As the boardroom war intensifies, industry watchers warn that the fallout could jeopardize the company’s mission to revolutionize matatu insurance.

    With rival Directline Assurance, the market leader owned by media tycoon SK Macharia, already grappling with its own shareholder and regulatory woes, Definite Assurance’s internal chaos may leave the PSV insurance segment vulnerable at a critical juncture.

    For now, the firm’s future hangs in the balance as its founders battle over money, power, and control.

  • Shocking Revelation: Nelson Havi Claims CJ Koome and Top Judges Took Sh4B Bribe from Uhuru

    Shocking Revelation: Nelson Havi Claims CJ Koome and Top Judges Took Sh4B Bribe from Uhuru

    Former LSK President Alleges Widespread Corruption in Kenya’s Supreme Court

    Former Law Society of Kenya (LSK) President Nelson Havi has intensified his campaign against the Supreme Court of Kenya, alleging that judges were bribed with over Sh4 billion by former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    In a bold statement on Sunday, Havi claimed that Chief Justice Martha Koome and three other Supreme Court judges received Sh4 billion in bribes.

    “We need to go live on X to expose how the bribe was given to Koome and Njoki by a Jubilee operative, to Wanjala by a Nyanza MP, and to another judge by a governor. Let the four disgraced judges return the Sh4 billion they took from Uhuru Kenyatta. That was unjust enrichment,” Havi posted, tagging fellow lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi. Both lawyers have been vocal critics of the country’s top court.

    Havi’s allegations of judicial corruption did not stop there. He further claimed that Sh300 million was “disbursed” as a bribe in a case where Geo Chem Middle East Limited was awarded Sh2.3 billion on December 18, 2020, against the Kenya Bureau of Standards (Kebs) for breach of contract.

    According to Havi, the bribery tip came from a judge who was not part of the bench hearing the case.

    “A Supreme Court judge who did not sit on this bench has confirmed to us that Sh300 million was disbursed for the assignment on Kenya Bureau of Standards. That is why the judges who went to court do not want the other judge to spill the beans on them,” he posted.

    The award was reinstated by Justices Philomena Mwilu, Mohamed Ibrahim, Smokin Wanjala, Njoki Ndung’u, and Isaac Lenaola on December 18, 2020.

    Ahmednasir’s Claims of Bribery in the Supreme Court

    Ahmednasir Abdullahi has also made explosive claims of corruption in the Supreme Court. In a suit filed before the East African Court of Justice, where he is challenging a ban imposed on him by the Kenyan Supreme Court, Abdullahi has lifted the lid on alleged widespread corruption in the apex court.

    In his suit, Abdullahi argues that the Supreme Court unlawfully denied him an audience based on a “judge-made offense” intended to silence his public criticism of corruption in the judiciary. He also claims that the ban was imposed following an exchange of WhatsApp messages among members of the Supreme Court bench.

    Abdullahi is seeking Sh200 million in legal fees from taxpayers, which he claims he would have earned from cases he was hired to handle but were stalled due to the ban.

    How Supreme Court Judges Were Allegedly Bribed

    Supreme Court judges (from left) Isaac Lenaola, Dr Smokin Wanjala, Philomena Mwilu, Chief Justice Martha Koome, Mohamed Ibrahim, Njoki Ndung’u and William Ouko.

    The most striking part of Abdullahi’s petition is his detailed account of how judges were allegedly bribed to influence the outcome of the 2022 presidential petition.

    In the court documents seen by Kenya Insights, Abdullahi claims that four out of the seven Supreme Court judges were paid between $1.5 million and $2 million (Sh200 million to Sh266 million) each to overturn William Ruto’s election victory, which had been challenged by Raila Odinga. However, the judges were unable to influence the verdict, which upheld Ruto’s win on September 5, 2022.

    Abdullahi provides a blow-by-blow account of how the bribes were allegedly delivered:
    Judge A accepted a bribe delivered at their Nairobi home by a powerful politician.
    Judge B accepted bribes from three individuals: the son of a deceased leader, a retired governor, and an influential businesswoman.
    Judge C took a bribe from a member of the National Intelligence Service (NIS) who later left the service.
    Judge D accepted a bribe from a member of Parliament. Initially, Judge D wanted the bribe to be given to their wife but later changed their mind.

    Historical Corruption Allegations

    Lawyer Ahmednasir’s Abdulahi.

    Abdullahi also referenced past corruption scandals involving Supreme Court judges as part of his evidence. He cited the case of Justice Phillip Tunoi, who was accused of taking a $2 million bribe to influence an election petition. Tunoi was found guilty and dismissed by former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    He also mentioned the Panama Papers, which alleged that Justice Kalpana Rawal, Kenya’s second Deputy Chief Justice, and her husband operated offshore companies in the Caribbean, a notorious tax haven. The offshore companies were reportedly used to sell properties in the UK worth millions of shillings.

    Abdullahi further highlighted an incident where the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) recommended an investigation into Justice Jackton Ojwang over allegations that he received favors from then-Migori Governor Okoth Obado in exchange for influencing a case. However, a tribunal led by Justice Visram cleared Ojwang of misconduct.

    Additionally, Abdullahi referenced a petition filed at the JSC by Jared Ongeri, seeking the removal of Justices Mohammed Ibrahim, Jackton Ojwang, Smokin Wanjala, and Njoki Ndung’u for allegedly taking bribes to influence the outcome of the Wajir Governor election petition.

    He also mentioned the case of Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu, who was arrested and charged with corruption and economic crimes, including tax evasion and abuse of office. Although the charges were upheld in a constitutional reference, her prosecution was quashed after a court ruled that her privacy was violated during the evidence-gathering process.

