Author: Kenya West

  • ANALYSIS: Wantam? How Gachagua Will Make Ruto President Again in 2027

    ANALYSIS: Wantam? How Gachagua Will Make Ruto President Again in 2027

    An Analysis of Kenya’s Political Paradox

    In the theater of Kenyan politics, few ironies are as striking as the spectacle of Rigathi Gachagua potentially becoming William Ruto’s greatest electoral asset for 2027.

    The man who was unceremoniously ejected from the Deputy Presidency through impeachment may now be orchestrating the very scenario that secures his former boss another term at State House.

    This is not by design, but by default—a masterclass in political self-sabotage that threatens to reshape Kenya’s opposition landscape.

    The unintended kingmaker

    Gachagua’s trajectory since his impeachment reads like a political cautionary tale.

    What began as a moment of national sympathy has devolved into a series of missteps that collectively serve Ruto’s interests more effectively than any campaign strategist could have planned.

    The former Deputy President has managed to accomplish what Ruto’s own public relations machinery struggled to achieve during the tumultuous Gen-Z protests of 2024: making the President appear reasonable by comparison.

    The most glaring example of this phenomenon was Gachagua’s inflammatory comparison of potential 2027 election rigging to the 2007/08 post-election violence, which he suggested would “look like a Christmas party” in comparison to what might unfold.

    This reckless rhetoric didn’t just cross a red line—it obliterated it. In a single stroke, Gachagua managed to alienate moderate voters, responsible opposition figures, and international observers who monitor Kenya’s democratic progress.

    Opposition’s greatest liability

    Rigathi Gachagua.
    Rigathi Gachagua.

    Gachagua’s brand of politics represents everything that progressive Kenyans have sought to leave behind: ethnic supremacy, divisive rhetoric, and the weaponization of grievance. His consistent focus on “Murima” (mountain) community interests, while politically understandable from a regional perspective, reinforces the very ethnic balkanization that has plagued Kenyan politics for decades.

    More damaging is his inability to articulate a national vision. When pressed on his presidential ambitions, Gachagua offers no policy prescriptions, no economic blueprint, and no unifying message.

    Instead, he presents a litany of personal grievances against Ruto, reducing what should be a contest of ideas to a petty vendetta. This approach not only diminishes his own stature but makes Ruto appear presidential by default.

    The sympathy capital squandered

    The impeachment initially generated significant public sympathy for Gachagua, particularly among those who viewed the process as politically motivated.

    However, sympathy in politics is a finite resource that must be carefully managed and strategically deployed. Gachagua has systematically squandered this capital through a series of ill-advised public outbursts and increasingly desperate attempts to remain relevant.

    His recent claims about assassination plots using “chemicals,” while drawing parallels to the late Kenneth Matiba, represent perhaps the nadir of this downward spiral.

    The comparison is not just historically inappropriate—given Gachagua’s own role in the Moi administration—but strategically counterproductive.

    It reinforces perceptions of him as a man consumed by paranoia rather than focused on national leadership.

    The mathematics of political division

    Rigathi Gachagua.L on the campaign trail.
    Rigathi Gachagua.L on the campaign trail.

    From a purely electoral perspective, Gachagua’s continued prominence serves Ruto’s interests in multiple ways.

    First, it fragments the opposition by creating internal divisions within what should be a unified anti-incumbency coalition.

    Second, it provides Ruto with a convenient foil—someone whose extremism makes the President’s own controversial positions appear moderate.

    Most critically, Gachagua’s ethnic-centered politics risks alienating the very constituencies that any successful opposition must unite.

    His focus on Mount Kenya grievances, while potentially mobilizing his core base, simultaneously pushes away other communities that might otherwise be open to change.

    This is particularly problematic given Kenya’s demographic realities, where no single ethnic group can deliver a presidential victory alone.

    The institutional damage

    Perhaps most concerning is the broader institutional damage Gachagua’s approach inflicts on Kenya’s democratic discourse.

    His casual invocation of political violence, his conspiracy theories about state assassination plots, and his general disregard for democratic norms contribute to a coarsening of political debate that ultimately benefits incumbents who can position themselves as guardians of stability.

    The repeated disruptions at his political events—whether orchestrated by rivals or attracted by his inflammatory rhetoric—create an atmosphere of chaos that many voters associate with political instability.

    This plays directly into Ruto’s hands, allowing him to campaign as the candidate of order against the forces of disruption.

    The path forward that won’t be taken

    For Gachagua to transform from Ruto’s unwitting ally into a genuine threat, he would need to undergo a fundamental political transformation.

    This would require abandoning ethnic politics in favor of national messaging, developing a coherent policy platform that addresses Kenya’s economic challenges, and demonstrating the temperament and judgment expected of a national leader.

    More importantly, he would need to subordinate his personal grievances to the broader opposition cause, potentially stepping back to allow more unifying figures to lead the anti-incumbency charge.

    The likelihood of such transformation appears minimal, given Gachagua’s consistent pattern of behavior since his impeachment.

    The 2027 equation

    As Kenya approaches the 2027 election cycle, the political mathematics increasingly favor Ruto’s re-election, with Gachagua serving as an unwitting campaign asset.

    Every inflammatory statement, every ethnic appeal, and every conspiracy theory serves to remind voters why they might prefer the devil they know to the alternative being offered.

    The tragedy for Kenya’s opposition is that legitimate grievances against the current administration—economic hardship, corruption concerns, and governance failures—are being overshadowed by Gachagua’s theatrics.

    Issues that should dominate the political conversation are instead drowned out by the noise of personal vendettas and ethnic grievances.

    President William Ruto.
    President William Ruto.

    The self-fulfilling prophecy

    Rigathi Gachagua’s post-impeachment political journey represents one of the most spectacular cases of political self-sabotage in Kenya’s recent history.

    In his determination to remain relevant and settle scores with his former boss, he has inadvertently become Ruto’s most valuable campaign asset for 2027.

    The former Deputy President’s continued prominence serves as a daily reminder to voters of the chaos and divisiveness that characterized his tenure in office.

    His inability to evolve beyond ethnic politics and personal grievances makes Ruto appear more presidential with each passing day.

    Most damaging of all, his presence fractures and delegitimizes the very opposition that might otherwise mount a credible challenge to the incumbent.

    Unless the broader opposition can find ways to marginalize Gachagua’s destructive influence while channeling legitimate anti-incumbency sentiment into a coherent alternative vision, Kenya may indeed witness the paradox of a man working tirelessly to re-elect the very president who engineered his political downfall.

    In politics, as in tragedy, the hero often becomes the author of his own destruction—and sometimes, inadvertently, the architect of his enemy’s triumph.

  • From Kemsa Scandal to Global Spy Network: How Accenture Built a Worldwide Surveillance Empire on Government Contracts

    From Kemsa Scandal to Global Spy Network: How Accenture Built a Worldwide Surveillance Empire on Government Contracts

    Investigations reveals consulting giant’s central role in international surveillance apparatus while facing corruption allegations across multiple continents

    The global consulting firm Accenture, already embroiled in Kenya’s Sh7.8 billion Kemsa Covid-19 procurement scandal, has been exposed as a key architect of a worldwide surveillance infrastructure that spans from biometric databases tracking billions of people to predictive policing systems targeting individuals before they commit crimes.

    A comprehensive investigation by Progressive International, spanning 41 contract case studies across North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, reveals how the world’s largest consultancy has quietly embedded itself into security states globally, deploying vast resources to surveil populations while channeling immense public wealth into private hands.

    The Kenyan Connection

    In Kenya, Accenture’s controversial footprint extends beyond the widely reported Kemsa scandal, where the firm was awarded a contract to supply 12,000 PPEs at approximately Sh9,000 each, totaling Sh108 million – despite Kemsa having no budget for the procurement.

    The company has also maintained significant operations with Kenya’s Ministry of Health, developing mobile health learning platforms and enhancing primary care through public-private partnerships. Additionally, Accenture subsidiary Seabury Consulting was tasked by the Kenyan government in February 2022 to assist Kenya Airways in evaluating debt restructuring options, following IMF recommendations for international consultancy support.

    Nation.Africa’s attempts to reach Accenture for comment on both its Kenyan operations and global surveillance activities were unsuccessful, with the company failing to respond by press time.

    From Enron Scandal to Surveillance Empire

    Accenture’s transformation from accounting scandal survivor to surveillance powerhouse began with its origins in Arthur Andersen, the disgraced accounting firm implicated in the 2001 Enron bankruptcy. Following the scandal, the company rebranded as Accenture and strategically incorporated in Bermuda before relocating to Ireland, securing a tax rate of just 3.5% compared to 24% in the UK.

    The firm’s meteoric rise was powered by a single transformative contract with the US Department of Homeland Security to build the US-VISIT program following the 9/11 attacks. This initiative created the Automated Biometric Identification System (IDENT), then the world’s second-largest biometric database, tracking 200 million individuals entering or exiting the United States.

    Internal emails later revealed that Accenture had advised the Department of Homeland Security to “limit the number of bidders” to capture the contract, with the company moving into government offices four months before the contract was even awarded – raising serious questions about procurement integrity.

    The Palantir Partnership: Surveillance Meets Consultancy

    The investigation reveals that Accenture has cemented a dangerous alliance with Palantir, the controversial data analytics firm founded by Peter Thiel. This partnership represents a convergence of Accenture’s public sector reach with Palantir’s surveillance capabilities.

    In 2022, Accenture launched an innovation center with Palantir, leading to a £480 million contract to deliver the Federated Data Platform for NHS England in 2023, despite protests from healthcare workers concerned about patient privacy. The deal provides access to NHS data, considered one of the world’s most valuable datasets.

    Both companies participated in the inaugural “AI for War” conference in 2024, highlighting their shared commitment to militarizing artificial intelligence. Notably, Palantir works closely with Israeli intelligence and plays a role in systems that generate targets for bombing raids.

    Global Biometric Surveillance Network

    Accenture’s expertise gained from the US-VISIT program enabled the company to expand its biometric surveillance business worldwide:

    India’s Aadhaar Program (2010): Accenture secured a contract to implement what is now the world’s largest biometric database, covering 1.3 billion people. The contract grants Accenture rights to “use, store, transfer, process, and link” individual data.

    UN Refugee System (2015): Accenture developed a biometric identity management system for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, collecting data on over 450,000 refugees in Thailand and Chad, with plans to “spread BIMS worldwide.”

    Finland Immigration (Recent): The company won a contract worth between €50-100 million from Finland’s Immigration Service to automate migration processes.

    Algorithmic Policing: Pre-Crime Prediction

    Beyond border security, Accenture has aggressively marketed “predictive policing” technologies to law enforcement agencies worldwide. The investigation uncovered at least 13 police forces across three continents using Accenture’s crime prediction systems.

    In the UK, Accenture secured major contracts with the Metropolitan Police (£80 million), West Midlands Police (£25 million), and Sussex Police (£29 million). The company created risk scores in 2014 to determine individuals’ likelihood of gang membership for London’s Metropolitan Police, gathering data without warrants or due process.

    In the United States, Accenture has worked with police departments in Seattle, San Francisco, and Minneapolis, implementing systems to “predict crime” before it happens. The company is currently working with police forces in India’s Uttar Pradesh and Bihar states, with executives stating they are “trying to do facial recognition to understand the mood of the crowd.”

    Israel-India Military Technology Transfer

    Among the most concerning findings is Accenture’s role in facilitating military and surveillance technology transfers between Israel and India. In 2017, the company began championing military ties between the two nations, proposing partnerships where “Israeli defense companies could leverage India’s engineering talent to develop a global maintenance fleet for servicing defense equipment globally.”

    Accenture acquired Israeli cyberwarfare firm Maglan in 2016, named after an Israeli military unit implicated in controversial operations including the 1996 Lebanon massacre and 2014 Gaza missions. The company has also invested in Team8, an Israeli cybersecurity firm founded by the former commander of Israel’s Unit 8200 intelligence division.

    Pattern of Corruption and Failure

    Despite its global influence, Accenture’s operations are marked by a consistent pattern of scandal and failure across multiple countries:

    • Angola (2020): Linked to money laundering through a $54 million contract with embattled billionaire Isabel dos Santos
    • Australia (2017): $17.6 million border security contract terminated over poor performance
    • Luxembourg (2019): Paid $200 million to settle tax evasion claims
    • Scotland (2013): Police IT contract canceled with $14.8 million settlement required
    • United States (2018-2019): $297 million border agent recruitment contract canceled after producing only two job offers
    • Germany (2020): Defense Minister investigated over allegations of preferential treatment toward Accenture

    Financial Empire Built on Public Contracts

    Today, Accenture employs 750,000 people across 200+ offices in 49 countries and generated $64.1 billion in revenue in 2023. The company’s growth has been fueled by expanding government consulting contracts worldwide:

    • UK government contracts to consultants increased 370% to $3.95 billion from 2016-2022
    • France awarded over $2.6 billion in consultant contracts since 2018
    • Canada’s consulting spending reached $16.4 billion in 2019-2020

    The Reactionary International

    The investigation positions Accenture as a central component of what researchers term “The Reactionary International” – a global network enabling surveillance, exclusion, and authoritarian governance. The company’s work directly influences who is designated as “foreign” or “risky,” determining eligibility for government benefits, detention, deportation, and potentially military targeting.

