Author: Kenya West

  • The Curtain Falls on Raila Odinga: Marking The End Of An Era of Kenya’s Most Consequential Political Leader in History

    The Curtain Falls on Raila Odinga: Marking The End Of An Era of Kenya’s Most Consequential Political Leader in History

    The silence that descended over Kang’o ka Jaramogi on that Sunday evening was profound. As the seventeenth gunshot echoed across the ancestral homestead in Bondo, followed by the roar of military aircraft overhead, Kenya bid farewell to a man who had defined its political landscape for over four decades without ever occupying its highest office.

    Raila Amolo Odinga, who died on October 15, 2025, while receiving treatment in India at the age of 80, was laid to rest beside his father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first Vice President, completing a story that began with independence and ended with a nation transformed.

    The funeral itself was a study in contrasts and contradictions, much like the man it honored. Here was the state he had fought, challenged, and occasionally partnered with, according him full military honors.

    The same government that had once imprisoned him without trial for six years now draped his coffin in the national flag and positioned soldiers in crisp formation to salute his departure.

    President William Ruto, who had defeated him in the 2022 presidential election, led the mourners and openly acknowledged Raila as his political mentor.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta, once his bitter rival before their famous 2018 handshake, eulogized him as a close friend and statesman.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta viewing Raila Odinga's body at Kasarani Stadium
    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta viewing Raila Odinga’s body at Kasarani Stadium

    The irony was not lost on the thousands who had gathered at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology grounds to witness history.

    What made Raila Odinga so consequential was not what he achieved in formal office, though his tenure as Prime Minister in the Grand Coalition Government from 2008 to 2013 saw significant infrastructure development and reform initiatives.

    Rather, it was his ability to shape Kenya’s political destiny from outside the presidency that cemented his place in history. He was, as President Ruto aptly described him, a man who ruled without the instruments of power.

    His fingerprints are visible on nearly every major chapter of Kenya’s modern political evolution, from the multiparty democracy struggles of the early 1990s to the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution that restructured governance and introduced devolution.

    Born on January 7, 1945, in Maseno to a family already steeped in nationalist politics, Raila inherited both privilege and burden.

    His father Jaramogi had been a fierce ally of Jomo Kenyatta in the independence struggle but fell out with Kenya’s founding president over ideological differences, particularly regarding land distribution and the treatment of opposition voices.

    This schism would define the Odinga family’s relationship with power for generations. Where Jaramogi represented the old guard of African nationalism with its pan-African socialist ideals, Raila would become something more complex and contemporary: a democrat, a reformer, a coalition builder, and a master of political theater.

    His political awakening came through suffering. After studying engineering in East Germany and returning to lecture at the University of Nairobi, Raila’s trajectory changed dramatically in 1982. Following the failed coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi’s regime, he was detained without trial for six years, accused of treason though never charged.

    The years in Kamiti Prison and later in the notorious Nyayo House cells transformed him. He emerged not broken but hardened, with nothing to lose and everything to fight for. As he would later write in his autobiography, “You can imprison a man’s body, but not his ideas.”

    The 1990s saw Raila at the forefront of the second liberation struggle, the movement that broke the one-party stranglehold of KANU and paved the way for multiparty democracy. Alongside veterans like Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia, he risked everything to demand political pluralism. It was a dangerous era to challenge Moi, but Raila’s voice only grew louder.

    In 1992, he won his first parliamentary seat representing Lang’ata Constituency, beginning a legislative career that would span decades and establish him as one of the most effective opposition leaders in African politics.

    Yet it was in 2002 that Raila demonstrated his most audacious political skill: the ability to sacrifice personal ambition for a larger strategic goal. His declaration of “Kibaki Tosha” during that year’s presidential campaign, endorsing Mwai Kibaki and uniting the opposition under the National Rainbow Coalition, engineered the defeat of KANU’s 39-year grip on power.

    It was a political masterstroke that elevated him from opposition agitator to national kingmaker.

    The fact that he was subsequently betrayed by the Kibaki administration, which reneged on a pre-election memorandum of understanding promising him the prime minister’s position, only added to his mythology as a leader repeatedly denied what was rightfully his.

    The disputed 2007 presidential election and its aftermath remain the most controversial chapter in Raila’s political journey. The violence that erupted, claiming over 1,000 lives and displacing more than 600,000 people, exposed the fragility of Kenya’s democracy and the depth of its ethnic divisions. Yet even in this national trauma, Raila found a path to redemption.

    The power-sharing agreement brokered by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which created the position of Prime Minister for him, allowed Kenya to step back from the brink. His tenure in that office, alongside President Kibaki in the Grand Coalition Government, demonstrated that he could govern responsibly and deliver tangible results.

    Raila Odinga’s body lying in state.
    Raila Odinga’s body lying in state.

    Perhaps his most enduring contribution to Kenya was his relentless advocacy for constitutional reform. The 2010 Constitution, which fundamentally restructured how Kenya is governed, bears his imprint more than any other political leader of his generation. The devolution of power and resources to county governments, the strengthened Bill of Rights, the creation of independent commissions to check executive power, these were reforms Raila had championed for decades.

    As Kisumu Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o noted at the funeral, without Raila, Kenya might not have realized the transformative constitution it now enjoys.

    His subsequent presidential campaigns in 2013, 2017, and 2022 all ended in defeat, though his supporters consistently claimed electoral manipulation. The 2017 election was particularly dramatic.

    After the Supreme Court nullified the initial results and ordered a fresh poll, which he boycotted, Raila participated in a mock swearing-in ceremony as the “People’s President” at Uhuru Park. It was a moment of maximum tension, with the nation teetering on the edge of another crisis.

    Yet within months, he would stun the country again by shaking hands with President Kenyatta on the steps of Harambee House, initiating the famous handshake that would redefine his final years.

    The handshake marked Raila’s evolution from perpetual opposition leader to elder statesman. The Building Bridges Initiative that followed, though ultimately struck down by the courts, represented his vision of a more inclusive political system.

    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)
    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)

    His subsequent engagement with the William Ruto administration, which saw ODM members join a broad-based government in 2024, was controversial among his supporters but consistent with his belief in dialogue over confrontation.

    As former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo observed at the funeral, “Tolerance is a lesson of love. Raila tolerated accommodation.”

    What distinguished Raila from other African opposition leaders was his ability to maintain relevance across generations. While many of his contemporaries faded into irrelevance or were consumed by bitterness after electoral defeats, Raila continually reinvented himself.

    He built the Orange Democratic Movement into arguably Kenya’s most enduring political party, marking its 20th anniversary just weeks after his death.

    He cultivated a fanatical following that transcended ethnic boundaries, though his base remained strongest in Nyanza and parts of coastal Kenya. His nicknames spoke to his multifaceted persona: Enigma, Agwambo (the mysterious one), Tinga, Nyundo (the hammer), Jakom (the chairman), and simply Baba (father).

    The Raila brand was built on more than political platforms or policy positions. It was emotional, visceral, rooted in symbols and stories.

    His trademark cap, his rolling gait, his finger-wagging speeches, his ability to quote Shakespeare and traditional proverbs in the same breath, his famous laugh, these elements created a political identity that existed somewhere between myth and memory.

    When his daughter Winnie carried that iconic cap at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport as his body was returned from India, she was not merely carrying a hat but the weight of an entire political legacy.

    Throughout his career, Raila demonstrated an almost supernatural ability to survive political obituaries.