    Supreme Court Judges Fight to Keep Their Jobs

    Amid the bribery accusations, Supreme Court judges are fighting to retain their positions as the JSC considers petitions for their removal. The JSC is set to reconvene on Tuesday, with the proposed removal of seven Supreme Court judges, including Chief Justice Martha Koome, topping the agenda.

    The meeting will be chaired by the Commission’s vice-chairperson, Isaac Rutto, and attended by nine members. However, CJ Koome and Justice Mohammed Ibrahim, who are among the defendants in the ouster petitions, will not attend.

    Last Friday, CJ Koome led the judges in suing the JSC, rejecting the disciplinary proceedings and warning of a looming constitutional crisis if the judges are suspended. She argued that only the Supreme Court has the jurisdiction to determine the validity of presidential elections, state emergencies, and the removal of judges.

    “No other person or authority is authorized to carry out the constitutional functions specifically designated to the Supreme Court. Suspending the judges would deprive Kenyans of their fundamental rights,” Koome stated in court filings.

    The complaints against the judges were filed by former Cabinet Minister Raphael Tuju’s Dari Limited and lawyers Nelson Havi and Christopher Rosana, alleging misconduct, misbehavior, and incompetence.

    Lawyer Nelson Havi.

    While Tuju’s complaint involves a commercial dispute with the East African Development Bank, Havi and Rosana’s complaints stem from the Supreme Court’s decision to ban lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi over his social media posts criticizing the judiciary.

    The judges were expected to respond to the complaints by February 24, 2025, but instead sought conservatory orders to halt the proceedings. Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu also filed a preliminary objection, contesting the JSC’s authority to entertain the petitions.

    Interestingly, Havi previously represented Mwilu in a separate case where she faced allegations of misconduct related to dealings with a bank. She was later cleared by the court.

    As the battle between the judiciary and its critics intensifies, Kenya faces a potential constitutional crisis, with the integrity of its highest court hanging in the balance.

  • Top Journalist Exposes NIS Official’s Alleged Ties to PS Sing’oei’s Fake AI Video Scandal

    Top Journalist Exposes NIS Official’s Alleged Ties to PS Sing’oei’s Fake AI Video Scandal

    Prominent journalist Saddique Shaban has sparked a heated debate by attempting to connect a a high-ranking official within the National Intelligence Service (NIS)—to the embarrassing deepfake video scandal involving Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary Korir Sing’oei.

    However, Shaban’s claims, which lack any concrete evidence, remain unproven, leaving the public and experts questioning the validity of his assertions and their impact on national security and media credibility.

    The controversy began on February 21, 2025, when Sing’oei, a key figure in Kenya’s diplomatic corps, shared a video on X that appeared to feature CNN host Fareed Zakaria commenting on Kenya’s role in mediating the Sudan conflict.

    The video was swiftly identified as an AI-generated deepfake, prompting Sing’oei to issue a public apology for the confusion it caused.

    In his statement, Sing’oei expressed regret, thanked those who flagged the video, and announced plans for his ministry to collaborate with tech companies on watermarking AI content and launching the School on AI Diplomacy at the Foreign Services Academy to tackle such challenges.

    Seizing on the incident, Shaban posted on X, boldly suggesting—without providing any proof—that the deepfake video originated within the NIS and was passed to Sing’oei’s phone by a senior figure, implicitly pointing to a top official like Dr. Irene Mukiri Mwingirwa, the Assistant Director for AI and Cyber.

    Accompanied by a photo of Mwingirwa, Shaban’s post has ignited a firestorm on social media, with some users speculating about intelligence agency involvement while others accuse him of making reckless, unsubstantiated claims.

    A screenshot of Shabaan’s post attempting to link Dr. Irene Mukiri Mwingirwa, the Assistant Director for AI and Cyber into the saga.

    Shaban’s narrative appears to target the NIS leadership, but his lack of evidence has drawn sharp criticism, with some warning that such accusations could breach national security protocols and potentially violate Kenyan laws.

    The timing of Shaban’s allegations is politically sensitive, as Kenya is deeply engaged in mediating Sudan’s civil conflict, including a controversial February 22, 2025, signing of a peace accord with intentions of forming a parallel government in Nairobi involving the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

    The deepfake incident has already raised questions about Kenya’s credibility on the international stage, and Shaban’s attempt to implicate a senior official risks amplifying those concerns without substantiation. Critics on X, including user @FinchApi, have accused Shaban of doxxing intelligence personnel, while others, like @HisMajestay, have labeled his claims as damaging and irresponsible, urging him to provide proof or retract his statements.

    However, the deepfake controversy highlights the potential dangers of AI misuse, particularly if state agencies like the NIS are implicated, as Shaban suggests.

    Some social media users, such as Mike Asudi, have referenced a 2022 Supreme Court case involving alleged fake affidavits linked to intelligence operations, seemingly bolstering Shaban’s unproven theory of a pattern of misconduct within the NIS. Yet, without evidence, these connections remain speculative and contentious.

    Public reactions on X have been polarized. While some, like Sam Njuguna, have demanded Sing’oei’s resignation over the incident, others have focused on Shaban’s claims, with users like @Sina_Shida questioning whether a sophisticated agency like the NIS would produce such a poorly executed deepfake, casting doubt on his theory.

    Meanwhile, political commentator @wmnjoya noted the video’s “very Kenyan” English expression, suggesting it might reflect domestic origins, but this observation does not directly support Shaban’s specific allegations against the NIS leadership.