    As governments worldwide increasingly outsource critical functions to private consultants, Accenture’s case demonstrates how corporate entities can accumulate unprecedented power over state surveillance apparatus while operating largely beyond public scrutiny.

    The investigation calls for increased oversight of consulting firms’ government contracts, particularly those involving surveillance technologies and sensitive data management. With Accenture’s tentacles reaching into everything from healthcare systems to border security, the company’s operations represent a fundamental challenge to democratic governance and civil liberties worldwide.

  • Kenya Could Lose Crucial Military Support from the US Over Ties to China, US Senator Warns

    Kenya Could Lose Crucial Military Support from the US Over Ties to China, US Senator Warns

    Senator Jim Risch threatens to revoke Kenya’s Major Non-NATO Ally status following President Ruto’s deepening diplomatic engagement with Beijing

    Kenya’s strategic military partnership with the United States faces unprecedented strain as a powerful US Senator threatens to revoke the country’s newly-acquired Major Non-NATO Ally status over its increasingly close relationship with China.

    Senator Jim Risch, Chairman of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued the stark warning on Wednesday, expressing deep concern about Kenya’s “troubling” diplomatic ties with America’s greatest global competitor. The Idaho Republican’s comments signal a potential dramatic shift in US-Kenya relations that could strip Nairobi of crucial military advantages gained just last year.

    The threat to Kenya’s military status

    Kenya achieved a historic milestone in June 2024 when former President Joe Biden designated it as a Major Non-NATO Ally, making it the first sub-Saharan African nation to receive this prestigious status.

    The designation opened doors to sophisticated US military technology, priority access to defense equipment, joint training exercises, and government loan guarantees for military purchases.

    “Kenya plays a vital role in regional counterterrorism and stability. But as our newest Major Non-NATO Ally, Kenya’s ties with China are troubling,” Risch stated. “Widened diplomacy with America’s greatest competitor is not an alliance—it’s a risk for the US to assess.”

    The senator’s warning carries significant weight given his influential position overseeing US foreign policy and his ability to shape legislative decisions affecting international partnerships.

    Ruto’s Beijing speech sparks controversy

    The diplomatic tension escalated following President William Ruto’s state visit to China in April 2025, where his remarks to Chinese leadership drew sharp criticism from Washington.

    During the visit, Ruto declared that Kenya and China were not merely trade partners but “co-architects of a new world order—one that is fair, inclusive, and sustainable.”

    The Kenyan president also criticized global financial institutions like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, arguing they favor wealthy nations over developing countries.

    He pointed to the IMF’s Special Drawing Rights allocation, where 64 percent of funds went to wealthy countries while the poorest nations received only 2.4 percent.

    Senator Risch viewed these comments as crossing a diplomatic red line.

    “Just last month, President Ruto declared that Kenya, a major non-NATO ally, and China are ‘co-architects of a new world order.’ That’s not just alignment to China; it’s allegiance,” he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

    The potential loss of Major Non-NATO Ally status would have far-reaching consequences for Kenya’s military capabilities and regional security operations. Currently, the designation allows Kenya to access advanced US military technology, participate in enhanced joint training programs, and receive priority delivery of military surplus equipment.

    Kenya has been a crucial partner in US counterterrorism efforts in East Africa, particularly in operations against al-Shabaab in Somalia.

    The country’s strategic position and military cooperation have made it a cornerstone of American security interests in the region.

    The senator emphasized that US engagement with African nations must protect American interests while ensuring taxpayer value.

    “We must stop building US policy in Africa around individual leaders and instead focus on strengthening institutions, expanding private sector ties, and empowering the region’s young and dynamic populations,” Risch argued.

    Kenya’s balancing act

    President Ruto has consistently maintained that Kenya pursues a non-aligned foreign policy, stating the country is “neither facing east nor west” but “facing forward.”

    He has positioned Kenya as a potential bridge between global powers during an era of increasing geopolitical tensions.

    China serves as Kenya’s largest trading partner and biggest source of imports, while Kenya ranks as China’s most significant trading partner in East Africa.

    This economic reality complicates Kenya’s diplomatic positioning as tensions between the US and China continue to intensify.

    The president has compared his Beijing visit to his historic Washington trip in 2024, arguing that Kenya can serve as a diplomatic bridge “between East and West, North and South” in today’s polarized global environment.

    Senator Risch’s warnings extend beyond Kenya to encompass America’s broader Africa strategy under the Trump administration.

    He called for a “clear-eyed realism” in assessing African partnerships and questioned whether engagement with certain governments justifies the costs.

    The senator advocated for focusing US policy on strengthening democratic institutions rather than building relationships around individual leaders, suggesting a fundamental shift in how America approaches African diplomacy.

    This reassessment comes as the US and Kenya are reportedly renewing discussions about a potential free trade agreement, which would be the first such comprehensive deal between America and a sub-Saharan African nation.

    However, the diplomatic tensions over China ties could complicate these economic negotiations.

    For Kenya, the stakes couldn’t be higher.

    The Major Non-NATO Ally designation represents not just military advantages but also international prestige and strategic positioning in a competitive global landscape.

    Losing this status would significantly diminish Kenya’s defense capabilities and could affect its role as a regional security anchor.

    The controversy also highlights the increasingly difficult position facing many African nations as they navigate between competing global powers seeking influence on the continent.

    As China expands its economic footprint through infrastructure investments and trade partnerships, African countries find themselves pressured to choose sides in the broader US-China strategic competition.

    The coming weeks will likely determine whether diplomatic channels can resolve these tensions or if Kenya will face the stark choice between its economic partnerships with China and its military cooperation with the United States.

    This developing story continues to unfold as both Kenyan and US officials have yet to respond publicly to Senator Risch’s latest warnings about the future of bilateral military cooperation.

  • The Isaac Mwaura Communication Debacle: A Masterclass in Professional Incompetence

    The Isaac Mwaura Communication Debacle: A Masterclass in Professional Incompetence

    An Analysis of Government Communication Failures and the Price of Public Trust


    In the annals of government communication disasters, Isaac Mwaura’s three-day spectacle regarding the Public Seal will undoubtedly secure its place as a textbook example of how not to serve as a government spokesperson. What unfolded between Monday and Wednesday this week was not merely a simple mistake or miscommunication—it was a systematic demonstration of professional incompetence that raises fundamental questions about the standards we accept from our public servants.

    The anatomy of a communication catastrophe

    Government spokespersons carry a singular responsibility: to accurately and clearly convey official positions to the public.

    This role demands precision, preparation, and above all, credibility. Mwaura’s performance this week violated every principle of effective government communication with a brazenness that borders on the absurd.

    On Monday, with the confidence of someone announcing the weather, Mwaura declared that the Public Seal had been transferred from the Attorney General to the Head of Public Service, citing compliance with “the law.”

    When pressed for details about this mysterious legislation, his responses devolved into vague references to “sometime last year” and uncertain mutterings about public participation.

    For a government spokesman to make categorical legal declarations without basic knowledge of the legislative framework is not just embarrassing—it’s a dereliction of duty.

    The irony deepened when Mwaura chose to elaborate, painting the Head of Public Service as some sort of administrative superhero who “executes the President’s directives, manages daily government operations, and tackles corruption.”

    This theatrical embellishment revealed either a profound misunderstanding of government structure or a troubling tendency toward hyperbolic nonsense when faced with legitimate scrutiny.

    The art of the complete reversal

    What followed two days later was perhaps even more damaging: a complete 180-degree reversal that obliterated any remaining credibility.

    Suddenly, the “new law” vanished into thin air.

    The confident assertions about executive clarity evaporated. Instead, Mwaura retreated to citing the Office of the Attorney General Act and the Constitution—documents that had presumably not changed since Monday’s confident proclamations.

    This wasn’t a minor clarification or adjustment based on new information.

    This was a wholesale abandonment of an official position that had been stated with absolute certainty just 48 hours earlier. In the world of government communication, such reversals don’t just undermine the spokesperson—they erode public trust in the entire administration’s competence and reliability.

    The ultimate insult: Blaming the messenger

    Perhaps the most egregious aspect of this entire debacle was Mwaura’s decision to blame the media for the confusion he created.

    This represents the absolute nadir of professional responsibility.

    Rather than acknowledging his role in disseminating contradictory information, he had the audacity to lecture media houses about fact-verification while simultaneously demonstrating his own complete failure to verify the most basic facts about his own government’s positions.

    “We want to tell media houses to verify their facts before they publish,” he declared, apparently oblivious to the rich irony of a government official who had just spent three days broadcasting unverified information now lecturing journalists about accuracy.

    This level of tone-deafness suggests either remarkable self-delusion or a cynical calculation that the public won’t notice the contradiction.

    The professional standards crisis

    Mwaura’s performance shows a broader crisis in professional standards within government communication.

    The role of government spokesperson requires several fundamental competencies that were conspicuously absent this week:

    Preparation and Knowledge: A spokesperson must possess thorough knowledge of government positions before making public statements. Mwaura’s vague references to laws he couldn’t identify or date demonstrate a failure to meet this basic requirement.

    Consistency: Government positions should remain stable unless there are legitimate reasons for change, which should be clearly explained. Mwaura’s contradictory statements within a three-day period suggest either internal governmental chaos or personal incompetence—neither is acceptable.

    Accountability: When mistakes occur, professional integrity demands acknowledgment and correction. Mwaura’s decision to blame external parties for his own errors represents a fundamental failure of professional character.

    Credibility Management: A spokesperson’s primary asset is credibility. Once lost, it cannot be easily restored. Mwaura’s cavalier approach to factual accuracy has severely compromised his ability to serve effectively in his role.

    The institutional damage

    The implications of this communication failure extend far beyond Mwaura’s personal competence. Government credibility operates on the principle that official statements reflect verified positions. When that principle is violated as dramatically as it was this week, several damaging consequences follow:

    Citizens lose confidence in official communications, creating a information vacuum filled by speculation and rumor. Policy implementation becomes more difficult when the public questions the reliability of government pronouncements. International observers note the inconsistency and factor it into their assessments of governmental stability and competence.

    Perhaps most concerning, such failures normalize incompetence, creating an environment where substandard performance becomes acceptable. This sets a dangerous precedent that undermines professional standards across the entire government communication apparatus.

    The solution to this communication crisis requires both immediate action and systemic reform. Mwaura’s position as government spokesperson has become untenable.

    His credibility is so severely compromised that his continued tenure damages the administration’s ability to communicate effectively with the public.

    However, replacing Mwaura alone is insufficient. This incident reveals deeper problems in how government communications are managed, verified, and coordinated.

    Systematic reforms are needed to establish clear protocols for information verification, consistent messaging across government departments, and accountability mechanisms for communication failures.

    The price of incompetence

    Isaac Mwaura’s three-day communication disaster represents more than personal failure—it exemplifies the corrosive effect of accepting substandard performance in critical government roles.

    The casual relationship with facts, the contradictory messaging, and the refusal to accept responsibility all point to a professional culture that prioritizes political expediency over competent governance.

    The citizens of Kenya deserve better.

    They deserve government spokespersons who understand their role, prepare thoroughly, communicate clearly, and accept responsibility for their mistakes. They deserve officials who treat public trust as the precious commodity it is, rather than something to be squandered through careless incompetence.

    Mwaura’s tenure as government spokesperson has become a liability to effective governance.

    His continued presence in this role serves as a daily reminder that mediocrity has been normalized at the highest levels of government communication.

    The administration must decide whether it values competent governance or is content with this embarrassing standard of professional performance.

    The public is watching, and they deserve an answer that goes beyond blame-shifting and excuse-making. They deserve competence, consistency, and credibility from their government spokespersons.

    Until that standard is restored, incidents like this week’s debacle will continue to erode the foundation of public trust that effective governance requires.

    The choice is clear: maintain professional standards or accept the consequences of continued institutional deterioration.

    Isaac Mwaura’s performance this week has forced this decision.

    The administration’s response will reveal whether it is serious about competent governance or content with the continued normalization of professional incompetence.

  • The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    The Rise of Bol Mel: Sanctioned South Sudanese Tycoon Who Could Inherit Kiir’s Presidency

    How a US-sanctioned businessman has maneuvered into position to potentially lead one of Africa’s most troubled nations

    JUBA, South Sudan — In the labyrinthine corridors of South Sudan’s political establishment, few ascents have been as meteoric—or as controversial—as that of Dr. Benjamin Bol Mel. Once a businessman operating in the shadows of President Salva Kiir’s inner circle, Mel has emerged as the regime’s heir apparent despite being under active US sanctions for corruption since 2017.

    The latest chapter in this remarkable political transformation unfolded this week when President Kiir appointed Mel as First Vice Chairperson of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), positioning him directly in line for the presidency according to the country’s transitional arrangements.

    Mel’s journey to the apex of South Sudanese power began in the commercial sector, where he built a business empire centered around road construction and government contracts.