    After each electoral defeat, analysts would declare his career finished, only to watch him reemerge stronger. This resilience was rooted in his genuine connection with ordinary Kenyans who saw in him a champion of their aspirations and grievances.

    Whether he was crusading against corruption, demanding electoral reforms, or fighting for the rights of the marginalized, Raila positioned himself as the voice of those locked out of power.

    His decades-long fight for democracy, human rights, and constitutional reform is well documented and forms the core of his historical legacy.

    The state funeral accorded to him, complete with a 17-gun salute and military fly-past, was unprecedented for someone who had never been president. As Siaya Governor James Orengo noted, it was the first such honor for a leader from Nyanza region.

    His father Jaramogi, despite serving as Vice President, never received a state funeral.

    Tom Mboya and Robert Ouko, other prominent leaders from the region who met tragic ends, were not honored in this manner.

    The recognition reflected not just Raila’s individual achievements but also a national acknowledgment of historical injustices and the need for inclusive commemoration of Kenya’s heroes.

    State funeral of Raila Odinga
    State funeral of Raila Odinga

    Yet even in death, mysteries remained. The 1982 coup that first thrust him into the national spotlight has never been fully explained. Despite promises to write a comprehensive account, Raila took to his grave the full details of his role in that failed attempt to overthrow Moi.

    His 2006 biography was vague on the matter, and his 2013 autobiography described his involvement as merely “peripheral.” The question of whether his release from detention without prosecution involved a political deal with Moi remains unanswered. These ambiguities, rather than diminishing his legacy, seemed to enhance the enigma that defined him.

    The tributes at his funeral revealed the breadth of his influence. Speaker after speaker, from current leaders to liberation struggle comrades, acknowledged his role in shaping modern Kenya.

    Former Speaker Justin Muturi, despite political differences, praised his tenacity and deep love for country. Senior Counsel Paul Muite recalled their shared struggles for justice.

    Former Imenti Central MP Gitobu Imanyara spoke of lives that “are lived out loud, with conviction and cost, shaped by purpose and defined by endurance.” Even those who had opposed him politically could not deny the magnitude of his impact.

    State funeral for Raila Odinga in Bondo.
    State funeral for Raila Odinga in Bondo.

    For the Luo community, Raila’s death represented something beyond the loss of a political leader. He was the custodian of their identity and pride, the embodiment of their long exclusion from the presidency and their determination to remain relevant in national politics. Yet even here, he challenged traditions.

    His funeral arrangements, reportedly kept deliberately simple by his wishes, symbolized a break from the often financially ruinous excesses of Luo burial customs.

    It was a final statement about values and priorities, about substance over spectacle, even as the state provided the spectacle he had never sought.

    The question of succession looms large. ODM has named his elder brother Oburu Odinga as party leader, a gesture toward continuity. But the crowds at his funeral did not chant “Oburu.” They chanted “Baba.” And in the absence of Baba, eyes turned to Winnie Odinga, his daughter, who has emerged as perhaps the most visible keeper of his political flame.

    Winnie Odinga stands as she delivers last speech during father’s funeral in Bondo.
    Winnie Odinga stands as she delivers last speech during father’s funeral in Bondo.

    Whether she or anyone else can inherit the Raila brand remains an open question. As Siaya Governor Orengo reminded mourners, “There are those who lead political parties and have abused Raila without knowing that without Raila, they would not be leading those parties.”

    What is certain is that Kenya’s political landscape will look profoundly different without Raila Odinga. For over 40 years, he was the constant thread running through every major political development. He set agendas, framed debates, and forced governments to reform even from opposition.

    He transformed what it meant to lose elections in Kenya, showing that defeat need not mean political death or descent into violence. He demonstrated that leadership is not confined to formal office, that influence can be exercised through moral authority and popular legitimacy.

    History will debate where Raila ranks among Africa’s political giants. He never achieved the continental profile of a Nelson Mandela or a Julius Nyerere.

    He did not lead his country to independence or preside over decades of nation-building like Jomo Kenyatta or Julius Kambarage Nyerere. But in the specific context of democratic struggle and constitutional reform in a multiparty era, few African leaders have left a more substantial mark.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    He proved that opposition politics could be principled and consequential, that one could challenge power without destroying the state, that reform was possible within the system even when the system seemed designed to resist change.

    As the soil covered his coffin at Kang’o ka Jaramogi, next to his father who had died 31 years earlier, the symbolism was complete. Two generations of Odingas, both denied the presidency they arguably deserved, both crucial to Kenya’s political evolution, now rested together.

    The son had surpassed the father in impact and reach, had taken the family legacy from regional grievance to national transformation. He had changed Kenya without ever ruling it, had left institutions and freedoms as his monument rather than buildings or statues.

    The curtain has fallen on Raila Odinga’s chapter in Kenyan history, but the pages he wrote will be studied for generations. He leaves behind a more democratic Kenya, a more devolved system of governance, a more vibrant civil society, and a political culture where opposition is not treason and dialogue is possible even after bitter contests.

    He leaves millions who called him Baba and meant it, who saw in him not just a political leader but a father figure fighting for their rights and dignity. He leaves a wife, Ida, who stood by him through detentions, exiles, and five presidential campaigns. He leaves children who must now decide what to do with a name and a legacy that loom so large.

    Most importantly, he leaves an example. In an era when African politics often seems defined by strongmen clinging to power, corruption eating away at institutions, and opposition leaders either co-opted or crushed, Raila Odinga showed a different path.

    He showed that one could fight the system without becoming what one fought against, that one could lose elections and maintain dignity, that power could be challenged and even changed through persistence and principle.

    He was not perfect; he made political calculations, struck deals that disappointed supporters, and sometimes seemed to compromise on ideals. But he never stopped fighting for a better Kenya.

    As President Ruto said at the funeral, capturing perhaps the essential paradox of Raila’s life, “He was fondly referred to as the people’s president. We honor him with a lot of respect because of his contribution to the nation.”

    A people’s president who never won a presidential election. A man who ruled without occupying the seat of power. A political engineer who built a more democratic Kenya while repeatedly being denied its leadership.

    This was Raila Amolo Odinga, and the curtain that has fallen on his life marks the end of the most consequential opposition leadership in Kenya’s history. The stage will not see his like again.

    President Ruto throws soil into the grave of Raila Odinga.
    President Ruto throws soil into the grave of Raila Odinga.
  • The Enigma’s Final Act: How Raila Odinga Orchestrated His Own Succession

    The Enigma’s Final Act: How Raila Odinga Orchestrated His Own Succession

    A master strategist to the end, Kenya’s opposition stalwart spent his final years quietly arranging the political furniture for a community that had followed him through five decades of struggle

    The signs were always there, hidden in plain sight like clues in a detective novel that only make sense when you reach the final page.

    When Raila Amollo Odinga breathed his last in an Indian hospital on the morning of October 15, 2025, those who had watched him closely over the preceding two years realized they had been witnessing something extraordinary: a political titan preparing for his own exit with the same meticulous care he had brought to five presidential campaigns.

    At 80, Raila had lived what Africans call a full life, the kind that earns a man the right to be called an elder without irony.

    But unlike many leaders who cling to relevance until their final breath, Raila seemed to understand that his greatest service to the Luo community might be ensuring they would not be orphaned by his death.

    The question that has consumed political analysts since his passing is not whether he knew his time was coming, but rather how deliberately he prepared for it.

    Consider the sequence of events. In early 2025, Raila threw himself into the Piny Luo Festival in Siaya with an enthusiasm that surprised even his closest allies.