    Dr. Mwingirwa, named in Shaban’s post as a potential figurehead in the saga, has not responded publicly, and the NIS has declined to comment, maintaining its customary silence on operational matters.

  • Stima Sacco Management Faces Storm of Fraud Allegations Ahead of AGM

    Stima Sacco Management Faces Storm of Fraud Allegations Ahead of AGM

    Nairobi’s Stima DT Sacco Society Limited, a financial powerhouse serving over 211,000 members from Kenya’s energy sector, is embroiled in a scandal that threatens to dismantle its half-century legacy.

    Whispers of multi-million-shilling fraud and a high-level cover-up are circulating, putting the society in jeopardy. 

    Just days before its 51st Annual General Meeting (AGM) on Friday, February 28, the Sacco—once a poster child for cooperative success—finds itself staring down a barrel of allegations that could shake its foundations and ripple through the government parastatals it serves.

    A tangled web of deceit at Stima Sacco has been established, where employees, rogue members, and shadowy external players are allegedly running a loan racket fueled by forged payslips.

    Sources close to the company suggest the scam could involve tens—if not hundreds—of millions of shillings, siphoning funds meant for hardworking civil servants into the pockets of a well-connected few.

    The Sacco, which draws its membership from heavyweights like Kenya Power and Lighting Company (KPLC), Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), and the Rural Electrification and Renewable Energy Corporation (Rerec), reported a pre-tax profit of Ksh 1.4 billion in 2023, with assets ballooning to Ksh 61 billion last year.

    But behind those glossy numbers, insiders hint at a financial house of cards waiting to collapse.

    What’s raising eyebrows isn’t just the fraud—it’s who might be protecting it.

    Rumors swirling through Nairobi’s financial circles point to a faction of Stima Sacco’s board, a group meant to safeguard members’ interests, as potential architects of a cover-up.

    Instead of cracking down on the culprits, some board members are said to have quietly shuffled implicated staff to other branches, brushing the mess under the rug while the Sacco’s 12 nationwide outlets hum along.

    Could this be a desperate bid to preserve the institution’s image ahead of the AGM, where financial reports and elections are on the agenda? Or is it something more sinister—a power play by insiders with their hands in the till?

    The stakes are sky-high. Stima Sacco’s membership, largely tied to the Energy Ministry’s parastatals, includes employees who’ve leaned on its loans and Ksh 1.44 billion dividend payouts to build homes, pay school fees, and weather Kenya’s economic storms.

    If the fraud allegations hold water, the fallout could hit these parastatals hard—KPLC alone employs thousands who bank with Stima, and a collapse could trigger a domino effect of unpaid loans and frozen savings.

    Speculation is rife that the Sacco’s leadership, including National Chairperson Joseph Siror (also KPLC’s Managing Director) and CEO Gamaliel Hassan, knows more than they’re letting on.

    KPLC MD Dr. Joseph Siror

    The timing of this scandal couldn’t be more explosive.

    The government, led by Co-operatives and MSMEs Cabinet Secretary Wycliffe Oparanya, is in the midst of a nationwide purge of financial rot in the Sacco sector.

    After a Ksh 13.3 billion scandal rocked the Kenya Union of Savings & Credit Cooperatives (KUSCCO) last year, Oparanya ordered forensic audits across all cooperatives, vowing to jail corrupt officials and empower the Sacco Societies Regulatory Authority (Sasra) to tighten the screws.

    “This will no longer be tolerated,” he declared recently, a warning that now hangs over Stima Sacco like a storm cloud.

    Could Siror, a dual-hatted power player in both KPLC and Stima, be sweating under the government’s glare? Or will the Sacco’s deep ties to the energy sector buy it a softer landing?

    Theories abound about how deep the rot goes. Some whisper that former employees, now operating as fixers on the outside, are pulling strings in a syndicate that’s been years in the making.

    Others speculate that the forged payslip scheme might be the tip of the iceberg—could there be ghost members, inflated financials, or even kickbacks to boardroom bigwigs?

    With revenues soaring 21% to Ksh 8.96 billion in 2023, it’s hard to believe no one noticed the cracks.

    Perhaps the AGM, set to approve the 2025/2026 budget and amend key policies, was meant to be a victory lap after Stima’s 50th anniversary bash in October 2024.

    Instead, it might turn into a showdown for members to demand answers.

  • Kenyan UAP Insurance Director Arrested in South Sudan

    Kenyan UAP Insurance Director Arrested in South Sudan

    The Managing Director of UAP Insurance Company, Mr. Japheth Omare Omwero, a Kenyan national, was arrested in South Sudan yesterday, February 22, 2025, for failing to comply with court summons and skipping a scheduled hearing.

    The arrest follows a warrant issued by Presiding Judge Francis Amum, who charged Mr. Omwero with contempt of court after he neither appeared for a hearing on February 21 nor provided any explanation for his absence.

    Mr. Omwero’s arrest stems from an ongoing legal battle between UAP Insurance and its national staff, which has drawn significant attention in recent months. He is expected to appear in court at the next session, though a specific date has yet to be announced.

    The case traces back to October 2024, when UAP Insurance dismissed at least ten South Sudanese employees who had demanded better pay and equitable treatment.

    The decision sparked outrage among the workforce and contradicted a directive from South Sudan’s Ministry of Labor, which had ordered the reinstatement of the sacked staff.

    The National Staff Association (UNSA) responded by filing a lawsuit against the insurance firm, accusing it of unfair labor practices.

    Tensions between UAP management and its national employees have been simmering for some time, driven by allegations of discriminatory wage gaps between local staff and foreign expatriates.