    His companies including the now-sanctioned ABMC Thai-South Sudan Construction Company and Home and Away Ltd secured lucrative deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, often without competitive bidding processes.

    The businessman’s proximity to President Kiir proved invaluable. Serving as Kiir’s principal financial advisor and later as Presidential Envoy on Special Programmes, Mel cultivated relationships that would later translate into political capital.

    His appointment as Vice President for the Economic Cluster in February 2025, replacing long-time Kiir ally James Wani Igga, marked his formal entry into the highest echelons of government.

    But it was Tuesday’s announcement that truly signaled Mel’s ascendancy.

    By naming him First Vice Chairperson of the SPLM, Kiir has effectively positioned his protégé as his potential successor, should the presidency become vacant during the current transitional period.

    The Sanctions Shadow

    Mel’s rise occurs under the long shadow of US sanctions imposed during the first Trump administration in December 2017.

    The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated Mel and several of his companies under the Global Magnitsky Act, citing their involvement in corruption schemes that diverted public resources for personal gain.

    The sanctions were renewed in April 2025, with OFAC maintaining that Mel continues to pose risks to South Sudan’s financial integrity.

    According to US authorities, his network of companies received over $3.5 billion in no-bid government contracts, including questionable deals for road construction projects that vastly exceeded standard costs.

    Perhaps most damaging are allegations that Mel operated under the alias “Kuol Akol Wieu” to obscure his business dealings.

    Investigative reports suggest this false identity was used to register companies and secure contracts while evading scrutiny, a practice that has drawn sharp criticism from anti-corruption advocates.

    Bol Mel.
    Bol Mel.

    The South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission itself has reportedly been blocked from investigating Mel’s activities, with Commission Chairperson Ngor Kolong Ngor revealing that his agency discovered a UAE bank account linked to Mel containing $457.2 million, but was ordered not to pursue the matter.

    Constitutional and international implications

    Mel’s elevation raises serious questions about South Sudan’s commitment to good governance and transparency.

    His appointment appears to violate multiple provisions of the country’s Transitional Constitution, including Article 121(2), which prohibits public officials from engaging in private business activities.

    More broadly, his rise to power puts South Sudan at odds with international anti-corruption frameworks.

    The country is signatory to both the UN Convention Against Corruption and the African Union Anti-Corruption Convention, both of which require the exclusion of officials credibly implicated in graft.

    The financial implications extend beyond symbolic concerns.

    As a designated person under US sanctions, any dollar-based transactions involving Mel carry legal risks for international partners.

    This reality threatens to complicate South Sudan’s relationships with international financial institutions, donors, and correspondent banks, potentially triggering a cascade of economic consequences for the oil-dependent nation.

    The appointment comes at a particularly sensitive moment for South Sudan’s international relationships.

    The country remains on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list for money laundering risks, and has missed key reform benchmarks that would improve its financial credibility.

    Meanwhile, South Sudan’s oil revenues—the government’s primary source of income—are already heavily mortgaged through a controversial $13 billion loan agreement with a UAE shell company that has pledged the country’s crude exports until 2042.

    UN experts have flagged this deal as potentially corrupt, with some reports suggesting Mel’s involvement.

    The US Embassy in Juba has already expressed concern about the promotion of sanctioned individuals to senior government positions, warning that such moves could further strain bilateral relations.

    A planned South Sudanese delegation to Washington faces the challenging task of addressing not only visa disputes and deportation issues, but also US concerns about the elevation of sanctioned figures to positions of influence.

    The succession question

    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.
    Bol Mel and President Kiir as he took his oath of office.

    While President Kiir has given no indication of retirement plans, political observers increasingly view Mel’s appointments as laying groundwork for an eventual transition.

    Under Article 1.6.5 of the 2018 peace agreement, should the presidency become vacant, the replacement would be nominated by the top leadership body of the ruling party—a position Mel now holds as First Vice Chairperson.

    This succession planning occurs against the backdrop of ongoing tensions with First Vice President Riek Machar, who remains under house arrest following clashes in Upper Nile state.

    Some of Kiir’s allies have suggested that the peace process can continue without Machar, potentially clearing the path for alternative succession arrangements.

    The 2018 peace agreement contains provisions that could theoretically bar both Kiir and Machar from future elections, given their citation by a 2015 commission for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    However, the hybrid court meant to adjudicate such matters has never been established, leaving these restrictions largely theoretical.

    Mel’s ascent represents more than individual ambition—it signals a fundamental transformation in the nature of the South Sudanese state.

    What began as a post-conflict nation struggling toward democratic governance increasingly resembles what critics describe as a “criminal enterprise with a seat at the UN.”

    The integration of a sanctioned individual into the highest levels of government sends a stark message about the regime’s priorities and its relationship with international norms.

    For a country already grappling with economic crisis, humanitarian challenges, and weak institutions, the elevation of a figure under active corruption sanctions represents a particularly troubling development.

    Civil society groups have warned that Mel’s appointment marks “South Sudan’s final descent into kleptocracy,” arguing that his control over economic policy could institutionalize corruption at unprecedented levels.

    The Reclaim Campaign, a South Sudanese civil society coalition, has characterized the move as crossing a “dangerous threshold” that transforms the country from a fragile post-conflict state into something far more problematic.

    As South Sudan approaches scheduled elections in December 2026, Mel’s positioning raises fundamental questions about the country’s trajectory.

    His rise illustrates how individuals can leverage proximity to power and control over resources to achieve political prominence, even while under international sanctions.

    The international community faces difficult choices in responding to these developments.

    Continued engagement risks legitimizing a regime increasingly dominated by sanctioned individuals, while isolation could further destabilize an already fragile state with significant humanitarian needs.

    For South Sudan’s 12 million citizens, Mel’s ascent represents both continuity and change—continuity in the dominance of a small elite over the country’s resources, and change in the brazenness with which such dominance is now exercised.

    Whether this trajectory can be altered, or whether it represents South Sudan’s new normal, may well determine the country’s future for decades to come.

    The rise of Benjamin Bol Mel thus stands as more than a political appointment—it represents a test case for international efforts to promote good governance in fragile states, and a stark reminder of how quickly democratic aspirations can give way to more troubling realities.

  • OPINION: Why Raila’s 2027 Presidential Bid Is Both Inevitable and Strategic

    OPINION: Why Raila’s 2027 Presidential Bid Is Both Inevitable and Strategic

    The unfinished legacy

    The recent revelation that Raila Odinga intends to contest the presidency once more in 2027 may surprise some, but to seasoned observers of Kenya’s political landscape, it represents the logical culmination of a decades-long pursuit of power.

    After five unsuccessful attempts at the presidency, one might reasonably expect Raila to gracefully exit the stage.

    However, this misunderstands both the man and the moment.

    For Raila, the presidency has never been merely an ambition but a mission—the final chapter of a political narrative that began with his father, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

    This quest transcends personal aspiration; it represents the fulfillment of a historical trajectory that has shaped Kenya’s opposition politics for generations.

    Like the marathon runner who stumbles repeatedly yet rises for one final sprint, Raila appears determined to complete what he started, viewing 2027 as potentially his last opportunity to transform his reformist vision into governing reality.

    ODM’s existential dilemma

    The Orange Democratic Movement faces an existential crisis that only Raila’s candidacy can temporarily resolve. Just the way Cotu cannot survive without its secretary general Francis Atwoli, the same is with ODM without Raila.

    The party has failed to nurture a successor with comparable national appeal or cross-regional support. Figures like Hassan Joho, Wycliffe Oparanya, and John Mbadi, while regionally influential, lack Raila’s historical gravitas and nationwide recognition.

    Raila’s candidacy thus becomes a lifeline for a party struggling with succession planning.

    Should he retire without a clear heir, ODM risks fragmentation along regional lines, with various lieutenants carving out personal fiefdoms rather than maintaining a cohesive national opposition movement.

    By running again, Raila buys time for this transition while preserving party unity in the immediate term.

    The Ruto-Raila paradox

    Perhaps the most fascinating dimension of Raila’s 2027 bid is the evolving relationship with President William Ruto.

    Their détente, formalized through a memorandum of understanding between ODM and UDA, creates a political paradox that is ostensible opponents who have developed a symbiotic relationship.

    For Ruto, Raila’s candidacy serves several purposes. It potentially divides opposition votes, particularly if Kalonzo Musyoka runs independently.

    Additionally, it provides Ruto with a known quantity as his principal challenger—someone with whom he has established working parameters and mutual understanding.

    Most importantly, should no candidate secure an outright majority, Raila becomes a potential coalition partner in a power-sharing arrangement that could preserve Ruto’s presidency.

    For Raila, meanwhile, running offers leverage regardless of outcome.

    Victory would obviously crown his career with the presidency he has long sought. But even in defeat, his substantial vote share would guarantee him a seat at the table in post-election negotiations.

    This explains the curious dynamic whereby Raila can simultaneously position himself as an opposition figure while maintaining cooperative relations with the administration.

    Kingmaker or King?

    ODM leader Raila Odinga.
    ODM leader Raila Odinga.

    This leads to the central question about Raila’s intentions: Is he genuinely running to win, or positioning himself as the ultimate kingmaker in Kenyan politics?

    The evidence suggests both motives are at play. Raila undoubtedly retains presidential ambitions, but he is pragmatic enough to recognize the value of alternative outcomes.

    By maintaining a significant political base, he ensures that even in defeat, he remains indispensable to Kenya’s governance calculations.

    This dual strategy explains ODM’s current positioning: maintaining enough critical distance from the Ruto administration to preserve opposition credentials, while cooperating sufficiently to demonstrate governance capability.

    It’s a high-wire act that only a political veteran of Raila’s caliber could attempt.

    The economic backdrop

    Raila’s calculation likely factors in Kenya’s challenging economic climate. With the cost of living continuing to rise and public frustration mounting over unfulfilled economic promises, the 2027 election will inevitably become a referendum on Ruto’s first-term performance.

    However, Raila faces the delicate task of critiquing an administration with which he has increasingly aligned.

    His involvement in government affairs, particularly following the MOU between ODM and UDA, makes it difficult to entirely distance himself from Ruto’s economic record.

    This explains recent statements by ODM secretary general Edwin Sifuna and Raila’s brother Oburu Odinga, both of whom have begun articulating more critical positions toward the government—laying groundwork for Raila to eventually pivot toward a more oppositional stance.

    The Opposition matrix

    Raila’s entry transforms the opposition landscape, potentially marginalizing Kalonzo Musyoka, who has spent considerable energy positioning himself as the presumptive opposition flagbearer.

    The tension between these two senior opposition figures could prove detrimental to both, splitting the anti-incumbency vote in a manner that historically benefits sitting presidents.

    However, if Raila can consolidate opposition support—perhaps by eventually offering Kalonzo a significant role in his campaign—they could present a formidable challenge to Ruto.

    The additional wild cards of potential candidacies by Fred Matiang’i or even Rigathi Gachagua (should his legal challenges be resolved) further complicate the electoral math.

    The Final stand

    Perhaps most compelling is the personal dimension of Raila’s decision.

    At his age, 2027 truly represents his final viable opportunity to achieve the presidency.

    Having come tantalizingly close in previous contests, particularly in 2007 and 2017, the temptation for one last attempt proves irresistible.

    There’s a certain symmetry to Raila’s persistence—a quality that has defined his political career.

    From detention under the Moi regime to his central role in constitutional reforms, from prime minister to perennial presidential contender, his story has been one of resilience against seemingly insurmountable odds.

    The 2027 bid thus represents not merely a political calculation but the culmination of a lifetime’s struggle.

    Raila Odinga’s decision to contest the 2027 presidency reflects a complex interplay of personal ambition, party preservation, strategic positioning, and historical legacy.

    Far from a quixotic pursuit, it represents a calculated move by one of Kenya’s most astute political operators.

    Whether he ultimately seeks to be king or kingmaker remains to be seen.

    What’s certain is that his entry fundamentally reshapes Kenya’s political landscape, forcing all players—from Ruto to Kalonzo to regional power brokers—to recalibrate their strategies in response.

    As Kenya navigates economic challenges and evolving political alliances, Raila’s final presidential campaign promises to be as consequential as it is captivating—a fitting finale to one of the most remarkable political careers in African history.

  • Sh400,000 Gift from Gachagua, Sh2M Car Debt and Conflicting Accounts In Murder of Catholic Priest

    Sh400,000 Gift from Gachagua, Sh2M Car Debt and Conflicting Accounts In Murder of Catholic Priest

    Financial troubles and contradictory testimonies emerge as key factors in investigation into Father John Maina’s death

    The mysterious death of Father John Maina, the Catholic priest found injured along the Nakuru-Nairobi highway on May 15, has taken a complex turn as investigators uncover a web of financial difficulties, alleged threats, and conflicting testimonies that paint a troubling picture of his final days.

    At the center of the investigation lies a tale of financial desperation that may have sealed the priest’s fate.

    According to sources within the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), Father Maina had withdrawn Sh2 million from the Igwamiti Parish account without proper authorization from other signatories to purchase a vehicle – a deal that ultimately collapsed, leaving him scrambling to replace the funds.