    This was no ordinary cultural gathering.

    Representatives came from South Sudan, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, all united by the Dholuo language that had scattered across East Africa over centuries of migration.

    Raila was installed as the titular head of this transnational community, and witnesses say his excitement was palpable, almost childlike.

    For a man who had spent decades in the hard-nosed world of Kenyan politics, this sudden embrace of cultural ceremony seemed anomalous. But viewed through the lens of what came after, it takes on new meaning.

    Raila was claiming his place in history not just as a politician but as a custodian of his people, ensuring that the Luo would remain united even as his own chapter closed.

    The more dramatic shift came in his political posture.

    After a lifetime of confrontation with the establishment, after detention without trial, after elections he believed were stolen from him, after the 2007 violence that nearly tore Kenya apart, Raila suddenly became an apostle of reconciliation.

    He extended hands to Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, men who had been his bitterest rivals.

    He accepted positions in government that his supporters viewed as capitulation. He became, in his twilight years, a peacemaker.

    When the Gen Z protests of June 2024 threatened to topple President Ruto’s government, it was Raila who stepped in to calm the waters.

    Young people who had idolized him for his fighting spirit were bewildered.

    Why was their champion now counseling patience and dialogue? Why was he, of all people, telling them to trust constitutional processes? The backlash was fierce.

    Social media exploded with accusations of betrayal. The hashtag that had once celebrated him now turned on him with venom.

    Raila-Ruto handshake.

    But Raila held firm, insisting that Kenya had mature democratic structures capable of addressing political grievances without descending into chaos.

    For those who had lived through the destruction of 2007 and 2008, his position made sense. For younger Kenyans who had not experienced that trauma, it looked like surrender.

    Political analysts now suggest something more profound was at work.

    After spending decades fighting to build democratic institutions in Kenya, Raila could not countenance leaving those institutions in ruins.

    He had broken the rules of dictatorship, expanded democratic space, and midwifed a new constitution. To let Kenya burn as he departed would have negated everything he had fought for.

    The shrewdest move, however, was one that only became apparent after his death.

    Raila had quietly placed the Luo community under the political protection of President Ruto. This was not surrender but strategy, a lesson drawn from Kenya’s political history.

    When Jomo Kenyatta died in 1978, the Kikuyu community found itself under the guardianship of Daniel arap Moi, who had become president against the wishes of powerful figures in Kenyatta’s inner circle.

    Moi became their foster political parent until he could hand them back to one of their own, Mwai Kibaki, who in turn prepared the way for Uhuru Kenyatta. When Moi’s own tenure ended in controversy in 2002, the Kalenjin faced hostility as collateral damage for his excesses.

    It was Raila who took them under his wing, protecting them politically until William Ruto emerged as their natural leader.

    Now the cycle completes itself.

    The Luo, who have never tasted the presidency despite Raila’s five attempts, find themselves tucked under Ruto’s political umbrella. This arrangement serves multiple purposes.

    It prevents the community from fragmenting into rival factions in the power vacuum left by Raila’s death. It ensures they retain political relevance at the national level. And it buys time for organic leadership to emerge from within.

    Those hoping to harvest Luo votes for the 2027 elections may find themselves disappointed. The community that followed Raila through decades of struggle is unlikely to scatter at the first opportunity.

    More probably, they will remain in their current political home until a new leader emerges naturally, someone with the stature to claim Raila’s mantle without the artifice of appointment.

    In his final two years, Raila handled the subjects of death and the afterlife with what observers described as admirable stoicism.

    He spoke of ancestors and legacy with the ease of a man who had made peace with mortality. He put his entrepreneurial affairs in order, his vast interests in oil and gas, hospitality, real estate and farming distributed according to plans he had laid carefully.

    This was not the behavior of a man caught off guard by death. This was the behavior of someone who had received what Africans call the signs, the intimations from nature that a man’s time on earth is drawing to a close.

    In traditional African thought, respected elders are granted this foreknowledge so they can arrange their affairs and ease the transition for those they leave behind.

    Whether Raila received such signs, or whether he simply read the state of his health with clear eyes, the effect was the same. He took control of his narrative one final time.

    The man who had been Kenya’s perennial opposition leader spent his last act becoming its statesman, the father figure who could put the nation’s interests above his own ambitions.

    His critics have called this final transformation a betrayal, a capitulation to the forces he had spent a lifetime fighting.

    His defenders see something nobler: a leader who loved his country more than he loved the fight, who understood that his legacy would be measured not by the elections he won but by the democracy he helped to build and the people he left behind in capable hands.

    Raila Amollo Odinga, called Agwambo, the enigma, has exited the stage. But unlike actors who simply disappear when the curtain falls, he has left detailed stage directions for those who remain.

    Whether they follow his script remains to be seen, but they cannot say he left them unprepared. In death as in life, Raila made sure he had the last word.

    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.
    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.
  • Jowi! Why Raila’s Funeral Is The First of a Kind in Kenyan History

    Jowi! Why Raila’s Funeral Is The First of a Kind in Kenyan History

    The lakeside city of Kisumu stood still on that Saturday morning, its streets transformed into rivers of grief as tens of thousands poured out to bid farewell to their political colossus.

    When the Kenya Air Force Leonardo C-27J Spartan, call sign Enigma01, descended through the early morning mist and touched down at Kisumu Airport at precisely 7:20am, two fire trucks released twin arcs of water over the aircraft in a ceremonial salute reserved for the most distinguished of the nation’s sons.

    Inside that military craft lay the body of former Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga, draped in the national flag, making his final journey home not as the president he never became, but as something perhaps more remarkable: a leader whose influence transcended the very office he perpetually sought but never attained.

    The Kenya Air Force jet hands over Raila Odinga's body to Kenya Air Force chopper that will directly lift the body to Mamboleo Grounds in Kisumu.
    The Kenya Air Force jet hands over Raila Odinga’s body to Kenya Air Force chopper that will directly lift the body to Mamboleo Grounds in Kisumu.

    The spectacle that unfolded across four days, from the moment news broke of Odinga’s death in India to his interment at Kang’o ka Jaramogi in Bondo, represented an unprecedented convergence of state power, cultural tradition, and popular emotion that Kenya had never witnessed for anyone outside the presidency.

    That Raila Odinga received full military honours comparable only to those accorded former heads of state speaks to a profound shift in how the Kenyan state chooses to remember its most consequential figures, regardless of whether they ever occupied State House.

    The honours bestowed upon Odinga were methodical in their symbolism.

    His casket, borne by military pallbearers on a gun carriage through the streets of Nairobi, his body lying in state in Parliament, the military processions in three cities, and the gun salute at his burial site represented a checklist of ceremonial dignity that only four other Kenyans had received before him: presidents Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi, and Mwai Kibaki, along with General Francis Ogolla, who died in office as Chief of Defence Forces.

    Even Michael Kijana Wamalwa, who perished while serving as vice president in 2003, did not receive the full complement of these military honours.

    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.
    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.

    The decision by President William Ruto to accord Odinga a state funeral marked a historic departure from Kenya’s traditional treatment of opposition figures.

    For decades, the relationship between the state and its most vocal critics remained adversarial even in death. But Ruto’s gesture, political though it undoubtedly was, signalled something deeper about Kenya’s maturing democracy.

    It acknowledged that Odinga’s contribution to the nation’s political evolution, his decades of struggle for constitutional reform, his role in the return of multiparty democracy, and his capacity to mobilise millions made him a statesman whose legacy belonged to all Kenyans, not merely to his Orange Democratic Movement party or to his Luo community.