    Last year, approximately 70 national employees staged a sit-in strike, briefly shutting down UAP operations. While some workers eventually resumed their duties, the underlying grievances remained unresolved.

    In a letter dated September 29, 2023, Luka Nyarsuk Nason, Chairman of the Labor Advisory Council, urged UAP management to suspend all punitive measures against its staff.

    The Ministry of Labor later intervened, issuing a verdict in October 2024 that upheld the employees’ claims. Mary Hillary Wani, Undersecretary in the Ministry of Labor, explicitly directed UAP to reinstate the ten dismissed workers, a ruling the company appears to have ignored.

    Mr. Omwero’s arrest marks a significant escalation in the dispute, raising questions about UAP’s compliance with South Sudanese labor laws and its treatment of national staff.

  • KEDA Ceramics in Miwani Faces Fresh Scandal: Accused of Orchestrating Scheme to Defraud Government Amid Ongoing Controversies

    KEDA Ceramics in Miwani Faces Fresh Scandal: Accused of Orchestrating Scheme to Defraud Government Amid Ongoing Controversies

    In the sprawling industrial hub of Miwani, Kisumu County, KEDA Ceramics International has long positioned itself as an economic boon, boasting a $50 million investment and over 800 jobs since its grand opening in August 2022.

    The factory, a producer of Twyford tiles, sanitary ware, and fast-moving consumer goods, was heralded as a beacon of progress.

    Yet, beneath the glossy façade lies a festering scandal that paints the company as a merciless exploiter of its workforce and a cunning manipulator of regulatory oversight.

    As allegations of labour rights abuses, racial discrimination, and community neglect pile up, the latest twist reveals KEDA Ceramics orchestrating an elaborate deception to hoodwink ISO inspectors scheduled to visit next week—an act that could cement its reputation as a corporate villain in Kenya’s industrial landscape.

    Labour Abuses

    For weeks, whispers of discontent from KEDA’s Miwani factory have grown into a roar. Workers, many of whom toil under grueling conditions, have come forward with harrowing accounts of exploitation.

    Reports indicate that 12-hour shifts are commonplace, yet only 195 hours are logged as standard working time—despite employees routinely clocking 225 hours monthly.

    The discrepancy translates to withheld compensation, a practice that has left workers financially strained and voiceless. “They know we need these jobs,” one anonymous employee lamented. “They tell us there are plenty of desperate people waiting to take our place.”

    The accusations don’t end there. Complaints of racial discrimination and physical mistreatment by supervisors have surfaced repeatedly, with a culture of fear permeating the factory floor.

    Workers claim they face threats of dismissal for raising grievances, while internal mechanisms for redress are allegedly brushed aside by a management indifferent to their plight.

    These practices, if proven, stand in stark violation of Kenya’s labour laws and international occupational safety standards—laws meant to protect the very workers KEDA employs.

    Community Outrage

    Beyond the factory gates, KEDA Ceramics has drawn the ire of Miwani residents. Heavy-duty trucks rumbling to and fro have left local roads in disrepair, a constant grievance for a community that feels neglected by the company’s presence.

    Hiring practices have further stoked tensions, with allegations that Kisumu locals are sidelined in favor of workers from outside the county.

    Protests have erupted as residents demand accountability, accusing KEDA of reaping profits while leaving the region to bear the burden of its operations.

    The ISO Deception Unveiled

    Now, as the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) prepares to inspect the factory for certification, KEDA’s management appears desperate to bury its scandals under a veneer of compliance.

    Insiders have exposed a meticulously planned cover-up designed to mislead inspectors and secure the coveted certification.

    Workers claim they’ve been issued branded T-shirts to wear during the visit, a superficial gesture meant to project unity and satisfaction.

    A select group of employees, dubbed “sellouts” by their peers, have allegedly been coached to deliver glowing testimonies about fair pay and reasonable hours—claims that starkly contradict the reality of 12-hour shifts and unpaid overtime.

    The deception runs deeper. Specific workers have been stationed along the inspection route with strict instructions to smile and stay silent, creating an illusion of a harmonious workplace.

    A memo dated February 21, 2025, instructs resident workers not to hang clothes outside between 8:00 AM and 6:00 PM from February 24 to 26—dates coinciding with the inspection—ostensibly to present a tidy, orderly image.

    New dining structures have sprung up overnight, with employees ordered to eat in shifts to feign regular lunch breaks, despite long-standing complaints of being denied such respite.

    “What great iniquity is this,” one worker wrote in a plea for help, “that a Black man is happy to exploit his Black man?”

    The threats, as always, loom large. Employees have been warned that speaking truthfully to inspectors will result in termination—a chilling reminder of the intimidation that has silenced dissent within KEDA’s walls.

    Workers are not taking this lying down. They’ve urged the ISO team to ditch the scripted tour and conduct an unannounced, impartial assessment that pierces through the staged charade.

    Their demands extend beyond the inspection, calling on a coalition of authorities—the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, the Federation of Kenya Employers, the Central Organization of Trade Unions, the National Assembly’s Labour Committee, and Kisumu County’s labour offices—to launch a comprehensive investigation into KEDA’s practices.

    They seek independent audits of wage records, anonymous testimonies to shield whistleblowers, and strict enforcement of labour laws.

    The Senate and the Commission on Administrative Justice (Ombudsman) have also been implored to probe management’s coercion tactics and scrutinize whether government agencies have failed in their oversight duties.

    Labour rights groups, civil society organizations, and international watchdogs are being rallied to amplify the pressure, with workers emphasizing the need for transparent, enforceable solutions—not just another superficial inspection.