    The priest’s attempts to remedy the situation reveal the depth of his predicament.

    He sold his personal car for Sh720,000 and secured a loan of Sh150,000 from a friend, but still faced a substantial shortfall that weighed heavily on his mind.

    “He was in distress on how to recover the rest of the money to pay up the balance. He was hoping that he would get the money from that function,” a female friend reportedly told detectives, referring to the church’s 25th anniversary celebrations attended by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua two weeks before the priest’s death.

    The Gachagua connection

    The investigation has revealed that Father Maina allegedly received Sh400,000 as a gift from Gachagua following the former Deputy President’s visit to the parish fundraiser.

    However, this claim has sparked a web of denials and contradictions that investigators are still trying to unravel.

    According to police sources, the priest confided to a female friend that he had been receiving the money from Gachagua, and that this had somehow put him in danger.

    The priest reportedly told this friend that unknown individuals had been trailing him, demanding Sh2 million and believing he had received Sh4 million from the political figure.

    “The trailing began after the alleged donations at the Church’s 25 year anniversary celebrations. The assailants alleged that he had been given Sh4 million. They wanted Sh2 million,” an investigator explained.

    However, both Bishop Joseph Mbatia of Nyahururu Diocese and Nyandarua Senator John Methu, who accompanied Gachagua to the event, have vehemently denied these claims.

    “The priest never visited Rigathi after the silver jubilee celebrations. There was no money that was given to the priest during the event, apart from the normal contributions made by the leaders and faithful,” Senator Methu stated.

    Final ours of fear

    The priest’s last day alive paints a picture of a man consumed by fear. On May 14, Father Maina left his residence without his car, telling his housekeeper he was meeting friends in Nyahururu town. However, his final phone conversation tells a different story.

    According to investigators, the priest called his female friend in what would be their last conversation, expressing fear that he was being followed in a supermarket. His alleged assailants had reportedly demanded that he carry Sh2 million in cash when they next met.

    Father Maina’s phone was switched off within Nyahururu on May 14, and investigators believe his attackers took it with them.

    The following morning, May 15, a Good Samaritan boda boda rider found a distressed man waving for help along the highway.

    The man, later identified as Father Maina, was wearing sandals and a bright-colored coat, with a visible head injury and no phone.

    “He told me he had been poisoned without disclosing by whom and why,” the boda boda rider recounted.

    “He had a visible injury on his left side of his head… He had no other injuries on other parts of the body.”

    The priest was rushed to St. Joseph Hospital in Elementaita, where he reportedly told medical staff he had been poisoned before dying while receiving treatment.

    Church and family denials

    Despite the police investigation’s findings, both the Catholic Church hierarchy and Father Maina’s family have disputed key aspects of the case.

    Bishop Mbatia maintains that the priest never raised security concerns or appeared disturbed.

    “I can confirm that the priest had not raised any issues about his security, that is news to me,” the Bishop said.

    The family, through spokesman Peter Muigai, has expressed frustration with the investigation process, particularly regarding access to the autopsy report and the church’s apparent control over burial arrangements.

    “There are so many things we do not understand as a family, a lot of conflicting information. We also do not understand why the media could be forced out of the morgue during the postmortem,” Muigai said.

    Unanswered questions

    As Father Maina was laid to rest on May 22 at Tabor Hill Catholic Cemetery in Nyandarua County, numerous questions remain unanswered.

    The post-mortem report, crucial to determining the exact cause of death, has yet to be released to the family three days after the examination.

    While investigators continue to piece together the events leading to Father Maina’s death, the conflicting accounts from church officials, political figures, and alleged witnesses create a maze of contradictions that may take considerable time to resolve.

    The priest, described by parishioners as humble and dedicated, had served Igwamiti Parish for only one year before his death.

    His final project – a modern kitchen for the church that was to be operational within a month – now stands as an unfinished testament to a life cut short under mysterious circumstances.

    As the investigation continues, the truth behind Father John Maina’s death remains shrouded in secrecy, financial intrigue, and contradictory testimonies that may ultimately determine whether justice will be served in this tragic case.

    The priest has been buried today.

  • Tanzania Denies Kenya Access to Detained Activist Boniface Mwangi

    Tanzania Denies Kenya Access to Detained Activist Boniface Mwangi

    NAIROBI, Kenya, May 21, 2025 — Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs has formally demanded that Tanzania facilitate consular access to detained activist Boniface Mwangi, citing violations of international law after Kenyan officials were repeatedly denied access to their citizen.

    In an official diplomatic note issued Tuesday, the ministry expressed “deep concern” over Mwangi’s detention and invoked the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, demanding Tanzania comply with international legal obligations “expeditiously and without delay.”

    “Despite several requests, officials of the Government of Kenya have been denied consular access and information to Mr. Mwangi,” the ministry stated in the formal communication to Tanzania’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation.

    “The Ministry is also concerned about his health, overall wellbeing and the absence of information regarding his detention.”

    Mwangi, a prominent human rights advocate and vocal government critic, was arrested on May 19 in Dar es Salaam while attending the treason trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

    While other activists including former Kenyan Chief Justice Willy Mutunga and Ugandan lawyer Agather Atuhaire were subsequently deported, Mwangi remains in Tanzanian custody.

    The diplomatic note specifically references Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963), to which both Kenya and Tanzania are signatories.

    The convention guarantees consular officers the right to communicate with and visit nationals who are detained in foreign countries, and to arrange for their legal representation.

    “Consular officers shall have the right to visit a national of the sending State who is in prison, custody or detention, to converse and correspond with him and to arrange for his legal representation,” the ministry quoted from the international treaty.

    Kenya’s escalation to formal diplomatic channels represents a significant hardening of its position following initial attempts at quiet diplomacy.

    The ministry had previously faced mounting public criticism for what many viewed as an inadequate response to Mwangi’s detention.

    Earlier Thursday, Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary Korir Sing’oei had defended the government’s approach, stating on social media that “the Ministry’s obligation to a national who has been apprehended by a foreign country is limited and focused in the first instance on provision of consular assistance.”

    However, the formal diplomatic protest reveals that Kenya has been unable to provide even basic consular services due to Tanzania’s refusal to grant access.

    The detention has sparked widespread criticism, with former Chief Justice David Maraga describing Mwangi’s continued custody “without access to courts, legal counsel, or consular representation” as “a clear violation of international human rights law.”

    Mwangi’s wife, Njeri, has been unable to reach her husband since his arrest at Dar es Salaam’s Serena Hotel. She told AFP she has been informed that Tanzanian authorities are deciding whether to charge or deport him.

    The case highlights growing tensions over Tanzania’s treatment of opposition figures and foreign activists. President Samia Suluhu Hassan declared Monday that “foreign activists would not be allowed to interfere in the country’s affairs,” instructing security agencies to prevent such individuals from “crossing the line.”

    In its diplomatic note, Kenya emphasized its commitment to “cordial bilateral relations” with Tanzania while demanding swift resolution of the matter “in the spirit of regional cooperation and mutual respect.”

    The formal protest concludes with Kenya requesting “assurances of highest consideration” from Tanzania’s foreign ministry, diplomatic language that underscores the seriousness with which Nairobi now views the situation.

    The diplomatic escalation comes as Tanzania faces increasing international scrutiny over its handling of opposition figures ahead of October 2025 elections. Boniface Mwangi has been a prominent voice in Kenyan civil society, frequently leading protests against government corruption and human rights abuses.

  • ‘I Will Not Protest That, There’s Some Truth’: Mudavadi Defends Suluhu Over Detention and Deportation of Kenyan Activists

    ‘I Will Not Protest That, There’s Some Truth’: Mudavadi Defends Suluhu Over Detention and Deportation of Kenyan Activists

    Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi has defended Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu’s controversial remarks following the detention and deportation of several high-profile Kenyan activists, acknowledging that “there is some truth” to the Tanzanian leader’s criticisms of Kenyan conduct.

    Speaking on Citizen TV on Tuesday night, Mudavadi appeared to side with President Suluhu, who had accused Kenyan activists of attempting to “interfere” in Tanzania’s internal affairs.

    “I will not protest that (Suluhu’s remarks) because I think there is some truth. Let us face a few facts. The level of etiquette, insults, that we see in Kenya, even though we have the freedom of speech, is sometimes going overboard to some extent,” Mudavadi stated.

    The diplomatic controversy erupted after People’s Liberation Party (PLP) leader Martha Karua, Law Society of Kenya (LSK) Council member Gloria Kimani, and Pan-African Progressive Leaders Solidarity Network member Lynn Ngugi were detained at Julius Nyerere International Airport in Dar es Salaam on Sunday and subsequently deported to Kenya.

    Former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga was also deported, while activist Boniface Mwangi remains detained in Tanzania awaiting deportation.

    The activists had traveled to Tanzania at the invitation of the East Africa Law Society, reportedly intending to attend the trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who faces treason charges.

    Activist Boniface Mwangi still remains in the custody of Tanzanian authorities.
    Activist Boniface Mwangi still remains in the custody of Tanzanian authorities.

    President Suluhu addressed the matter on Monday, declaring that foreign activists would not be permitted to “destabilize” Tanzania.

    “We have started to observe a trend in which activists from within our region are attempting to intrude and interfere in our affairs,” Suluhu said.

    “If they have been controlled in their country, let them not come to disrupt us… they have already destabilized their countries and the only remaining peaceful nation is Tanzania.”

    In his interview, Mudavadi emphasized that while he does not support curtailing freedom of speech, he understands President Suluhu’s position as a head of state prioritizing her nation’s sovereignty.

    “She (Suluhu) has said that she is unhappy, because they observe what we do here… She is talking from a general viewpoint, and if it is a general viewpoint, then I think she has a point,” Mudavadi said.

    When questioned about his ministry’s response to the deported Kenyans, Mudavadi stressed the importance of diplomatic channels and indicated that more time would be needed to gather evidence about the operation details.

    The Foreign Affairs CS also highlighted that despite the East African Community (EAC) framework allowing freedom of movement within the region, member states have not ceded their sovereignty to the bloc.

    “The Jumuiya has not taken away the sovereignty of the states; the countries have not ceded their sovereignty to the EAC, so it still remains. If there is sovereignty, then a country will make certain decisions. They have taken the decision, so it is the duty through the diplomatic channels to find out what the circumstances were in detail,” he explained.

    Uganda

    This stance on regional sovereignty echoes similar comments Mudavadi made regarding Uganda’s arrest of opposition figure Dr. Kizza Besigye in Kenya last year.

    In the same interview, Mudavadi defended Kenya’s cooperation with Ugandan authorities in Besigye’s case, citing “national interest” and noting that the Ugandan politician had not formally applied for asylum during his stay in Kenya.

    “Uganda is Kenya’s trading partner; a lot of lives and jobs are dependent on that relationship,” Mudavadi said, emphasizing the economic implications of regional diplomatic decisions.

    Human rights organizations and opposition figures have criticized Mudavadi’s position, arguing that his comments appear to prioritize diplomatic relations over protecting Kenyan citizens’ rights when traveling within the East African region.

    The situation continues to develop as activists have reportedly issued a 24-hour ultimatum to President Suluhu to release Boniface Mwangi, who remains detained in Tanzania.

  • How to Reclaim Your Cash Bail in Kenya: A Complete Guide

    How to Reclaim Your Cash Bail in Kenya: A Complete Guide

    Cash bail is a fundamental component of Kenya’s criminal justice system, allowing accused persons to secure their freedom while awaiting trial. However, many Kenyans remain unclear about the process of reclaiming their cash bail once legal proceedings conclude. Recent clarifications from the Judiciary provide essential guidance on this often-misunderstood procedure.

    Understanding Cash Bail Refunds

    Cash bail refunds are available to individuals who have fulfilled all their court obligations after their case concludes. The process is entirely free and must be initiated by the original depositor—the person who initially paid the bail amount to the court.

    Eligibility Requirements

    Before applying for a cash bail refund, applicants must ensure they meet specific criteria:

    Case Conclusion: The criminal case must be formally concluded through acquittal, conviction, or other legal resolution. Ongoing cases do not qualify for bail refunds.

    Compliance with Court Orders: The accused person must have honored all court appearances and complied with any bail conditions set by the court. Failure to appear in court or violation of bail terms can affect eligibility.

    Original Depositor Status: Only the person who originally deposited the cash bail can apply for the refund. This requirement protects against fraudulent claims and ensures proper accountability.

    Required Documentation

    The Judiciary has streamlined the documentation process, requiring three essential items:

    Original Cash Bail Receipt: This serves as primary proof of payment. The receipt contains crucial details including the case number, amount deposited, and date of payment.

    Copy of National Identity Card: This confirms the identity of the applicant and ensures they are the legitimate depositor.

    Bank Account Details: Since all refunds are processed through Electronic Funds Transfer (EFT), applicants must provide complete banking information including account number, bank name, and branch details.

    Addressing Common Challenges

    The Judiciary recognizes that applicants may face certain obstacles and has provided solutions:

    Lost Receipts: If the original bail receipt is missing, applicants can file an affidavit explaining the circumstances. The court can then verify the payment using the case file records, which maintain comprehensive transaction histories.