    The spontaneous outpouring of public grief disrupted even the most carefully laid government plans.

    At Jomo Kenyatta International Stadium in Kisumu, what was intended as an orderly public viewing descended into controlled chaos as the 30,000-capacity facility overflowed with mourners, thousands more locked outside its gates.

    Security planners had envisioned a stately procession from Kisumu to Bondo, but the sheer weight of humanity forced Interior Principal Secretary Raymond Omollo to abandon those plans and instead airlift the body by military helicopter.

    The people, it seemed, would not be choreographed.

    State funeral for Raila Odinga.
    State funeral for Raila Odinga.

    This popular defiance of official protocol had precedent in Kenyan history. When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga died in January 1994, tens of thousands followed his body from Kisumu to Bondo on foot, chanting freedom songs and waving palm branches in what became a spontaneous demonstration of love that no government decree could contain. But where Jaramogi’s funeral occurred during the tense early years of Kenya’s renewed multiparty democracy, when the state viewed the Odinga influence with suspicion and maintained oppressive security measures, his son’s sendoff unfolded in a vastly different political climate.

    The government was not merely tolerating the mourning; it was orchestrating it.

    Yet for all the state’s involvement, Raila’s funeral remained authentically rooted in Luo cultural traditions, creating a fascinating hybrid of military precision and ancestral ritual.

    The performance of Tero Buru, the ceremonial driving away of death from the homestead, saw mourners break through security barriers at Odinga’s Opoda farm, dressed in traditional attire, armed with spears and shields, driving cattle and invoking ancestral spirits.

    The Anglican Church, under Bishop David Kodia of Bondo Diocese, negotiated this cultural minefield with diplomatic skill, allowing traditions deemed not harmful while maintaining that the actual burial service would be a Christian affair.

    The choice of burial site itself became a matter of cultural and familial negotiation that revealed the tensions inherent in honouring a man who straddled tradition and modernity.

    Some elders argued that Odinga should rest at Opoda, the home he had established after leaving his father’s compound, following the Luo custom of goyo dala, where sons create their own homesteads. Others insisted he belonged beside Jaramogi at the family cemetery in Kang’o ka Jaramogi.

    The latter view prevailed, and a mausoleum was constructed to house Raila alongside his father, physically reuniting in death two men who had shaped Kenya’s political consciousness across seven decades.

    What distinguished Raila’s funeral most profoundly from any that preceded it was this unique combination of elements: the full machinery of state power deployed for an opposition leader, the integration of indigenous cultural practices into official ceremony, and the sheer scale of public participation that repeatedly overwhelmed security arrangements.

    When mourners in Nairobi forced their way past barricades at Kasarani Stadium on Thursday, or when they stormed into the viewing at Jomo Kenyatta Stadium in Kisumu on Saturday, they were not merely grieving; they were asserting ownership over the narrative of Odinga’s life and death.

    Mourners gather to receive the body of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on October 16, 2025. Photo credit: PCS
    Mourners gather to receive the body of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on October 16, 2025. Photo credit: PCS

    This was, as one headline captured it, the people’s funeral.

    The symbolism extended beyond ceremony into political reconciliation. Just as Jaramogi had reconciled with President Daniel arap Moi before his death in 1994, so too had Raila reached an accommodation with President Ruto in the final year of his life.

    But where Jaramogi’s rapprochement with Moi was viewed with suspicion by younger opposition leaders who saw it as betrayal, Raila’s working relationship with Ruto appeared to have Bishop Kodia’s blessing.

    The cleric urged mourners to respect decisions Odinga had made before death, including his cooperation with the government, suggesting that even in his final political pivot, Raila retained the trust of his supporters.

    The funeral also marked a generational shift in how Kenyans mourn their leaders. Mzee Onyango Radiel, who served as Jaramogi’s aide and witnessed both father and son’s funerals, observed that where people gathered for Jaramogi out of traditional loyalty, they came for Raila out of something resembling spiritual connection.

    Raila, he suggested, had inspired faith in democracy the way prophets inspire faith in divinity.

    This transformation from ethnic champion to national icon, from regional kingpin to statesman, was perhaps Odinga’s greatest achievement, one that only became fully visible in the breadth of mourning that accompanied his passing.

    The contrast with Jaramogi’s funeral illuminated how far Kenya had travelled in 31 years. When the elder Odinga died, the state maintained nervous distance, wary of the opposition’s capacity for mobilisation.

    At Jaramogi’s first anniversary in 1995, that wariness proved justified when police clashed with mourners in violence that left the event blood-stained and saw even visiting Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo later arrested and charged with treason upon his return home for allegedly plotting with Kenya’s opposition. No such tensions marred Raila’s sendoff.

    The teargas incident at Kasarani that so distressed Oburu Oginga, who pleaded that his brother not be subjected to the chemical irritant in death as he had been countless times in life, was an aberration rather than the norm.

    Public viewing of Odinga’s body at Mamboleo Grounds, Kisumu.
    Public viewing of Odinga’s body at Mamboleo Grounds, Kisumu.

    The media coverage itself represented a departure from tradition. Where Jaramogi’s death struck suddenly with no advance warning, Raila’s passing in a hospital in India allowed for preparation, for the mobilisation of resources, and for the kind of saturation coverage that social media enables.

    The hashtags, the live streams, the minute-by-minute updates transformed a funeral into a national event experienced simultaneously by millions, collapsing the distance between Bondo and Nairobi, between Kenya and its diaspora.

    The traditional mourning song “Jowi! Jowi!” became a viral phenomenon, its haunting refrain carrying across digital networks and physical spaces alike.

    In the final analysis, what made Raila Odinga’s funeral the first of its kind in Kenyan history was not any single element but rather the unprecedented combination of factors that converged in those October days.

    It was the first time the full apparatus of state honour was extended to someone who never held executive office.

    It was the first time military tradition, Christian ceremony, and indigenous cultural practices were so deliberately and publicly interwoven.

    It was the first time a funeral became both a state occasion and a popular uprising, where official protocol repeatedly gave way to the will of mourners who refused to be contained.

    Most significantly, it represented the first time Kenya buried a leader whose legitimacy derived not from state power but from moral authority, not from electoral victory but from decades of struggle, not from the office he held but from the millions who believed in the vision he represented.

    As dusk settled over the twin tombs at Kang’o ka Jaramogi, father and son reunited beneath marble and earth, it became clear that Kenya had found a new way to honour its heroes.

    The presidency, that office Raila Odinga pursued through five elections and never attained, suddenly seemed less important than the question President Ruto posed during the memorial service: “Who will cry when you die?”

    For Raila Amolo Odinga, the answer thundered across four days and three cities, delivered by a nation that wept.

    A mourner overwhelmed by grief at Mamboleo grounds where thousands da turned up for the public viewing of Raila’s body in Kisumu.
    A mourner overwhelmed by grief at Mamboleo grounds where thousands da turned up for the public viewing of Raila’s body in Kisumu.
  • Raila Enters A Nation’s Coveted Books of State Funerals and Full Military Honors

    Raila Enters A Nation’s Coveted Books of State Funerals and Full Military Honors

    The morning air hung heavy over Nairobi on Friday, October 17, 2025, as the casket bearing the body of Raila Amolo Odinga was lifted onto a gun carriage and began its solemn journey from Lee Funeral Home to Parliament Buildings.