    KEDA Ceramics, for its part, has yet to publicly address these latest allegations.

    The company’s initial investment and job creation cannot be dismissed outright; it has undeniably contributed to Kisumu’s economy.

    However, economic benefits do not excuse systemic exploitation or the erosion of workers’ rights. If the accusations hold true, KEDA’s actions represent a betrayal of the very community it claims to uplift—a calculated ploy to prioritize profit and prestige over human dignity.

    As the ISO inspection looms, the spotlight on KEDA Ceramics burns brighter than ever. Will the company succeed in pulling the wool over the inspectors’ eyes, or will this be the moment its house of cards comes crashing down? For the workers of Miwani, the stakes couldn’t be higher. Their fight is not just for fair wages or decent hours—it’s a stand against a system that thrives on their silence. Kenya Insights will continue to monitor this unfolding saga, ensuring the voices of the exploited are heard loud and clear.

  • Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s Wife, Reflects on Her Past Relationship with Museveni Amid Her Husband’s Current Trial

    Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s Wife, Reflects on Her Past Relationship with Museveni Amid Her Husband’s Current Trial

    Winnie Byanyima, the wife of beleaguered Uganda’s foremost opposition figure Kizza Besigye has denied that her past relationship with President Yoweri Museveni has anything to do with Besigye’s current trial.

    Winnie, a Ugandan aeronautical engineer, politician, human rights activist, feminist and diplomat is the executive director of UNAIDS. In an interview with Uganda’s Next Gen Radio, she talked about her past love relationship with Museveni, who has shown no remorse over Besigye’s incarceration.

    “Yes. A long time ago I had a relationship with Museveni but it has no relevance now. It was a normal relationship with President Museveni,” she said.

    Winnie Byanyima, the wife of beleaguered Uganda’s foremost opposition figure Kizza Besigye has denied that her past relationship with President Yoweri Museveni has anything to do with Besigye’s current trial.

    Winnie, a Ugandan aeronautical engineer, politician, human rights activist, feminist and diplomat is the executive director of UNAIDS. In an interview with Uganda’s Next Gen Radio, she talked about her past love relationship with Museveni, who has shown no remorse over Besigye’s incarceration.

    “Yes. A long time ago I had a relationship with Museveni but it has no relevance now. It was a normal relationship with President Museveni. It had some challenges, and I left it, but it is not relevant to the political discussion,” she said.

    The talk about the past relationship between Winnie and Museveni emerged on online social media platforms, with many users arguing that the Ugandan president is entertaining the suffering of Besigye because he is jilted.

    Winnie’s relationship with Museveni has constantly come out during Uganda’s political contests. In 2006, one of the UK’s leading newspapers, The Telegraph, in an article titled, “Tangled tale of love and betrayal that links bitter rivals,” wrote about how the relationship could have found itself in succession politics.

    It describes Winnie as a headstrong and elegant woman who conducted a long affair with Museveni in the 1980s before marrying his leading critic.

    Comrades in arms

    During those days, Museveni and Besigye were not always such bitter adversaries. They were comrades in arms during Uganda’s brutal bush war of the 1980s and were so close that Besigye served as Museveni’s doctor.

    So most of Uganda’s past elections have seen two former friends standing against one another, while the first lady of the opposition is a former lover of the sitting president.

    Security officers wheel in opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye outside the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court in Kampala on February 21, 2025. (Photo: Isano Francis)

    The link has added a personal and very bitter twist in the current trials of Besygye who is in jail over allegations of attempting to overthrow the government.

    Besigye and Byanyima in the past during happy times.

    The couple conducted their affair between 1981 and 1986 when Museveni was fighting a guerrilla war against the late tyrant Milton Obote. Byanyima was at his side when he marched into Kampala at the head of a rebel army and made himself president in 1986.

    But Museveni was unwilling to leave his wife, Janet, and Byanyima was cast out. She eventually married Besigye in 1998 – just as he fell out with the president and became his leading critic.

    On Friday, Besigye was charged with treason in a civilian court after his controversial case was transferred from a military tribunal.

    Treason is a capital offence in Uganda and if found guilty the 68-year-old could be sentenced to death. He was charged alongside two other suspects, but they did not enter a plea because the charges against them could only be heard in a higher court.

    Abducted in Kenya

    Besigye, who has run for president against Museveni four times, has been in detention since he was dramatically abducted in Kenya in November and taken back to Uganda to face a military trial.

    But a landmark ruling by the Supreme Court last month said that trying civilians in military courts was unconstitutional and ordered all such cases to be transferred.

    The move angered President Museveni, who called it “a wrong decision”. At the start of last week, Besigye had begun a hunger strike over his continued detention.

    The charges stem from accusations that he was plotting to remove Museveni from power by force. Friday was the first first time Besigye had appeared before a civilian court for formal charges, after the Supreme Court ruling.

    Visibly frail, he was wheeled before the Nakawa magistrate court in the capital, Kampala, alongside his aide and co-accused Obeid Lutale.

    According to the charge sheet presented before the court, Besigye is accused of holding meetings in Switzerland, Greece and Kenya between 2023 and November last year in a plot to overturn the government.

    He was also accused of soliciting military, financial and other logistical support to topple Museveni’s government.

  • Inside Havana TV Studios: Nigerian Man’s Wild Night Turns into a Nightmare as Woman Vanishes with His Cash

    Inside Havana TV Studios: Nigerian Man’s Wild Night Turns into a Nightmare as Woman Vanishes with His Cash

    It was a sad and unforgettable experience for a Nigerian man who recently visited Kenya on a business trip. He shared a harrowing tale of betrayal after a romantic encounter with a woman inside a TV studio along Ng’ong Road, which left him frustrated and out of pocket.