    Name Discrepancies: Sometimes names on documents may not match exactly due to variations in spelling or formatting. In such cases, applicants can provide an affidavit confirming their identity and explaining any discrepancies.

    The Digital Revolution: Jumuika System

    The Judiciary has introduced Jumuika, a digital platform designed to modernize administrative processes including cash bail refunds. This system promises to:

    • Reduce processing time significantly
    • Minimize paperwork and bureaucratic delays
    • Provide transparent tracking of refund applications
    • Eliminate the need for multiple court visits

    The digitization represents a major step forward in making judicial services more accessible and efficient for ordinary Kenyans.

    Protecting Yourself from Fraud

    A critical warning accompanies the bail refund process: beware of fraudsters operating within court premises. Senior Judiciary officials emphasize that no individual or entity is authorized to charge fees for bail refund services.

    Red Flags to Watch For:

    • Anyone demanding payment for processing refunds
    • Individuals in court corridors offering “expedited” services for a fee
    • Requests for additional documentation beyond the three required items
    • Promises of faster processing in exchange for money

    The official process is entirely free, and any demand for payment should be immediately reported to court officials.

    Step-by-Step Application Process

    1. Verify Case Status: Confirm that your case has been formally concluded and all court appearances were honored.
    2. Gather Documentation: Collect your original bail receipt, national ID copy, and bank account details.
    3. Visit the Court: Go to the same court where the bail was deposited during regular business hours.
    4. Submit Application: Present your documents to the appropriate court official handling bail refunds.
    5. Wait for Processing: The court will verify your documents and process the refund through the banking system.
    6. Receive Funds: The refund will be deposited directly into your provided bank account via EFT.

    Timeline and Expectations

    While the Judiciary has not specified exact timelines, the introduction of the Jumuika system aims to significantly reduce processing delays. Applicants should expect the process to take several business days to weeks, depending on verification requirements and banking procedures.

    Your Rights and Responsibilities

    As an applicant for cash bail refund, you have the right to:

    • Free processing of your legitimate refund request
    • Clear information about required documentation
    • Respectful treatment from court officials
    • Protection from fraudulent schemes

    Your responsibilities include:

    • Providing accurate and complete documentation
    • Following the official process without engaging unauthorized intermediaries
    • Reporting any suspicious activities or fraud attempts to court officials

    Conclusion

    The cash bail refund process in Kenya is straightforward and free when conducted through official channels. The Judiciary’s clarifications and the introduction of digital systems demonstrate a commitment to improving service delivery and protecting citizens from exploitation.

    If you encounter any difficulties or suspect fraudulent activities during your refund process, contact the court administration immediately. Remember that legitimate judicial services come without additional charges, and any demand for unofficial fees should raise immediate red flags.

    The modernization of Kenya’s judicial system through initiatives like Jumuika represents progress toward a more transparent, efficient, and citizen-friendly justice system.

    By understanding and following the proper procedures, applicants can successfully reclaim their cash bail while avoiding the pitfalls of fraud and exploitation.

  • ‘I Will Not Allow Kabila To Be President Again,’ Uganda Army Chief Declares Support for Tshisekedi in Congo Conflict

    ‘I Will Not Allow Kabila To Be President Again,’ Uganda Army Chief Declares Support for Tshisekedi in Congo Conflict

    In an extraordinary diplomatic intervention, Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, has publicly vowed to block former Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila from returning to power, while firmly pledging support for incumbent President Félix Tshisekedi.

    “I will not let Joseph Kabila become a President of DRC again! You can forget about that,” Gen. Muhoozi declared in a series of pointed tweets on Friday that have sent shockwaves through regional diplomatic circles.

    Military Chief’s Unprecedented Stance

    The unusually direct statements from Uganda’s top military official came just hours after Rwanda and DRC signed a U.S.-brokered peace agreement in Washington, D.C., witnessed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

    The timing suggests a coordinated effort to reinforce Uganda’s position in the complex regional power dynamics.

    Muhoozi didn’t mince words in his criticism of Kabila’s security record, particularly regarding the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a terrorist group that has caused devastation in both Uganda and eastern Congo.

    “Kabila allowed ADF to subsist in Eastern DRC for 17 years. He never allowed us to take action against them. H.E. Tshisekedi is much better than him in that respect,” the general wrote, before concluding with a personal endorsement: “My big brother, H.E. Felix Tshisekedi, is President of DRC and I will support him as much as possible.”

    Economic Stakes in Regional Stability

    Uganda’s increasingly assertive position in DRC politics reflects its growing economic interests in the mineral-rich nation.

    According to Bank of Uganda data, DRC has become Uganda’s second-largest export market after Kenya, with formal exports exceeding $500 million in 2023. When informal cross-border trade is factored in, the total approaches $700 million annually.

    Since DRC joined the East African Community in 2022, trade integration has accelerated, with Uganda exporting cement, iron, steel products, foodstuffs, and petroleum to its western neighbor.

    Infrastructure investments including the Mpondwe One-Stop Border Post and road construction projects linking Uganda to eastern Congolese towns have further cemented these economic ties.

    Tshisekedi vs. Kabila: A Security Calculation

    The stark contrast between Tshisekedi’s and Kabila’s approaches to regional security cooperation appears to be a driving factor behind Uganda’s position.

    Under Tshisekedi’s administration, Uganda launched “Operation Shujaa,” a joint military offensive targeting ADF strongholds in eastern Congo—an initiative repeatedly blocked during Kabila’s 18-year presidency.

    “The preference for Tshisekedi is clearly driven by security imperatives,” noted a regional security analyst.

    “Under Kabila, Uganda’s hands were effectively tied against threats emanating from Congolese territory.”

    More troubling for Uganda’s strategic interests are allegations that networks associated with Kabila have supported armed groups including the M23 rebels and the newly formed Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), both of which have destabilized eastern provinces and threatened key trade corridors.

    President Tshisekedi himself has accused Kabila of being the “real leader” behind the AFC rebel movement, which has formed a tactical alliance with M23 insurgents challenging the central government’s authority.

    Kabila’s Controversial Reemergence

    Adding fuel to these suspicions, Kabila, who now resides in Southern Africa, recently visited Goma—a city in Eastern DRC currently under AFC/M23 rebel control.

    According to reports, the former president remarked that he felt “safer” in rebel-held Goma than elsewhere in DRC, a statement widely interpreted as confirming his links to the insurgent movements.

    This visit appears to have triggered Muhoozi’s forceful response, with the Ugandan general effectively drawing a red line against any political comeback by the former president.

    Regional Implications

    Muhoozi’s declaration comes at a pivotal moment in regional politics. The U.S.-brokered Declaration of Principles for Peace commits both Rwanda and DRC to respecting sovereignty and dismantling armed groups along their shared borders—objectives that align with Uganda’s strategic interests.

    By publicly aligning with Tshisekedi while denouncing Kabila, Uganda is positioning itself as a guardian of stability in a region where competition for mineral resources and geopolitical influence has frequently fueled conflict.

    For Uganda, the stakes extend beyond security concerns.

    Eastern Congo represents one of Africa’s largest untapped markets, offering significant opportunities for Ugandan businesses in sectors ranging from agriculture and energy to construction and logistics.

    As DRC approaches its next political transition, Gen. Muhoozi’s unprecedented intervention signals that Uganda is prepared to take an active role in shaping its neighbor’s future—prioritizing partners who support regional stability and economic integration while sidelining those perceived as destabilizing forces.

    The message from Kampala is unmistakable: Uganda views its future prosperity as inextricably linked to a stable, Tshisekedi-led DRC, and will oppose any attempt by Kabila to reclaim power through either electoral or insurgent means.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Homicide Detectives Close In On Key Suspect in Mysterious Death of British Man

    Homicide Detectives Close In On Key Suspect in Mysterious Death of British Man

    The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) homicide detectives are narrowing in on a key suspect in the mysterious death of Campbell Scott, a 58-year-old British national whose body was discovered stuffed in a pineapple-filled sack in Makueni County, six days after he vanished during a business trip to Nairobi.

    Police sources confirm the prime suspect, last seen with Scott, has been traced to Voi sub-County, 330 kilometers from the capital, though his current whereabouts remain unknown.

    A Trip Turned Tragic

    Campbell Scott, a senior director at U.S.-based data analytics firm FICO, arrived in Nairobi on February 16, 2025, to spearhead a product launch partnership with TransUnion, a Kenyan credit bureau. What began as a routine business visit unraveled within 48 hours.

    CCTV footage from Havana Bar & Restaurant in Nairobi’s upscale Westlands district shows Scott, clad in a Scotland rugby jersey, green cargo shorts, and red sneakers, meeting a mystery man twice—first on February 16 and again the following day.

    The unidentified suspect, wearing a white shirt, faded blue jeans, and white sneakers, left with Scott at 4:39 p.m. on February 17 via a taxi hailed from the suspect’s phone. The pair were dropped off in Pipeline, a suburb 17 kilometers away, marking Scott’s last known sighting.

    The Grim Discovery

    Police have arrested two people on suspicion of abduction and murder after the body was found

    Scott’s partly decomposed body was found on February 24 in Mukuyuni, 66 miles from Nairobi, by a herdsman.

    Stuffed in a gunny bag alongside pineapples—a likely ploy to disguise transporters as fruit vendors—the body bore minor head and soft tissue injuries, but none severe enough to cause death, according to Chief Government Pathologist Dr. Johansen Oduor.

    “Toxicology screenings and further tests are critical to determine the cause,” Oduor stated, noting the injuries suggested blunt trauma.

    Investigation Intensifies

    The DCI has detained a taxi driver, who led authorities to Pipeline, and a Havana waiter for questioning. Mobile data traced the suspect’s phone to Voi, though the device was later switched off.

    Detectives suspect Scott was held in Pipeline and potentially tortured for bank account access before his death.

    Authorities have reviewed CCTV footage, interviewed hotel and bar staff, and collaborated with Interpol. “This is a heinous, intricate crime,” a police spokesperson said, underscoring the case’s complexity.

    Colleagues and Friends Mourn

    Friends posted tributes remembering good times with Scott, left, on social media
    FACEBOOK

    Scott’s colleague, Michael Edward Manaton, reported him missing after failed contact on February 17. David Hornus, another colleague, identified the body.

    Tributes poured in from friends, including Abi Roberts, who recalled Scott’s “naughty, loyal” spirit, and Jason Benterman, who shared a poignant photo of Scott days before his disappearance.

    Unanswered Questions

    While forensic results are pending, the DCI continues to pursue leads, including the suspect’s potential ties to Voi. Scott’s body, now at Lee Funeral Home, awaits repatriation to the UK.

    As detectives close in, the chilling details of Scott’s final hours—and the pineapple sack meant to erase traces of his fate—underscore a brutal end to a trip meant to blend business with camaraderie.

  • Museveni vs. Besigye: The Unhealed Heartbreak of Winnie Byanyima

    Museveni vs. Besigye: The Unhealed Heartbreak of Winnie Byanyima

    In the unrelenting saga of Uganda’s political titans, Yoweri Museveni and Kizza Besigye, a quieter, more personal wound festers beneath the surface—one that refuses to heal.

    For decades, their rivalry has shaped the nation’s narrative, but woven into this public battle is a private story of love, betrayal, and heartbreak involving Winnie Byanyima, Besigye’s wife and a figure tied to Museveni in ways that still stir raw emotions.

    The echoes of this tangled past reverberated recently when Byanyima, in a candid radio interview in Uganda, addressed long-standing rumors of her relationship with Museveni.

    She dismissed the notion that it played a role in her husband’s unending political struggles, framing it instead as a relic of history distorted by time and malice.

    “What happened decades ago has no bearing on Kizza’s tribulations today,” she insisted, her voice steady but carrying the weight of years spent navigating this shadow.

    Muhoozi

    Yet, her words did little to quiet the storm brewing in the Museveni family—particularly from an unexpected source: the president’s son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba.

    Muhoozi, the brash and unpredictable commander of Uganda’s armed forces, wasted no time firing back. In a series of incendiary posts on X, he unleashed a torrent of venom that laid bare a deep, unresolved pain.

    “There was NOTHING normal about your relationship with my father,” he wrote, his words dripping with accusation. “You found a happy home and tried to wreck it. You’re a DISASTER of a woman!!”

    He went further, painting a dramatic scene of December 1986, claiming Museveni forcibly expelled Byanyima from their home—“dragged you to the car while you were crying and sent you to your parents.”

    The outburst didn’t stop there. Muhoozi, who has long harbored a visceral hatred for Besigye, dangled a threat: “I may bring Besigye back to General Court Martial. It depends on how Besigye behaves? Especially his extremely STUPID ex-wife Winnie. If she even utters the names of my father or mother, Besigye will be back in court.”

    Byanyima, for her part, didn’t flinch. In the same radio interview, she suggested Muhoozi’s erratic behavior—his calls for Besigye’s execution included—might stem from a deeper issue, perhaps one requiring medical attention.

    Winnie Byanyima has cautioned Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba against making further remarks about her past relationship with President Yoweri Museveni, who is Kainerugaba’s father.