    The national flag flew at half-mast across the capital, and thousands lined the streets in silence as the Kenya Defence Forces band played mournful hymns that echoed through the city’s boulevards.

    Above, a police helicopter circled Parliament in what seemed a ceremonial tribute to a man who had spent decades addressing crowds from those very grounds, calling for change, justice, and reform.

    This was no ordinary funeral. It was a state funeral with full military honors, a distinction reserved for only the most consequential figures in Kenya’s history.

    As Odinga’s body lay in state at Parliament Buildings, guarded by uniformed officers standing at attention, the nation paused to acknowledge that one of its most polarizing yet influential political figures had taken his place among an exceedingly select group of Kenyans to receive such recognition.

    State funeral for Raila Odinga.
    State funeral for Raila Odinga.

    The procession from Parliament to Nyayo Stadium captured the magnitude of the moment. The gun carriage, draped in the tricolor national flag, moved with deliberate slowness as soldiers marched alongside with military precision.

    When the casket arrived at the stadium where thousands had gathered, pallbearers lifted it with ceremonial care as choir harmonies mingled with the rhythmic beat of drums.

    The scene was steeped in reverence, a final salute to a man who had, for more than five decades, shaped and reshaped Kenya’s political landscape.

    State funerals in Kenya are not commonplace events. They are rare, carefully orchestrated ceremonies that blend Commonwealth traditions with African cultural practices, reserved exclusively for individuals whose lives have indelibly marked the nation’s consciousness.

    The practice of lying in state, borrowed from British ceremonial tradition, serves both symbolic and democratic purposes. It allows ordinary citizens to participate in bidding farewell to extraordinary leaders, creating moments of collective mourning that transcend political divides.

    The blueprint for Kenya’s state funerals was established in 1978 following the death of founding president Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.

    When Kenyatta died suddenly in Mombasa, his body was flown to Nairobi and placed in state at Parliament Buildings in a glass-topped coffin. For ten days, Kenyans from every corner of the young republic filed past, many weeping openly.

    The funeral itself was unprecedented in its grandeur. The Kenya Army led a magnificent procession with the casket mounted on a gun carriage pulled by naval officers.

    A nineteen-gun salute thundered across the city, followed by the haunting notes of “The Last Post,” the military bugle call signaling the end of duty.

    Fighter jets roared overhead in tight formation. It was the first time independent Kenya had witnessed such pageantry, a declaration to the world that a founding father had departed.

    For the next quarter century, no other Kenyan would receive comparable honors. The grandeur of Kenyatta’s farewell remained singular until 2003, when Vice President Michael Kijana Wamalwa died just months into his tenure in the NARC government. Wamalwa’s body lay in state at Parliament, marking the first time a vice president received such recognition.

    However, his funeral, while solemn and state-funded, lacked the full military honors accorded to Kenyatta. There was no gun carriage, no artillery salute, no aerial display. The distinction was clear: state funerals could be granted, but full military honors remained reserved for an even more exclusive tier.

    This pattern continued with subsequent state funerals. When Professor Wangari Maathai, the Nobel laureate and environmental champion, died in 2011, President Mwai Kibaki’s government accorded her a state funeral, the first woman in Kenya’s history to receive such recognition.

    Her coffin, crafted from water hyacinth and bamboo in tribute to her environmental legacy, was carried by Kenya Defence Forces pallbearers.

    The military presence added ceremonial weight, but there were no gun salutes or fighter jet formations. Instead, her farewell featured songs, poetry, and green tributes celebrating her life’s work protecting Kenya’s forests and championing human rights.

    Former First Lady Lucy Kibaki’s state funeral in 2016 followed a similar pattern.

    Held in Othaya and officiated by clergy with uniformed officers present, it was dignified yet subdued, lacking the military spectacle that defines the highest level of state recognition.

    The landscape changed dramatically in 2020 with the death of Daniel arap Moi, Kenya’s longest-serving president.

    At age ninety-five, Moi’s passing marked the end of an era. His coffin lay in state for three days at Parliament as Kenyans queued for hours to pay their respects.

    On the morning of his burial, the sound of artillery fire echoed across Nairobi as the Kenya Army delivered a nineteen-gun salute.

    His casket was drawn on a gun carriage to Nyayo Stadium, escorted by a full military parade. Fighter jets painted contrails across the sky, and buglers from the Defence Forces played “The Last Post.” Moi had joined Kenyatta in that most exclusive club: presidents who received full military honors at burial.

    Two years later, when Mwai Kibaki died in April 2022, the nation once again engaged in the familiar rituals of state mourning.

    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.
    President Ruto pays last respect to Raila Odinga lying in state in parliament building.

    The government declared three days of national mourning, and Kibaki’s body lay in state at Parliament for public viewing. At Nyayo Stadium, the Kenya Defence Forces executed the ceremony with characteristic precision. A gun carriage bore his flag-draped coffin.

    As the national anthem played, a nineteen-gun salute broke the morning silence, each volley symbolizing the nation’s final respect to a leader remembered for economic reform and quiet integrity. Kibaki became the third president to receive full military honors, cementing the tradition that Kenya’s heads of state would be honored with the highest ceremonial protocols.

    Between these presidential funerals, other notable Kenyans received state recognition without full military honors. In 2023, Mukami Kimathi, widow of Mau Mau freedom fighter Dedan Kimathi, was accorded a state funeral in Nyandarua County.

    Though not granted a gun salute, military officers formed part of her procession in a ceremony both historical and symbolic, representing the nation finally paying its debt to the freedom generation.

    The following year brought an unusual state funeral for marathon world record holder Kelvin Kiptum, who died in a car crash at just twenty-four. His coffin was draped in the national flag in recognition of the pride he brought Kenya through his record-breaking achievements.

    It was a rare honor for a sportsman, demonstrating that state funerals could extend beyond politicians to encompass national heroes from other spheres.

    Then, in April 2024, came the devastating death of General Francis Omondi Ogolla, Chief of Defence Forces, in a helicopter crash alongside nine officers. His send-off in Siaya combined the highest state and military traditions.

    A gun carriage bore his flag-draped coffin, and a nineteen-gun salute thundered through the hills as military jets soared overhead.

    It was perhaps the most complete display of military ceremony Kenya had witnessed since independence, honoring not just a general but the very institution of the armed forces.

    The Defence Forces follow strict protocols regarding military honors.

    According to their Standing Orders, full military honors typically include a flag-draped casket signifying state burial, military pallbearers, a gun salute, and the playing of “The Last Post.” Those entitled to state burials include serving and retired presidents, serving and retired prime ministers who act as head of state or government, serving and retired vice or deputy presidents, and general officers up to the rank of brigadier.

    The orders further stipulate graduated honors: serving presidents receive a twenty-one-gun salute, retired presidents and sitting prime ministers receive nineteen guns, while retired prime ministers are honored with seventeen guns.

    With Raila Odinga’s funeral, Kenya adds a tenth name to its list of state funerals and a fifth to the even more exclusive roster of those accorded full military honors.

    As a former prime minister who served in Kenya’s unique power-sharing government from 2008 to 2013, Odinga occupied a constitutional role that entitled him to the highest ceremonial recognition. Yet his inclusion in this pantheon extends beyond constitutional entitlement.

    Odinga’s political career spanned more than five decades, during which he emerged as one of Kenya’s most consequential figures, shaping the nation’s democratic trajectory through liberation struggles, election battles, constitutional reforms, and ultimately coalition governance.