    The man, who identified himself as PQ, recounted his ordeal to Kenya Insights. He explained that he had visited Elite Barbers and Beauty Spa, also known as Havana TV, hoping for a relaxing and enjoyable time. Instead, he ended up feeling angry and cheated.

    “I was searching for a place to unwind and enjoy the company of beautiful women while getting a cool massage. During my online search, I came across Elite Barbers and Beauty Spa. I was impressed and contacted their customer care, who guided me to the location,” PQ said.

    The customer care representative assured him that the place was a “small heaven” and that for just Sh3,000, he could enjoy intimacy, refreshments, and a good time. “I was told that for only Sh3,000, I would experience the breeze, love, and pleasure of the place,” he recalled.

    Upon arrival, PQ was greeted by a security guard who escorted him to the reception area. There, he was introduced to more than ten women and asked to make a selection.

    “At first sight, I saw the love of my temporary life. I chose her, and she told me to wait for five minutes.

    When she returned, she informed me that there were Airbnb-style rooms called Havana Homes on the other side of the building,” he explained.

    PQ was shocked when the woman mentioned that the rooms on the other side would cost Sh10,000, which was not part of the initial agreement.

    “She said there was another option if I didn’t have the Sh10,000. That’s how I ended up inside the Havana TV studio, where we spent two hours enjoying intimacy, drinks, and making merry,” he said.

    However, things took a turn for the worse when PQ left the studio briefly to use the restroom. Upon returning, he found the woman missing—along with his wallet.

    “The lady gave me a good time but also stole my wallet, which contained over Sh152,165 that I had converted from Nigerian Naira to Kenyan Shillings. I raised the issue with people on the premises, but no one helped me. That’s why I decided to reach out to the media for assistance,” he lamented.

    PQ searched frantically for the woman, checking the restaurant on the premises, asking the gatekeeper if he had seen her, and even knocking on doors upstairs. Unfortunately, his efforts were in vain.

    Kenya Insights has obtained videos of PQ’s encounter with the woman inside the studio, which will be released in the next episode.

    Havana TV is an online channel broadcasting content on current affairs, including politics, health, and business.

    However, this incident has cast a shadow over its reputation, raising questions about the activities taking place within its studios.

    PQ’s story serves as a cautionary tale for anyone seeking entertainment in unfamiliar places. What began as a dream night turned into a costly nightmare, leaving him with nothing but regret.

  • West Wick Director Jailed in the US Over Fraud and Forgery as College Nears Collapse

    West Wick Director Jailed in the US Over Fraud and Forgery as College Nears Collapse

    Disturbing details have emerged regarding the alleged arrest and detention of West Wick College Director Christine Nyambura Muturi alias Christine Lewis over fraud and forgery, even as her college nears collapse.

    So far, several lecturers have resigned, and students are no longer attending classes, raising concerns about the standard of education at the institution.

    “We are being told that our students won’t attend classes for some time, despite West Wick College’s massive public relations campaign about how good it is. We are also aware that the college owner is in jail in the United States over fraud and forgery. What is the way forward?” asked an agitated parent.

    According to an insider speaking to Kenya Insights, Christine has been involved in alleged money laundering in the US.

    She allegedly forged and changed her name to impersonate a US citizen, defrauding them of a significant amount of money some years ago.

    “She has been on the FBI’s radar for some time and had avoided traveling to the US before she decided enough was enough and traveled there,” said a source.

    Despite extensive online and digital campaigns promoting West Wick College, its collapse seems imminent, with concerns being raised about the quality of education it offers.

    Lecturers have left due to poor and almost nonexistent payment.

    A former employee, Yvonne Mugure, was highlighted by blogger Edgar Obare in relation to the misconduct occurring at the college.

    Ironically, Christine Nyambura Muturi refused to pay Mugure her full salary, pushing her into depression before ultimately firing her. Mugure has since cried out for justice.

    Additionally, Christine was charged at a Kiambu court in relation to fraud charges but was quickly, secretly, and controversially acquitted.

  • ‪Eyebrows Raised Over Sh40M ICT Tender Awarded to Little-Known Roads Construction Firm

    ‪Eyebrows Raised Over Sh40M ICT Tender Awarded to Little-Known Roads Construction Firm

    The award of a nearly Sh40 million ICT network storage system tender to Sajucy Company Limited is raising concerns over procurement transparency at the Communications Authority of Kenya (CA).

    Documents seen by Kenya Insights confirm that the Director General approved the tender for “supply, delivery, installation, configuration, and migration of an ICT network storage system” at a cost of Sh39,898,035.

    While the award of such tenders is routine, scrutiny over Sajucy Company Limited’s background has revealed a glaring inconsistency—its primary business activities have been linked to roads and civil construction rather than ICT infrastructure. This revelation has sparked outrage among industry stakeholders who question the firm’s technical capacity to execute a complex government technology project.

    A Questionable Track Record?

    Public records indicate that Sajucy Company Limited has previously been associated with multi-million shilling roadworks and construction contracts, raising concerns about its expertise in ICT-related projects. Critics argue that awarding such a critical contract to a firm without an established history in ICT solutions points to possible procurement irregularities.

    A senior ICT expert, who requested anonymity, stated, “This raises red flags. ICT storage and migration require specialized expertise and compliance with international data security standards. If a firm with no known experience in this field is executing the project, it begs the question—was due diligence done?”

    There are questions as to the political godfather behind the company as its beneficial owners.