    “He needs help,” she said pointedly, a subtle jab at the general’s well-documented penchant for inflammatory rants. Muhoozi’s X tirades have become infamous, targeting everyone from foreign nations (he once threatened to invade Nairobi) to individuals who cross his path.

    Fueled by a love for the bottle and an apparent disdain for restraint, his outbursts have sparked diplomatic headaches, prompted apologies from his father, and even led to temporary bans from the platform.

    Yet, like a figure wielding unchecked power, he persists—Uganda’s little big man, as some have dubbed him.

    This latest clash peels back layers of a feud that transcends politics, revealing a saga steeped in personal grievance.

    Byanyima and Museveni’s relationship, whatever its nature, dates back to their shared revolutionary days in the 1980s, before Museveni’s ascent to power and long before Byanyima married Besigye, his fiercest rival. While the details remain murky—shrouded in rumor and conflicting accounts—the fallout is undeniable.

    For Muhoozi, it’s a wound that festers, a betrayal he attributes to Byanyima’s presence in his father’s life.

    For Museveni, it’s a chapter he rarely acknowledges, though his son’s rage suggests the president hasn’t fully escaped its ghosts.

    And for Besigye, whose defiance has landed him in jail, exile, and now the crosshairs of Muhoozi’s threats, it’s a complication that may fuel the persecution he’s endured for decades.

    Besigye and Byanyima in the past during happy times.

    Winnie Byanyima, now a prominent figure in her own right as the executive director of UNAIDS and a globally recognized advocate for social justice, has long moved beyond the drama of her youth.

    Yet, her every word about that era seems to reignite a fire that neither time nor distance can extinguish. In her telling, it’s a footnote; in Muhoozi’s, it’s an origin story for his family’s pain.

    Somewhere in between lies the truth—a heartbreak that binds these three lives together, threading through Uganda’s turbulent history.

    As Besigye faces yet another chapter of trials and tribulations, the question lingers: How much of his struggle is political, and how much is personal? With Muhoozi at the helm of the military—a figure whose growing political influence and rumored ambitions to succeed his father add weight to his threats—the line between the two blurs.

    What’s clear is that the wounds of yesterday—of love lost, loyalties broken, and a home once torn apart—continue to shape the battles of today.

    For Museveni, Besigye, and the woman caught between them, the heartbreak of Winnie remains an open scar—one that no amount of power, time, or defiance can heal.

  • Donald Kipkorir Accuses Philip Murgor of Perjury and Obsession in Explosive Legal Feud

    Donald Kipkorir Accuses Philip Murgor of Perjury and Obsession in Explosive Legal Feud

    In a dramatic escalation of an ongoing legal feud, prominent Kenyan lawyer Donald Kipkorir has publicly accused his long-time rival, Philip Murgor, of perjury and obsessive behavior.

    The allegations stem from a child custody case involving Peter Njonjo, CEO of Twiga Foods, and his wife, who is reportedly a close friend of Kipkorir. The latest developments add fuel to a fiery and long-standing rivalry between the two legal heavyweights, with Kipkorir calling for a criminal investigation into Murgor’s conduct.

    The Allegations

    In a scathing social media post, Kipkorir accused Murgor of advising Njonjo to swear two false affidavits within two days, allegedly containing fabricated claims against him.

    According to Kipkorir, the affidavits falsely allege that he attempted to influence a magistrate presiding over the child custody case.

    Kipkorir has labeled these claims as perjury, a criminal offense punishable by up to seven years in prison, and has lodged a formal complaint with the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe both Murgor and Njonjo.

    “Every averment in the affidavit is false and is PERJURY,” Kipkorir stated. “My lawyer has already lodged a complaint with the DCI to investigate both Murgor and Njonjo for perjury.”

    A History of Obsession?

    Lawyer Philip Murgor.

    Kipkorir’s accusations go beyond the current case, painting a picture of Murgor as a lawyer prone to losing focus on his clients’ needs due to personal vendettas.

    He cited several high-profile cases where he claims Murgor’s alleged obsession with individuals derailed legal proceedings.

    For instance, Kipkorir referenced Murgor’s tenure as Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), during which he pursued a controversial murder case against businessman Kamlesh Patni.

    The case, which involved the exhumation of a body, ultimately collapsed, and Patni was acquitted.

    Kipkorir also mentioned the Tusky’s case, where he claims Murgor’s focus on one brother led to the company’s downfall, and the Sarah Cohen murder case, where Murgor allegedly became fixated on DCI George Kinoti instead of the case at hand.

    “Philip Murgor has engaged many families in useless sideshow litigations, including his own ‘family,’ the Murgors,” Kipkorir wrote. “He fought the Moi family. He messed up the AG Karugu family.”

    A Personal Vendetta?

    Kipkorir suggested that Murgor’s actions in the Njonjo case are part of a decades-long obsession with him. He claimed that Murgor has been “obsessed” with him for over 20 years and is now using the Njonjo case to reignite their feud.

    “Philip Murgor now thinks he can use his case of Peter Njonjo to bring his OBSESSIVE COMPULSIVE DISORDER on me,” Kipkorir wrote. “Someone, tell Philip Murgor to look for help elsewhere, not me!”

    Kipkorir also recounted a previous incident where he claims to have ended a two-year legal battle between Murgor and his brother-in-law in just two weeks. He further alleged that Murgor’s litigious tendencies have caused strife within his own family and other prominent Kenyan families.

    Murgor’s Reputation Under Scrutiny

    Philip Murgor, a former DPP and seasoned lawyer, has a reputation for taking on high-stakes cases. However, Kipkorir’s allegations raise questions about his professional conduct and focus. Kipkorir’s claims are not the first time Murgor’s methods have been criticized.

    In the past, judges have reportedly admonished him for filing lengthy and irrelevant affidavits, as was the case in his litigation against DCI George Kinoti, where Lady Justice Florence Muchemi expunged a 1,000-page affidavit and struck out the case.

  • EXCLUSIVE: British American Tobacco Kenya Exposed Over Missing Sh9.6 Billion in Tax Evasion

    EXCLUSIVE: British American Tobacco Kenya Exposed Over Missing Sh9.6 Billion in Tax Evasion

    A damning report by the University of Bath’s Tobacco Control Research Group (TCRG) and Tax Justice Network Africa has uncovered a $93 million (KES 9.6 billion) discrepancy in the financial disclosures of British American Tobacco Kenya (BATK) for 2017 and 2018.

    The findings, which suggest potential tax avoidance or evasion, have raised urgent questions about the company’s financial practices and prompted calls for a thorough investigation by Kenyan authorities.

    The report, published in collaboration with The Investigative Desk, analyzed six years of BATK’s annual reports, production data submitted to the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), government documents, and cigarette consumption and pricing data. It revealed glaring inconsistencies, including millions of unaccounted cigarette packs, which could translate into significant unpaid taxes.

    Unanswered Questions and Calls for Accountability

    Tax and audit experts who reviewed the findings have called for immediate action. Leopoldo Parada, Reader in Tax Law at King’s College London, stated, “In the absence of a convincing explanation, this looks like tax avoidance and potentially evasion.” Kennedy Waituika, Director of Audit and Assurance at TradeMark Africa, echoed this sentiment, urging the KRA to conduct a comprehensive tax review of BATK.

    Despite the mounting evidence, BAT Kenya has denied any wrongdoing. In a statement, a company spokesperson said, “BAT Kenya firmly rejects all the allegations made regarding the discrepancy between its published financial disclosures and data. The company pays all taxes in line with applicable laws.” However, the report’s authors have criticized the company for failing to provide a credible explanation for the discrepancies.

    Despite multiple inquiries,BATK refused to disclose additional financial records, citing “commercial confidentiality.” 

    The Kenya Revenue Authority has yet to respond to requests for comment on whether it will investigate the matter. This silence has fueled concerns about the effectiveness of tax enforcement in Kenya, particularly in relation to multinational corporations.

    A Pattern of Exploitation?

    The investigation reveals BATK operates within a highly convoluted corporate structure, with financial flows passing through opaque subsidiaries in Kenya, the Netherlands, and the UK. This intricate web appears designed to minimize tax liabilities.

    For instance, the Dutch entity Molensteegh Invest BV—which owns 60% of BATK—funnels millions of dollars in dividends to BAT’s UK headquarters while reporting minimal local profits. This model, according to experts, is a textbook case of aggressive tax planning, allowing the company to reduce its taxable income in Kenya.

    Such strategies are not unique to Kenya. BAT has been found guilty of tax evasion in the Netherlands, where courts ruled that the company deliberately excluded 1.8 billion EUR in profits from tax authorities. Similarly, in South Africa, the company faced a 152 million USD tax dispute, which was settled under undisclosed terms.

    Andy Rowell of TCRG highlighted the colonial legacy of profiting from African markets while evading responsibilities. “If this is happening in Kenya, it begs the question of whether similar practices are occurring in other jurisdictions, including the UK and the US,” he said.

    Dr. Rob Branston, also from TCRG, emphasized the need for stronger regulation and enforcement. “Transnational corporations like BAT Kenya have a duty to pay their fair share of taxes, especially in countries where they profit significantly. This is a stark reminder of the need to prevent companies from exploiting tax systems to the detriment of public resources and development,” he said.

    A History of Controversy

    This report builds on earlier investigations, including the 2020 publication Big Tobacco, Big Avoidance, which exposed widespread tax avoidance practices by transnational tobacco companies. Marcel Metze of The Investigative Desk, who has spent years investigating the tax practices of major tobacco corporations, noted, “We keep finding lack of transparency, opaque fiscal structures, and consistent tax planning practices which can be labelled as ‘aggressive.’ The results of our study raise serious doubt about the correctness of the company’s financial reporting.”

    The allegations against BAT Kenya are not isolated. In 2017, the UK’s Serious Fraud Office (SFO) launched an investigation into BAT over allegations of bribery and corruption in Africa. Although the investigation was closed in 2021, Bob Blackman MP, Co-Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Smoking and Health, has called for the SFO to reopen its probe in light of the new evidence. “This newly published research raises serious questions about British American Tobacco’s activities in Kenya,” he said.

    Implications for Kenya and Beyond

    The $93 million discrepancy represents a significant loss of revenue for Kenya, a country where public resources are already stretched thin. Tax evasion by multinational corporations not only undermines government budgets but also exacerbates inequality and hampers development efforts.

    The report’s authors and experts are urging Kenyan authorities to take swift action. They also hope the findings will prompt similar investigations in other countries where BAT and other tobacco companies operate. As Marcel Metze put it, “The results of our study warrant further investigation by financial authorities.”

    For now, the spotlight remains on BAT Kenya and the KRA. Will the company provide a credible explanation for the discrepancies? Will the KRA step up to hold a powerful multinational accountable? The answers to these questions could have far-reaching implications for tax justice in Kenya and beyond.

    [pdf-embedder url=”https://cms.kenyainsights.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Missing_millions_report_tobacco_control_research_group_Feb_2025.pdf”]

  • Tuju’s Dari Hotel Auctioned For Sh450M

    Tuju’s Dari Hotel Auctioned For Sh450M

    The luxurious Dari Coffee and Garden Restaurant, owned by former Cabinet Secretary Raphael Tuju, was auctioned on October 1 for Sh450 million according to news reports.

    Situated in the affluent Karen suburb in Nairobi, the 6.9-acre property was a favoured venue for upscale events and fine dining, renowned for its manicured gardens and spacious conference facilities. However, Tuju has lost it in the ongoing legal battle.

    The auction, conducted by Garam Auctioneers, attracted eager buyers salivating for a piece of the once-thriving establishment.

    There are scanty details about the new owner as of the time of press.

    It was not clear whether the former CS will move to court to contest the sale.

    In addition to this forced sale, Tuju is fighting to protect another valuable asset: the Garden Restaurant and Entim Sidai.

    The loss of the Dari property is a major setback for the former Jubilee Secretary General, who owns extensive commercial real estate  in the upscale Karen estate, currently embroiled in a protracted six-year court battle.

    The former Rarieda MP is fighting to retain his multibillion estate in Karen.

    Tuju, who served in former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Cabinet, is embroiled in legal disputes.

    Background

    The issues date back to 2015 when the East African Development Bank (EADB) granted Tuju $9.3 million for the purchase of a 20-acre parcel of land intended for housing and hospitality development. The bank claims the former CS defaulted on the loan, leading to the ongoing court case.

    Tuju contends that the bank has thwarted various settlement initiatives he has proposed. He argues in court that his properties are currently valued at Sh4.2 billion, exceeding the bank’s demands.

    The dispute stems from a loan agreement made in 2015, with cases pending before the Supreme Court. Tuju is challenging the enforcement of a UK judgment that found he breached the agreement, while also contesting the bank’s claims in the High Court.

  • Revealed: Sakaja And His People Demanded For Sh845M Bribe To Approve Lawyer’s Payment

    Revealed: Sakaja And His People Demanded For Sh845M Bribe To Approve Lawyer’s Payment

    City lawyer Donald Kipkorir (DBK) has come out to reveal that Nairobi County Assembly Committee members and Governor Johnson Sakaja had demanded a huge chunk of bribe to approve his pending debts.