    The symbolism of according Odinga full military honors carries particular weight given his complex relationship with Kenya’s security establishment over the years.

    From his detention without trial in the 1980s to his role as prime minister commanding state resources, his journey traced Kenya’s own evolution from authoritarian rule to multiparty democracy

    The military precision with which his funeral was conducted, the gun carriage bearing his remains, the nineteen-gun salute echoing across Nairobi, represented not just protocol but reconciliation, a nation acknowledging that even its most contentious political figures deserve honor when their service to the republic is undeniable.

    As Odinga’s coffin rested under tight military guard ahead of his final journey to Bondo, the bugler’s notes still hung in the air, marking both an ending and a beginning.

    The closing of one era and the quiet assurance that in Kenya, some legacies transcend the political battles that defined them. State funerals with full military honors remain rare precisely because they are meant to unite the nation beyond partisan divisions. They are moments when flags, anthems, and uniforms merge into collective acts of remembrance.

    From the solemn march at Kenyatta’s funeral to the thundering salutes at Raila Odinga’s send-off, each ceremony has reminded Kenyans that their nation still knows how to honor service, sacrifice, and leadership. The military presence at these funerals, with its discipline, order, and solemnity, offers a visual metaphor for continuity, suggesting that even as individual leaders pass, the institutions they served endure.

    Kenya’s ten state funerals spanning nearly five decades tell the story of a nation grappling with how to honor its most significant figures.

    State funeral for Raila Odinga.
    State funeral for Raila Odinga.

    They reveal a country that has developed its own ceremonial traditions, blending inherited Commonwealth protocols with indigenous practices to create uniquely Kenyan moments of national mourning.

    The distinction between state funerals with and without full military honors reflects careful calibration of recognition, ensuring that the highest ceremonial protocols remain reserved for those whose roles and contributions merit the nation’s most solemn tribute.

    Raila Odinga now joins Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi, Mwai Kibaki, and Francis Ogolla in that most exclusive circle. His entry into this coveted book represents more than ceremonial protocol.

    It marks official recognition that however divisive his politics may have been during his lifetime, his contribution to Kenya’s democratic journey earned him a place among those the nation chooses to immortalize not through power, but through the way it says goodbye.

    As the final preparations continue for his burial in Bondo, the message resonates clearly: in Kenya’s evolving democracy, even the fiercest opposition leader can ultimately be embraced by the state, honored with its highest military traditions, and remembered as someone who, despite everything, served the republic.

    That transformation from political combatant to honored statesman, formalized through the ancient rituals of military pageantry, may be the most powerful legacy of Kenya’s state funerals with full military honors.

    Raila’s body being wheeled out of military plane.
    Raila’s body being wheeled out of military plane.
  • Maurice Ogeta, Raila’s Bodyguard: The Shadow Who Became The Story

    Maurice Ogeta, Raila’s Bodyguard: The Shadow Who Became The Story

    In the annals of Kenya’s political history, there exists a peculiar breed of men who live in perpetual alertness, whose eyes scan crowds for threats while the rest of us see only faces.

    These men walk when others run, stand when others sit, and remain vigilant when others sleep.

    Maurice Ogeta, the personal bodyguard to the late Raila Odinga, was one such man, and now, in death, his boss has released him from his most sacred duty, though not from his grief.

    When Raila Odinga’s body lay in state at Parliament Buildings on Friday, October 17, 2025, it was Ogeta’s tears that captured the nation’s attention almost as much as the casket itself.

    Here was a man trained to suppress emotion, schooled in the art of stoicism, crumbling under the weight of a loss that transcended the professional relationship most assumed defined their bond.

    The late Prime Minister Raila Odinga and his bodyguard Maurice Ogeta.PHOTO/@RailaOdinga/X
    The late Prime Minister Raila Odinga and his bodyguard Maurice Ogeta.PHOTO/@RailaOdinga/X

    Dressed in a dark blue suit and wearing sunglasses that could not hide his trembling lips, Ogeta appeared visibly shaken as he entered the hall, his steps unsteady, his composure shattered .

    In a tribute released before the public viewing, Ogeta had written that his commitment over years of service had blossomed into both a comradeship of trust and a near father and son relationship. Those were not the carefully crafted words of a political operative seeking attention. They were the raw confession of a man who had discovered, somewhere between protecting a life and sharing it, that duty had transformed into devotion, and the principal had become something closer to kin.

    Maurice Ogeta hails from Kondele, a densely populated neighborhood in Kisumu County, with his family residing in Komolo, Uyoma.

    He is a man who has deliberately kept the private details of his life away from public scrutiny, understanding perhaps better than most that in the shadows lies safety.

    Yet those shadows were pierced violently in July 2023, when the very profession that defined him turned against him.

    During a politically charged period in 2023, Ogeta was abducted by unknown men believed to be police officers.

    For days, he vanished.

    When finally released, he was found blindfolded and visibly shaken.

    He spent three days in solitary confinement, subjected to relentless questioning about Raila’s whereabouts and protest plans, his captors repeatedly asking about the demonstration routes and itineraries.

    The interrogation was rough, physically turning him around, questioning whether he was a police officer himself, though he maintained throughout that Raila was unwell and he did not have the itinerary.

    What would drive a man back to a post that had nearly cost him his life? Duty alone does not explain it. Money certainly does not suffice as justification.

    Despite the trauma, Ogeta never wavered.

    He returned to his post, standing beside Raila through rallies, negotiations and moments of national tension.

    There exists a loyalty in this world that cannot be purchased or commanded. It can only be earned through years of mutual trust, through moments when words are unnecessary because understanding runs deeper than language.

    Ogeta’s career spans over two decades of elite military and security training across the globe, with reports indicating he received professional instruction in Afghanistan and France for two years each, focusing on advanced protection, intelligence gathering and tactical response.

    He reportedly trained with Israel’s special forces for fifteen years and Russian forces for ten years, gaining expertise in counter surveillance, rapid combat reaction and high level personal protection, with skills including marksmanship, quick response and weapon detection.

    He is said to be multilingual, reportedly fluent in more than fifteen international languages including German, Russian, Arabic and Chinese .

    Yet all that training, all those languages, all that expertise in detecting threats and neutralizing danger, proved useless on the morning of October 15, 2025. Ogeta was among the close associates present moments before Raila collapsed during a morning walk in India.

    Trained in emergency response, Ogeta attempted to administer CPR on the politician, but the efforts proved futile.

    There are enemies a bodyguard can see coming, threats that can be intercepted, bullets that can be blocked with one’s own body if necessary. But cardiac arrest respects no security detail, acknowledges no perimeter, and breaks through every defense.

    The tarmac at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport fell silent as the aircraft bearing Raila’s body touched down on October 16, with emotional photos capturing Ogeta breaking down in tears as the casket was offloaded from the Kenya Airways plane.

    Viral footage showed Ogeta in tears as Raila’s remains were loaded onto the plane, and upon arrival, photos captured him weeping as the casket was offloaded.

    The man who had walked in shadows now stood fully exposed in his humanity, his grief raw and unfiltered.

    At Parliament Buildings, the full measure of that grief became undeniable. President William Ruto, leading senior government officials in paying final respects, stepped forward to console Ogeta, embracing him and holding his hands while offering comforting words.

    Maurice Ogeta (far right in blue) seen escorting the coffin bearing the remains of the late Prime Minister Raila Odinga. during State Funeral at Nyayo Stadium.
    Maurice Ogeta (far right in blue) seen escorting the coffin bearing the remains of the late Prime Minister Raila Odinga. during State Funeral at Nyayo Stadium.