    Past Controversies

    Sajucy Company Limited is no stranger to controversy. The company was previously embroiled in a legal battle with Kenya Reinsurance Corporation over a contract dispute, a case in which the firm emerged victorious. However, questions lingered over how a relatively obscure company managed to secure high-value contracts across different industries.

    The firm was involved in the Limuru Road and UN Avenue Sh1.2 billion tender to expand the two roads into dual carriageways. There are also allegations of poor workmanship.

    Calls for Investigation

    The latest revelation has prompted calls for an independent audit of the tendering process.

    Some argue that awarding government contracts to firms with questionable expertise risks inefficiency and potential misuse of public funds.

    “The Public Procurement Oversight Authority should investigate whether due process was followed. We have seen cases where politically connected firms win tenders in industries where they have no technical background,” Chris Rue, a procurement governance expert said on X.

    With public scrutiny intensifying, all eyes are now on government agencies to ensure that taxpayer money is safeguarded and that contracts are awarded based on merit rather than connections.

  • Kenya To Receive Sh193.5B Loan From UAE Next Week

    Kenya To Receive Sh193.5B Loan From UAE Next Week

    Kenya is poised to receive a $1.5 billion (KSh 193.5 billion) loan from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) by the end of next week.

    According to a Bloomberg report citing sources familiar with the matter, this financial injection aims to alleviate Kenya’s mounting fiscal pressures, driven by a widening budget deficit and sluggish economic growth.

    Kenya will get the financing in one go, reversing an earlier plan to stagger the loan, according to Bloomberg sources.

    The loan, part of a seven-year budget-financing agreement with Abu Dhabi, comes at a critical juncture as Kenya seeks to stabilize its economy amid domestic and global challenges.

    Kenya tapped the UAE for the funds last year to diversify its budget financing sources beyond eurobonds, traditional bilateral creditors like China and multilateral lenders.

    A Growing Partnership

    The UAE-Kenya relationship has flourished in recent years, evolving from modest diplomatic ties established in 1982 to a robust economic partnership. Bilateral trade reached $3.3 billion (KSh 425.7 billion) in 2023, with the UAE ranking as Kenya’s second-largest import source and sixth-largest export destination, according to Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    This growth was turbocharged by the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on January 14, 2025, during a high-profile visit by President William Ruto to Abu Dhabi.

    The CEPA, the first of its kind between the UAE and a mainland African nation, aims to triple Kenya’s exports of meat, fruits, and horticulture while opening UAE investment in sectors like energy, logistics, and agriculture.

    The past decade has seen trade between the two nations more than double, with Kenya exporting KSh 9.9 billion ($76.45 million) worth of meat to the UAE in 2023—over half its total meat exports—alongside KSh 10.8 billion ($83.4 million) in pineapples, avocados, and flowers.

    In return, the UAE supplies Kenya with petroleum, machinery, and chemicals, cementing a trade dynamic that favors Abu Dhabi but is increasingly balanced by strategic agreements.

    Recent Milestones

    Beyond trade, the UAE has emerged as a key investor in Kenya’s infrastructure and agriculture. In November 2024, Kenya signed a KSh 1.9 billion ($14.7 million) deal with the UAE to support 50,000 flood-affected families, coordinated by the Kenya Red Cross.

    Earlier, in February 2024, the UAE and Kenya finalized negotiations for the CEPA, which Reuters noted boosted non-oil trade by 26.4% to $3.1 billion (KSh 399.9 billion) in 2023.

    President William Ruto attends the opening ceremony of the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week (ADSW) Summit held at the Abu Dhabi National Exhibition Centre (ADNEC) in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates.

    This agreement has paved the way for projects like the Sh6.79 billion ($52.6 million) deal with UAE’s Al Dahra to expand the Galana-Kulalu irrigation project, leasing 200,000 acres and building a dam to irrigate 350,000 acres, enhancing food security.

    High-level engagements have further solidified this bond. President Ruto’s 2023 meetings with UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan at COP28, followed by a July 2024 phone call discussing renewable energy and trade.

    The UAE’s offer of a private plane for Ruto’s US trip in May 2024, amid domestic criticism, also underscored the goodwill between the leaders.

    Loan Details and Economic Context

    The $1.5 billion (KSh 193.5 billion) loan, carrying an 8.25% interest rate, will be drawn in tranches to comply with the IMF’s KSh 168.8 billion ($1.3 billion) commercial borrowing ceiling for the fiscal year, per Bloomberg.

    Treasury Secretary John Mbadi has emphasized its affordability compared to Eurobonds, though the IMF has flagged foreign-exchange risks.

    This follows Kenya’s October 2024 talks with the UAE for the loan, as reported by Serrari Group, reflecting a shift from traditional multilateral lenders amid delays in IMF disbursements.

    Kenya’s economy grew by just 4% in Q3 2024, down from 4.6%, per the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, hampered by protests, floods, and waning investor confidence.

    The World Bank cut its 2024 growth forecast to 4.7% from 5%. With public debt soaring and reserves at a three-year high in November 2024, per the Central Bank of Kenya, the UAE loan offers breathing room as Kenya eyes a new IMF program and potential Eurobond issuance.

    UAE’s African Strategy

    The UAE’s support for Kenya aligns with its broader African ambitions. Abu Dhabi has provided Ethiopia with $2.9 billion (KSh 374.1 billion) in investments and Egypt with bailouts, while a $12 billion (KSh 1.548 trillion) oil deal with South Sudan in 2025.