    DBK says he was approached to cut a deal to have his payments first tracked. Nairobi County owes the lawyer over Sh1.69 billion in legal fees pending since 2022.

    He recently won a case and had instructed auctioneers last month to seize assets belonging to the Nairobi County government to cover his debts.

    However, there has been a strategic delay in settling the debt and now it appears it was aimed at boxing him into cutting a deal.

    DBK claims that last month, Nairobi County Assembly Budget Committee together with Governor Sakaja Johnson were in Naivasha preparing the County’s Supplementary Budget and that it was here that they coined a deal to extort him.

    He goes further to say they had demanded for a Sh845 million bribe from the Sh1.69 B that the county owes him.

    “They called me that they want to approve all my payments if I give them 50% of the sums I am owed.” He says.

    He turned out the deal, he says, “I told them, my fees are in accordance with The Advocates (Remuneration) Order & decreed by Court & I won’t pay a bribe. Nairobi City under the Governor pay Bills, Invoices & Court Decrees to those that pay a bribe of 50%.”

    His latest revelation doesn’t come as a surprise, earlier this month, he had hinted on the schemes before finally laying it all bare, “I have been advised that City Hall top officials have vowed they will frustrate my judgments against them through all subterfuge methods. That doesn’t bother me. What bothers me is that Public Officials have weaponized their offices.” DBK had posted on X earlier.

    DBK instructed Garam Investment Auctioneers on March 27, 2024 to seize valuables, office equipment, computers, furniture and cars to satisfy the debt. This followed the High Court Judge Nixon Sifuna decision that quashed section 13A and 21 of the Government Proceedings Act, opening the door for litigants to attach government properties or bank accounts to recover their debts.

    While quashing the laws, Justice Sifuna termed the sections colonial relics that have no place in modern society and were only meant to frustrate rather than facilitate the processing and expeditious disposal of cases.

    However, DBK alleged a plot by City Hall to overturn the decision, “The ruling by Sifuna allowing attachment of County Government property has unnerved City Hall & upended their nefarious schemes. Because, you can now attach, there is no excuse for City Hall to blackmail for payments to be done. Now City Hall wants to fund the ruling of Justice Sifuna to be overturned in the Court of Appeal. Nairobi City County is truly rotten at all levels. It is irredeemable.” He said on April 4, 2024.

    Blackmail and extortion

    DBK says he has been in business with the Nairobi Government since 1998 and it was until 2012 when blackmail and extortion took precedence.

    “Since devolution in 2013, payment of legal fees & bills for provision of other services like construction et al became subject to surrender of your payments to City Hall apparatchiks. I refused to pay & City Hall stopped giving me work or paying my outstanding legal fees. In the current County Government, to be paid legal fees, you must pay City Hall officials to the highest level 50% of your legitimate fees. Contractors pay upto 40%. Again, I declined to pay them.” He said.

    Law firms like Kwanga Mboya and Company Advocates have found themselves being at the center of accusations of playing to the dirty tricks of City Hall. In a complaint against them on Nyakundi blog, the firm is claimed to be getting payments instantly while others are kept in waiting.

    Most corrupt leadership

    The lawyer has described the Nairobi County’s leadership as the most corrupt and called on President William Ruto to dissolve the county assembly and expel Sakaja from UDA party.

    “Nairobi City under Sakaja Johnson will go down as the MOST CORRUPT LEADERSHIP in Kenya’s History with a County Assembly that is completely beholden to him. It is time President William Ruto dissolves both the County Assembly & expels Sakaja from UDA and EACC should arrest Nairobi County leadership of both the Executive & the County Assembly.” Said the lawyer.

    Governor Johnson Sakaja during a meeting with City MCAs where he declared his candidature for the Nairobi UDA chairmanship on April 19, 2024. Image: JOHNSON SAKAJA
    Governor Johnson Sakaja during a meeting with City MCAs where he declared his candidature for the Nairobi UDA chairmanship on April 19, 2024.
    Image: JOHNSON SAKAJA

    History of Sh1.69 billion debt owed to Kipkorir

    DBK was awarded one of the highest legal fees in the country’s litigation history for defending the county government against the Ministry of Defence over a parcel of land where Embakasi Barracks sits. The Environment and Land court in 2022 ruled that Mr Kipkorir should be paid Sh1.338 billion for representing the defunct city council in a case that was in court for close to 10 years over the 3,000-acre land valued at Sh61.5 billion. The amount has since increased to Sh1.69 on account of interest.

    DBK acted for the defunct city council when its land was forcibly taken by the Kenya Defence Forces, triggering the court case in 2012 but the matter was later withdrawn to allow for the case to be settled through inter-governmental relations.

    Most incompetent

    Elsewhere, a section of Nairobi County leaders have slammed Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja accusing his administration of being the “most incompetent and morally degenerate” county government.

    In a strongly-worded statement, the leaders led by Dagoretti South MP John Kiarie accused Sakaja’s administration of contributing to Nairobi County’s deteriorating state.

    They pointed out issues such as widespread sewerage problems, garbage mountains in residential areas, water shortages amidst flooding, and poorly planned high-rise constructions.

    “It is our observation that Nairobi could be facing its worst leadership crisis at City Hall in the capital’s history. The dream that was sold during the campaigns of a city of order, dignity, hope and opportunity has turned into a nightmare. Nairobi is becoming clamped in an ever-tightening chokehold of an arrogant and dangerously corrupt leadership,” said Kiarie.

    Citing a recent Auditor General report, Kiarie further accused Sakaja’s administration of gross financial mismanagement, including payments to ghost workers and selective payment of bills for kickbacks.

    “In a shocking revelation last year, a junior officer wielding authority directly granted by the Governor, clandestinely approved over 600 building plans against the Physical Land Planning Act which stipulates that the County Chief Officer is responsible for approving building plans,” he said.

    “That would explain the ‘kiudutho’ development and the unplanned highrise buildings that are mushrooming and cropping up in every corner of Nairobi. Such cases of abuse of power only give a preview of the rot house that is the Nairobi City County.”

    Kiarie further condemned the acquisition of luxury assets by top Nairobi County officials, describing it as a disregard for public welfare.

    “Never before has Nairobi ever been pilfered so brazenly and with so much display of juvenile bravado, intimidation, exclusion and undermining of those who they are not able to pay with their looted billions,” he said.

    “Pitting leaders against each other and sponsoring squabbles has become the expensive hobby of the Governor and his court of loyalists.”

  • Kenyan Executive Dragged In A Multibillion Bank Heist

    Kenyan Executive Dragged In A Multibillion Bank Heist

    As Equity Bank sweats over the Sh179 million card fraud in Kenya, its subsidiary in neighboring in Uganda is also in the middle of a mega bank fraud.

    A Kenyan banker has been dragged into a UGX65 billion (Approx KES 2.2 billion) Equity Bank heist in Uganda. Mr. Samuel Kirubi who previously served in the bank as a managing director has been summoned to the country as police investigate what is being described as a mega theft.

    The police in Uganda on February 15 2024 arraigned 8 senior officials with obtaining money by False Pretences, Money Laundering, and Conspiracy to defraud the lender.

    The 8 accused persons include; Musiime Julius, Nabisubi Erina, Tumuhimbise Cresent, Ssemwogerere Fred, Asiimwe Wycliff, Mugumya Robert, Kato Fred and Mukwaya Ronald.

    According to a police report seen by Kenya Insights, the charges stem primarily from the fraudulent diversion and disbursement of funds from the bank, in form of unsecured loans to unqualified people. Some of these included relatives, with whom they created fictitious companies and fraudulently disbursed huge amounts of money, that would be picked directly by the staff or indirectly using co-conspirators, proxies or conduits.

    “The accused persons depict a brazen effort to siphon monies from the bank, to instead fund personal gains,” part of the police report reads.

    Forensic investigations

    The police announced that they’re conducting forensic investigations into the fraud and that they are trailing several suspects, including those who resigned, after the massive fraud was detected. The Former Executive Director in Charge of Commercial Banking, Onyango Kenneth, who had just resigned was arrested.

    Kenneth Onyango when he was arrested. Photo/courtesy.

    According to media sources in Uganda, the arrest of Onyango is being viewed as shedding light on the intricate web of deception within the financial institution.

    Mr. Onyango was released however after being detained shortly on the instructions of Uganda’s Director of Public Prosecution (DPP). Kenya Insights has learned that it was a calculated move to  buy time and gather enough evidence to nail him.

    DPP advised the police to spread wide their net in investigations and go after other people in the ecosystem who likely worked with Onyango as it is impossible for him to have worked alone.

    The saga, which began with the abrupt departure of Kenyan Samuel Kirubi, former CEO of Equity Bank Uganda, in 2022, has now ensnared key figures within the organization. Kirubi, who was ordered to leave office amid mounting suspicions, has since been summoned back to Uganda by Equity Group CEO James Mwangi to confront the fallout of his alleged mismanagement.

    Sources within the bank reveal a trail of irregularities dating back to Kirubi’s tenure, prompting a thorough examination of financial records spanning several years. “Kirubi is in the country with auditors from Nairobi. He has been directed by the angry Mwangi to clean up his mess. The auditors, who are being taken around by Kirubi himself, are turning all books of accounts pages from 2018 to when Kirubi left. Many people are yet to lose jobs and others, arrested,” offered our inside source.

    The recent announcement by Equity Bank acknowledging the potential fraud on their stock loan and agent financing products sent shockwaves through the industry and the public alike. “We hold ourselves to the highest standards of accountability and transparency, and the person (s) found to be responsible, whether through fraud or errors of commission or omission will be fully addressed by the policies, procedures, and ethical values of the organization and, where appropriate, the laws of the country,” read the statement.

    Suspected role of Mr. Samuel Kirubi in the bank heist

    Media reports in Uganda citing sources close to the investigation reveal that Onyango’s release stems from the inability to pin him down without implicating higher-ups, specifically former Managing Director Samuel Kirubi and his replacement Anthony Kituuka. The scandal, dating back to 2018, inescapably implicates these top executives in a web of deceit and fraud that has rocked the nation.

    “Police can never successfully implicate Onyango in the absence of his immediate bosses like former MD Samuel Kirubi and the current boss Anthony Kituuka, given the fact that the investigations are stretched as far back as 2018 when Kirubi was still in charge,” offered the source. Kirubi was relieved of his duties two years ago, and was replaced with Anthony Kituuka.

    Mr. Kirubi at a past function.

    We’ve learned that Mr. Kirubi was unceremoniously hounded from the office in November 20, 2022 alongside two other bank’s directors in suspected fraud. That the affected officials were attached to the larger credit section of the Bank, echoed a signal on what could have been the matter – hence the current situation.

    Media reports in Uganda also allege that Samuel Kirubi and his management connived with a prominent businessman Sudhir Ruparelia and fraudulently sold him two prime properties belonging to another businessman Peter Kamya of Ssimbamannyo.

    At the time of his departure, Kirubi and his subordinate `accomplices` had their plight driven via issues to do with bad loans and discrepancies surrounding the same. Intelligence had it that his sacking was partly sparked off by the Country`s regulatory body, Bank of Uganda(BOU) via an audit.

    Kirubi had three loans he was supposed to write off as instructed by BOU, before he could handover. This stance, because the same loans had already gone bad under his watch and will.

    Reports indicate that the three big loans as that of a prominent but controversial city businessman John Bosco Muwonge, which staggered around UGX47Bn. Muwonge had reportedly bought most of his siblings Godfrey Ssebalamu and Nabukeera`s properties using most of the money from Equity Bank and some from Bank of Africa. The other loans were that of Mogas, whose digits were also in Billions, as well as another of a Matugga-premised Company.

    Upon his departure, Kirubi was swiftly replaced by Anthony Kituuka who had previously served as the Executive Director for Regional Subsidiaries from 2014 to 2016.

    Hailed as a seasoned banker with the impressive track record above, Kituuka has found himself drowning in the mess left by his predecessor. Despite his credentials, he has struggled but failed to clean up the systemic sleaze that plagues Equity Bank, leaving the institution and its clientele in turmoil. But alas! Kirubi`s mess was too voluminous for him to clean. So much so, he can instead soil himself deeper into it.

    Now, we understand that for police to ably charge Onyango, Kirubi and Kituuka must be lined ahead of him as key suspects. For starters, Onyango and five others namely; Julius Musiime, Erina Nabisubi, Fred Ssemwogerere, Wycliff Asiimwe and Crescent Tumuhimbise are accused of messing up with billions of dimes meant for stock loan product. This product is designed to provide vital credit support to businesses of all sizes.

    The stock loan product, designed to provide vital credit support to businesses of all sizes, now stands at the center of the investigation. Equity Bank’s commitment to uncovering the truth and holding those responsible to account underscores the gravity of the situation. With both staff and clients implicated in the probe, the bank vows to uphold its standards of transparency and integrity.

    The conundrum faced by police, Equity Bank and its proprietor James Mwangi, is that all loans in this category are vetted and approved by the Bank`s five-member Credit Committee. Therefore, the unfolding scandal implicates not only Onyango but also key figures within the bank’s Credit Committee, chaired by the Managing Director. With Kirubi and Kituuka at the helm during the period under investigation, the committee’s complicity in approving dubious loans cannot be overlooked.