    Narok Senator Ledama Olekina stood nearby, gently guiding Ogeta aside as grief overwhelmed him, remaining by his side and offering comfort as mourners looked on in silence  . It was a moment that transcended politics, that reminded a divided nation of the common denominator of loss, of the universal language of sorrow.

    Kenyans on social media noted that as a bodyguard entrusted with protecting his boss’s life, Ogeta likely felt he had lost it since he was unable to secure his boss at the last minute, with many recognizing that those who walk through such experiences often beat themselves with blames and regrets . The what ifs, the flashbacks, the feeling of having failed someone you were sworn to protect. These are burdens that training manuals do not address, weights that no amount of physical conditioning can prepare one to carry.

    A video emerged showing Ogeta delivering what was reportedly Raila’s farewell suit to Lee Funeral Home after arriving from India, reportedly arriving early while Raila’s body was still at JKIA.

    Even in death, he was attending to the details, ensuring his principal would be presented with dignity.

    This is what loyalty looks like when stripped of pretense.

    It is delivering a suit to a funeral home. It is standing guard over a coffin instead of a living man. It is weeping not for cameras but because the heart cannot contain what the mind refuses to accept.

    Ogeta and Raila’s relationship began through their mutual involvement in sports and fitness activities, with Ogeta noting that Raila was a sportsperson who liked fitness and that they met, bonded, and the relationship developed from there.

    Sometimes the most profound connections begin with the simplest commonalities. Two men who valued physical discipline, who understood the importance of routine, who shared early morning hours when the world was still quiet.

    From those foundations, trust was built brick by brick, year by year, until the line between employer and employee blurred into something far more human.

    Now Ogeta stands at a crossroads that no training prepared him for. The man he protected is beyond protection.

    The routine that gave structure to his days has been shattered. The voice that gave orders has fallen silent.

    In Raila’s final days in India, Ogeta was among the few who remained close, a silent witness to the last chapter of a storied life.

    He was there at the beginning of the end, and he will be there at the burial, standing guard one final time.

    Kenya has lost a political titan, a man who shaped the nation’s democratic journey for decades. But Maurice Ogeta has lost something more personal, something harder to quantify or memorialize.

    He has lost the man who transformed his job into a calling, who taught him that loyalty is not just about standing between a principal and danger, but about standing beside someone through every season of their life.

    In protecting Raila Odinga with his life, Maurice Ogeta discovered that protection, in its truest form, is simply another word for love.

  • When Emotion Overwhelmed Protocol: Inside the JKIA Security Breach That Shocked a Nation

    When Emotion Overwhelmed Protocol: Inside the JKIA Security Breach That Shocked a Nation

    The aircraft wheels touched down on the JKIA tarmac at precisely 9:33 am on Thursday morning, October 16, 2025.

    Kenya Airways flight RAO001, a callsign changed mid-flight from KQ203 in honor of the man whose remains it carried, rolled along the runway as fire trucks sprayed ceremonial jets of water into the morning sky.

    It was supposed to be a moment of solemn dignity, a carefully choreographed state reception for former Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga, orchestrated down to the last military salute.

    Instead, within minutes, it became one of the most spectacular security breaches in the history of Kenya’s main aviation gateway, forcing authorities to shut down the entire airport for two hours and abandon protocols that had taken days to plan.

    What unfolded that morning was not merely a failure of security infrastructure but a testament to something far more profound and unpredictable: the raw, uncontainable grief of a nation losing one of its most towering political figures.

    The breach exposed the fundamental tension between state ceremony and popular emotion, between military precision and human spontaneity, between what security planners anticipated and what actually transpired when thousands of mourners decided that no barrier, no cordon, no uniformed officer would stand between them and their final glimpse of the man they called Baba.

    Security personnel had earlier set up tight security measures around the airport, but the sheer number of mourners overwhelmed the barriers, forcing authorities to abandon the planned military reception protocols.

    The arrangements had been meticulous. The casket carrying Raila’s body, draped in the national flag, was to be placed on a wheeled military carrier for a formal state reception, with President William Ruto scheduled to officially receive it, accompanied by former President Uhuru Kenyatta, top government officials, and senior leaders of the ODM party .

    But the planners had made a critical miscalculation.

    They had prepared for mourners, yes, even anticipated large crowds.

    What they had not prepared for was the sheer emotional intensity and determination of thousands who had woken before dawn, some traveling from as far as Kisumu and Mombasa, converging on JKIA with one singular purpose.

    These were not passive observers content to watch from designated viewing areas.

    Mourners gather to receive the body of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on October 16, 2025. Photo credit: PCS
    Mourners gather to receive the body of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on October 16, 2025. Photo credit: PCS

    These were supporters who had walked alongside Raila through decades of political struggle, who had been teargassed at his rallies, who had celebrated his victories and mourned his defeats, and who now refused to be kept at arm’s length during this final journey.

    The first breach came at the main entrance. Images and videos showed hundreds of civilians, presumably mourners, making their way towards a handful of security personnel, with authorities at the JKIA entrance attempting to negotiate with the crowd, but attempts failing as the crowd forcefully gained access to the airport, chanting phrases like “Baba has arrived”.

    It was not a violent surge but rather an unstoppable tide of human emotion.

    Security officers found themselves not facing criminals or terrorists, scenarios for which they had trained, but grieving citizens whose determination was fueled by loss and love.

    What happened next revealed the full extent of the security collapse.

    Crowds of mourners and boda boda riders gained access to the State Pavilion, with efforts by joint security personnel of military and GSU to contain the crowd proving futile as hundreds pushed past the barricades while others scaled the perimeter wall, chanting Raila’s name and waving twigs .

    The inclusion of boda boda riders added a particularly Kenyan dimension to the chaos.

    These motorcycle taxi operators, many of them young men from Nairobi’s informal settlements who viewed Raila as their champion, did not simply breach on foot. The boda boda riders who gained access to the facility rode into restricted areas, further overwhelming the officers on duty .

    The scene was surreal and unprecedented. Within minutes of the aircraft landing, the carefully planned military reception had disintegrated.

    Chief of the Defence Forces Charles Muriu Kahariri, who was present at the JKIA, was caught in the crowd and had a brief interaction with civilians before eventually succumbing to the sheer numbers present at the airport .

    When even the highest-ranking military officer in the country found himself swept up in the human wave, it became clear that this was not a security situation that could be managed through conventional means.

    President William Ruto, who was scheduled to lead the reception of Raila’s body, was unable to do so as the crowds became unruly, with former President Uhuru Kenyatta and other dignitaries also not visible amid the commotion.

    The symbolism was striking.

    Here were the most powerful figures in Kenya, prepared to honor their political rival with full state ceremony, rendered helpless by the very citizens they governed.

    Supporters surrounded Raila’s casket, leaving military personnel on the ground largely unable to control the situation, with efforts by Rarieda MP Otiende Amollo to calm the crowd unsuccessful as mourners continued to mill around the casket .

    The consequences were immediate and severe.

    The Kenya Airports Authority announced a temporary closure of the airspace over JKIA from 10:26 AM to 12:26 PM as a precautionary measure to ensure maximum safety and order during enhanced security rescreening operations.

    This was extraordinary. JKIA, which handles an average of 20,000 passengers daily and serves as Kenya’s primary international gateway, had been effectively shut down.