    In Kenya, talks to extend the Standard Gauge Railway to Uganda, reported by Bloomberg in January, and investments in ports and logistics under the CEPA, position the UAE as a pivotal player in East Africa’s connectivity.

    Domestic Reactions

    The loan has elicited cautious optimism. “It’s a lifeline, but the high interest rate raises concerns about debt sustainability,” said economist Ian Njoroge in The Standard. Opposition voices, like Martha Karua, demand transparency, echoing public skepticism after the scrapped Adani deals. Businesses, reeling from a Kenya Association of Manufacturers report showing 60% halted expansions, hope for liquidity relief.

    Future Prospects

    With tourism projected to earn KSh 560 billion ($4.33 billion) in 2025, per Tourism Secretary Rebecca Miano, and remittances stabilizing the shilling, Kenya has levers to pull. The UAE loan, coupled with the CEPA’s promise of deeper ties, offers a chance to reset. Yet, as Dr. Patrick Njoroge warned in Business Daily, sustainable debt management remains key to avoiding over-reliance on costly loans.

    For now, this $1.5 billion (KSh 193.5 billion) infusion signals a new chapter in UAE-Kenya relations—one built on mutual economic ambition but tested by the realities of fiscal prudence.

  • Amukoa Anangwe Sacked as UoN Council Chairperson

    Amukoa Anangwe Sacked as UoN Council Chairperson

    After much pressure, Education CS Julius Ogamba has revoked the appointment of Prof Amukoa Anangwe as the chairperson of the University of Nairobi Council.

    Through a gazette notice, Ogamba said the changes take place effective February 21, 2025.

    UASU had called for the removal of University Council Chairperson Amukoa Anangwe, whom they accused of sabotaging operations.

    After much pressure, Education CS Julius Ogamba has revoked the appointment of Prof Amukoa Anangwe as the chairperson of the University of Nairobi Council.

    Through a gazette notice, Ogamba said the changes take place effective February 21, 2025.

    “In exercise of the powers conferred by section 36 (I) (a) of the Universities Act, 2012 as read together with section 51 (I) of the Interpretation and General Provisions Act, the Cabinet Secretary for Education revokes the appointment of Amukowa Anangwe (Prof) as the Chairperson of the Council of the University of Nairobi, with effect from the 21st February, 2025,” it reads.

    Earlier this week, the Universities Academic Staff Union (UASU) issued a seven-day strike notice to the University of Nairobi (UoN), demanding the immediate disbandment of the university council over claims of mismanagement and looting.

    The union led by its chairperson, Dr Richard Bosire, called for the removal of University Council Chairperson Amukoa Anangwe, whom they accused of sabotaging operations.

    “We shall stop all activity at the university in seven days. The University of Nairobi is dying because of looting,” UASU warned in a press conference on Wednesday.

    University land

    According to UASU, powerful government officials are plotting to seize university land located opposite the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) and near Hotel Boulevard on James Gichuru Road.

    The land hosts graduate apartments, and the union claims its loss has cost the university billions. They are now calling for the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) to investigate the matter.

    The union further alleged that the university council is blocking the acting vice-chancellor from performing her duties, creating power struggles that facilitate looting.

    UASU had called on CS Ogamba to act immediately.

    “We call upon CS Migos Ogamba to take quick action because we are not ready to watch and see the university die before our eyes,” UASU said.

  • LSK Sues Murkomen Over Sh6B Traffic Cameras Scandal

    LSK Sues Murkomen Over Sh6B Traffic Cameras Scandal

    The Law Society of Kenya (LSK) has urged the High Court to suspend the installation of traffic cameras worth Sh6.1 bilion.

    The society in its case filed under certificate of urgency claimed the 25 cameras meant to be installed in Nairobi were procured illegally as there was no competitive bidding or public participation.

    LSK’s lawyer Frank Oriku said that the cost of the cameras was overpriced and meant to be spent in an opaque manner.

    LSK, along with a road safety expert Gerald Osiemo, sued Transport Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir, Speaker of  National Assembly Moses Wetang’ula, the Secretary to the Cabinet Mercy Wanjau, Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, and Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja.

    “The ongoing implementation of the project imposes an immediate and unjustified financial burden on the taxpayers and risks misuse of public resources in contravention of the Public Finance Management Act, and the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act,” argued Oriku.

    The lawyer told High Court judge Chacha Mwita that LSK and Osiemo had asked the ministry to disclose details about the deal but its letters went unanswered.

    He asserted that taxpayers’ money should be used prudently and transparently.

    “The urgency of this matter is further heightened by the impending expenditure of funds already earmarked for the procurement, which, if not restrained, will render any subsequent judicial intervention ineffective. The interest of justice is to prevent the continued violation of the constitution,” he said.

    According to him, purchasing the cameras would set a dangerous precedent for unchecked government expenditures.

    LSK Chief Executive Officer Florence Muturi in her supporting affidavit, said that the approval and subsequent procurement violated good governance, transparency and accountability.

    At the same time, she argued that they had violated principles of public finance including prudent use of public finances.

    She maintained that the cameras’ cost was too lopsided to the intended benefit of monitoring traffic in the capital city.

    In a press release filed in court, the Kenya Urban Roads Authority (KURA) announced that it had signed a contract with Samsung of South Korea to construct the Nairobi Intelligent Transport System (ITS) establishment and junction improvement project.

    KURA said that the project was estimated to cost US$61 million (Sh7.8 billion at the current exchange rate) and was funded by Korea Exim Bank.

    According to the agency, the cameras, sensors, and traffic lights would be installed to monitor traffic flow, and the project would be completed by February 2027.

    The case will be mentioned on February 26, 2025.