    Equity Bank CEO James Mwangi.

    While Equity Bank seeks to navigate the fallout from this scandal, questions linger over the extent of its impact on both customers and stakeholders. Concerns over accountability and corporate governance loom large as the investigation unfolds, casting a shadow over the institution’s reputation.

    Ugandan media have it that before the infamous investigation, Mwangi had successfully sought President Museveni`s attention, threatening to close business in Uganda over frustrations in investigations. Initially, all cases for and against Equity Bank Uganda would die prematurely. Some cases` fate would be influenced in Equity`s favor but leaving huge dents on the Bank`s reputation before public.

  • Nairobi Assembly Speaker Ken Ng’ondi On The Spot For Sexual Harassment

    Nairobi Assembly Speaker Ken Ng’ondi On The Spot For Sexual Harassment

    Nairobi County Assembly Ken Ng’ondi has found himself in hot coal following a viral video of him forcing a handshake that has been viewed as a physical and sexual harassment by many observants. A section of Kenyans are now calling for commencement of criminal charges against him.

    In the video seen by Kenya Insights, the speaker who was celebrating his birthday and shaking hands with other MCAs, stretched out his hands to unnamed Muslim lady in the crowd she was however unwilling to shake his hands back. Mr. Ng’ondi then proceeded to grab her hand in a bid to force the handshake.

    The Speaker appeared to ‘tease’ her into shaking his hand while he put his arm around her shoulder dragging her to stand up. Noticing the attention drawn to her, she covered her face with her black hijab.

    It could be seen that in her unwillingness to shake hands, they were not in good terms and he acknowledged that fact, he can be heard saying “today you must greet me, it’s my birthday,” he then goes ahead to lift her up to force her for a photo op, in this scuffle, he ends up grabbing her breasts.

    Reactions

    The video has elicited anger from many who’re now calling for a firm action against the county speaker.

    “This is physical assault, a gross trespass to the person of the lady. I will be very suprised if criminal charges are not preferred.” Lawyer Ahmednasir said.

    “This woman has all the right to level charges against him as it qualifies as sexual harassment intimidation aside. She should have stood up and told him ” don’t dare lay your hands on me ” . Trust me even a fool will come back to his senses. If I am the husband of this women I will certainly sue him.” Hotelier Mohammed Hersi said.

    “Uncouth. The woman shoukd take legal action.” Billow Kerrow, former Mandera Senator added.

    Meanwhile, the Association of Muslim Lawyers’ in Kenya has issued a statement condemning the act and calling for the DCI to promptly investigate the matter and press charges on the matter.

    “The Association of Muslim Lawyers vehemently condemns the despicable act by the Speaker of the Nairobi County Assembly, forcefully demanding a Muslim woman to shake his hand which amounts to sexual and physical assault. Such reprehensible behavior is criminal, unethical, immoral and not only violates her religious beliefs but also constitutes a grave violation of bodily autonomy and dignity.” The statement reads in part.

    Sh1 million bribery

    Staying in the oven, the speaker has at the same time been accused of bribery.

    Mr. Ng’ondi is being accused by Ronald Angwenyi Orina of taking Sh1M bribe from him with the promise of securing him a county chief executive job that he didn’t deliver.

    In a letter dated 21st February, 2024 and addressed to the speaker and Governor Johnson Sakaja, Mr. Ronald is asking for a refund from Mr. Ng’ondi for failing to meet the end of the bargain for the unholy deal.

    “Following our earlier communication to the effect that the process of seeking for employment as Chief Officer for Nairobi City County Government you were pursuing for me was unsuccessful, I plead with you to find reason to return the KES.1, 000,000 you received from me for the purpose.” Mr. Ronald states.

    He adds that his action for seeking refund has been prompted by harsh economic times in the country adding that he’s still jobless having been allegedly conned by the speaker and worse that he’s an orphan who is struggling financially.

    Mr. Ronald in the letter seen by Kenya Insights says that the speaker has been avoiding him, “you lately seem to have avoided me in a manner that is now hide and seek and it appears you do not seem to bother whether the money you received from me had a purpose and the sole purpose which was to help me secure a job in government.” It says.

    “It would not be the right thing to make me incur extra cost calling for help from all and sundry to ensure that you find meaning to return the money not unless knowingly or willfully your intention was to fraudulently obtain from me without intention of helping to secure a job.”

    He also added that he holds solid proof of the claims including hard copy documents, photos, video footages, mpesa records and live witnesses.

    He asks the leader to advice on when he’ll pay him back.

    Common fraud

    What befell Mr. Ronald is unfortunately not unusual with many desperate job seekers getting fleeced millions by relatively powerful individuals who rob them in the pretext of securing them opportunities by the allure of their perceived influence.

    A prominent case is that of a Mr. James Abuki who lost over Sh9 million to a strong youthful Kisii MP with a powerful position in the parliament and who had convinced him to secure his place as Chief Administrative Secretary (CAS).

    Mr. Abuki’s dreams quickly become a nightmare as he has been left Sh9 million in the red, after borrowing extensively to pay “facilitation fees” to people he thought were senior civil servants close to President William Ruto, and who would catapult him into a corner office.

    His concerted efforts to recover the money has been futile with police taking too long to investigate the matter that has run cold since June 2023 when he first reported it to Kasarani Police Station.

    So brazen are the fraudsters of this vicious racketeering ring that in some instances , they register new phone numbers in the names of senior government officials, such as Head of Public Service Felix Koskei, to hoodwink their prey into believing that bribes are being channeled to the right people in high places to facilitate plum jobs.

    Perhaps of more concern, the racketeers have infiltrated some State corporations, whose staff use official emails to trick victims into thinking that they are being considered for corner office jobs. This, it turns out, is just bait to extract more bribes from the unsuspecting victims.

    Meanwhile, the pressure on the police to take action on the speaker continues to Mount and only time will tell how this goes. As for the bribery allegations, the EACC is responsible for investigating.

  • The Unsettling Many Faces Of Controversial Nazir Jinnah

    The Unsettling Many Faces Of Controversial Nazir Jinnah

    Until October 2022, Nazir Bhaduralli NurMohammad Jinnah was hiding in plain sight masquerading as a high end lawyer. It was the English Point Marina scandal in 2022 that blew his cover and brought him to the public spotlight.

    KCB Group had seized the Mombasa’s luxury property English Point Marina and placed Pearl Beach Hotels, the real estate firm that owns it, under statutory management over a Sh5.2 billion debt. Pearl Beach Hotels had been struggling to meet its obligations to the bank over the years forcing KCB to place it under administration in June 2022.

    Mr. Nazir is the Director of Pearl Beach Hotels.

    Kenya’s Swindler ‘Lawyer’

    It came to surface that he was minting millions from unsuspecting Kenyans and investors posing as distinguished lawyer with reputable law firms, in fact, he acted as the legal director in the KCB case which blew his cover.

    For at least a decade, Nazir made millions in legal fees. Armed with a professional profile that would cow most lawyers across the globe, he managed to net clients who believed that he is one of the best advocates in Kenya. From work stints with top law firms including Khaminwa & Khaminwa Advocates and MMC-Asafo, Conrad Law & Consultancy in Nairobi to Piper May Solicitors in the UK and Mussolini & Dessel in the US, Jinnah’s claimed experience made him appear a cut above the rest.

    Not even the most senior advocates at the law firm Conrad Law & Consultancy, where Jinnah worked, could match his profile. He was in ozone layer and hot as corona.

    In the same year, Mr. Nazir was subjected to impersonation investigations by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) who did not only find that he was practicing without certification but that he had minted millions from many.

    He was charged eventually for posing as an associate of a reputable law firm in Kenya in a divorce case that had required him to travel to London as a lead counsel.

    Nazir was charged that between the year 2013 and 2017 in Nairobi with intent to defraud Herbas Singh Birdi falsely presented himself to be an advocate of the High Court of Kenya as an associate of Khaminwa and Khaminwa advocates.

    Nazir Jailed

    Yesterday, he was sentenced to serve 18 months for presenting himself as an advocate .

    The businessman was given an alternative of paying a fine each of Sh250,000.

    Milimani Senior Principal Magistrate Dolphina Alego found him guilty of presenting himself as an advocate of the High Court of Kenya.

    He was also found guilty of making a document without authority and uttering false document.

    “Conclusively, this court finds that the prosecution has proved their case in all the charges beyond reasonable doubt and this court finds that accused person is guilty herein and court convict accordingly,” ruled the court.

    The charge sheet stated that with intent to defraud and without lawful authority, he made a letter for sale of property LR. No. (4/171-Nyari-Nairobi addressed to Singh purporting it to be genuine letter written and issued by Senior Counsel Khaminwa law firm.

    During the hearing Law Society of Kenya categorically confirmed to the court Nazir was not an advocate or it member.

    Sonny Birdi who was the first witness in the case told the court that he met Nazir in 2013 who was known to his father and was a consultant with Khaminwa advocates. That he was going through his divorce in the United Kingdom.

    He needed help and that the accused now convict would be the lead counsel in Kenya. He testified that he had a UK solicitor.

    He wrote a letter of appointment to the UK solicitor as lead counsel for the case. The case was in the UK and he paid for him to travel to UK.

    Accused traveled to the UK twice.

    Court heard that Nazir traveled to Canada for over six months and that his father went to khaminwa advocates to follow up on his land case and that is when he learnt Nazir has never been their employee, agent or partner.

    In his defense, he denied receiving Sh5, 540,000 from Agwawal Khan and Company and that he has no idea wherethe money went to.

    Retired engineer Sunny Birdi in his testimony told the court the last payment of the sale of his land assets of Farhana Properties limited in Mombasa was paid to Nazir.

    The convict also denied presenting himself as an advocate at Khaminwa law firm.

    Digital transformation of Nazir

    As soon as he had been exposed and became a subject of controversy, Nazir went back to the drawing board and came up with a campaign strategy to counter his negative press image. He retained services of PR firm to cleanse his dirty image, Kenya Insights has learned.

    In nearly similar strategy, Nazir has been planting PR articles in major publications in Kenya and in which he keeps switching his roles in his op-eds from being an investor, climate change activist, lifestyle, road safety expert, to reverting to negative stereotype and being a problem facing Pinewood resort in internal problems from within the Kanji family beginning with English Point Marina up to the recent attack at the hotel.

    It’s ridiculous that Mr. Nazir has been trying so hard to counter the negative stories of him being a fake lawyer by posing as a man of questionable characters, if this was a movie, the Netflix’s own ‘Twitter Swindler’ would come close to describing it.

    This is just but a sample of many faces that Nazir has put up in planted articles across the mainstream media and yet again trying to paint himself as a man cut above the rest. This is likely aimed at building his portfolio of whatever he’s looking at.


    How to become a lawyer in Kenya

    In order for one to become a certified lawyer in Kenya, one has to acquire an education from an institution  recognized by the Council of Legal Education in Kenya.

    This takes four years after which they graduate with a Bachelor’s degree in law, then attend the Kenya School of Law for two years.

    At the Kenya School of Law, one undergoes an advocates training program which is conducted for one year in-house after which one moves to pupillage which  is a 12-month training period for those aiming to qualify as barristers (a person called to the bar and entitled to practice as an advocate, particularly in the higher courts), usually spent in a barristers’ chambers.

    Through the LSK search engine, a website that publishes information regarding the status of its members – one can confirm the authenticity of his/her potential lawyer before making a further move. The website lists lawyers who are dormant or inactive (not certified to practice), suspended or struck off the Roll of Advocates and therefore not allowed to practice and those who are active and certified to practice at that period.

    Here a list of Dos and Don’ts when engaging a lawyer in Kenya:

    1. Do the due diligence and ask the necessary questions – Every advocate licensed to practice in Kenya is issued with a practicing certificate by the Law Society of Kenya. As a starting point, when dealing with a lawyer you’ve never dealt with before, always ask for a copy of their practicing certificate. Go a step further because practicing certificates can be forged. The Law Society of Kenya maintains a search engine  where you can search for an Advocate by name or admission number. You can access the same here. As an added measure you can also ask for a law firm’s professional indemnity cover and registration documents as well as recommendations from former clients. DO NOT trust a person on the basis of offices, a name plaque and well made suits.
    • Get a retainer or engagement letter signed once you are satisfied that a lawyer is a qualified advocate, ensure that there is an agreement in writing capturing key points such as:
      • The  scope of work the advocate is to do for you – this makes it clear what the instructions are so that if the advocate goes beyond the agreed instructions, you can have recourse; and
      • The agreed fees, whether a lump sum or hourly rates – this prevents a client from being lumped up with unverifiable fees and costs.

    DO NOT deposit any funds or hand over custody of sensitive documents before you do the due diligence and sign an engagement letter.

    • Get everything in writing – when sending original title documents such as certificates of title to land or shares or other assets, always ensure that the firm’s receipt of those documents is acknowledged in writing and the reason for the firm’s custody of those documents is well documented. Remember verbal contracts are not worth the paper they are written on!