    Flights were delayed, passengers stranded, and the carefully synchronized rhythms of international aviation thrown into disarray.

    Acting Managing Director and CEO of KAA Mohamud Gedi stated that the closure was to facilitate an enhanced security rescreening operation, emphasizing that the safety and security of passengers, staff, and all airport users was their highest priority.

    The language was diplomatic, but the reality was stark: mourners had penetrated areas of the airport that should have been impregnable.

    Restricted zones where only authorized personnel should tread had been flooded with ordinary citizens. The tarmac, runways, and State Pavilion, spaces governed by strict aviation security protocols, had become extensions of the public sphere.

    The images that emerged from inside the airport told their own story.

    Photos circulated on social media showing mourners not just on the tarmac but exploring various airport facilities.

    Photos and videos showed some mourners taking advantage of the facilities available to them, with some even accessing airplanes to take photos.

    The scenes were both touching and concerning, capturing the peculiarly Kenyan ability to find moments of levity even in grief, but also raising serious questions about aviation security.

    International observers and aviation security experts were quick to note the implications.

    Some expressed concern that the breach of security at JKIA could negatively impact the airport’s reputation, with possible international consequences, noting that the airport’s security rating could be downgraded and some countries may refuse direct flights from JKIA.

    This was not hyperbole.

    Aviation security is governed by strict international standards, and any breach, regardless of its emotional context, triggers mandatory reviews and potential sanctions.

    Yet amid the chaos, there was also something profoundly moving.

    Despite the disruption, the atmosphere remained largely peaceful, with mourners singing Raila’s popular slogans “Jowie” as the casket was received.

    This was not a riot or an act of malicious intent. It was grief made manifest, a collective outpouring that defied the neat boundaries security planners had tried to impose.

    The mourners carried twigs and palm branches, symbols of peace in many African traditions, and chanted not threats but the name of the man they had come to honor.

    The emotional intensity was captured in individual moments. Mombasa Governor Abdulswamad Shariff Nassir, a long-time ally and loyal supporter of the former Prime Minister, was visibly overwhelmed by emotion, sobbing uncontrollably as his bodyguard watched.

    Here was a sitting governor, a man accustomed to public appearances and political theater, reduced to raw grief in the face of loss.

    The security breach forced immediate revisions to the entire funeral program.

    At Parliament Buildings, officials had to cancel a planned public viewing after they were overwhelmed by the crowd, prompting authorities to relocate the public viewing from Parliament to Kasarani Stadium . The cascading effects continued.

    At Lee Funeral Home, security was also heightened after reports of a security breach, with officials canceling plans to hold the body there briefly and deciding to move it directly to Kasarani .

    What the JKIA breach revealed was a fundamental disconnect between official expectations and popular sentiment.

    Security planners had prepared for a state funeral, complete with military honors and diplomatic protocol.

    What they got was something closer to a popular uprising, not of anger but of affection, not of violence but of an overwhelming desire to be present, to witness, to participate in this final farewell.

    The route of the funeral procession itself had to be changed on the fly.

    Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga told mourners at JKIA that the procession would use Mombasa Road instead of the Nairobi Expressway to allow Kenyans to pay their last respects, with hundreds of mourners escorting the body being carried on a gun carrier with the casket draped in a national flag.

    This was pragmatism born of necessity.

    If the crowds could not be contained at the airport, better to channel them along a route that acknowledged their presence rather than attempting the impossible task of keeping them away.

    The incident also exposed darker undercurrents. Security was enhanced at both the Nairobi and Bondo homes of Raila Odinga after several mourners complained of being harassed and robbed by goons hiding among supporters, with police mounting roadblocks at the entrance to Odinga’s home.

    In the chaos and emotion, opportunists had found cover, a reminder that even genuine grief can provide camouflage for those with less noble intentions.

    By early afternoon, order had been restored. The Kenya Airports Authority confirmed that normal activities were back to normal, with the authority advising passengers with flights scheduled during the closure to contact their respective airlines for updated flight information.

    The immediate crisis had passed, but the questions it raised lingered.

    How had thousands of mourners so easily overwhelmed what should have been one of the most secure facilities in the country? Was this a failure of intelligence, of manpower, of planning, or of all three?

    The answer, perhaps, is that it was none of these and all of these.

    Security protocols are designed around rational actors making predictable choices. They account for terrorists seeking to cause harm, smugglers seeking to evade detection, unauthorized persons seeking illicit access.

    They are not designed to handle thousands of people acting simultaneously on pure emotion, driven not by malice but by love and grief and the overwhelming human need to bear witness to significant moments.

    In the days that followed, there would be official reviews, security assessments, and likely some quiet disciplinary actions.

    But what cannot be measured in incident reports or security audits is the human dimension of what occurred at JKIA that Thursday morning.

    In breaching those barriers, those mourners were making a statement, perhaps unconsciously, about ownership and participation in national moments.

    They were asserting that Raila Odinga belonged not just to the state with its ceremonies and protocols, but to the people who had walked with him through decades of political struggle.

    The former Prime Minister, who built his political career on challenging established order and championing the common person against entrenched power, might have appreciated the irony.

    In death, as in life, his supporters refused to be managed, contained, or kept at a distance.

    They breached barriers, overwhelmed security, and inserted themselves into the narrative, transforming a state occasion into a popular moment.

    Whether this represents a failure of security planning or a success of popular participation depends on one’s perspective.

    What is undeniable is that for two hours on that October morning, the carefully maintained boundaries between official and popular Kenya collapsed.

    The result was chaos, yes, but also something authentically Kenyan in its spontaneity, its emotion, and its refusal to be contained by official protocols.

    The mourners at JKIA did not just breach security. They breached the careful distance that modern states try to maintain between power and people, between official ceremony and popular feeling. In doing so, they provided one final tribute to a man who spent his life challenging exactly those kinds of boundaries.

  • When Emotion Overwhelmed Protocol: Inside the JKIA Security Breach That Shocked a Nation

    When Emotion Overwhelmed Protocol: Inside the JKIA Security Breach That Shocked a Nation

    For decades, it became one of Kenya’s most recognizable political gestures. Raila Odinga, addressing thousands at rallies from Uhuru Park to Kasarani, would pause mid-sentence, reach into his pocket, and produce a crisp white handkerchief.

    With practiced ease, he would dab at the corners of his eyes, then resume speaking as if nothing had happened.

    The handkerchief was never far from his grasp, a constant companion that became as much a part of his public persona as his trademark Vitenge shirts.

    His detractors saw opportunity in the affliction. Opposition politicians would mockingly wipe imaginary tears during their own speeches, suggesting the former Prime Minister was perpetually emotional or performing for sympathy.

    On social media, memes proliferated. But those who knew the truth understood that what flowed from Raila’s eyes was not sentiment but the physical manifestation of Kenya’s darkest political chapter.

    The answer lay buried in the belly of Nyayo House, in those infamous basement chambers where the Moi regime warehoused its political prisoners.

    Between 1982 and 1988, Raila disappeared into that concrete hell, detained without trial after being implicated in the failed coup attempt.

    What happened in those cells would mark him permanently, etching itself onto his very physiology.

    Ahmed Hashi, a confidant of many years, recalled the day Raila finally explained the condition. During a routine meeting, Hashi noticed the constant dabbing and offered a fresh handkerchief.

    Later, in a moment of candor, Raila revealed what seven years of detention had cost him.

    The torture chambers, deliberately kept in perpetual darkness, had deprived his body of essential sunlight.

    His lacrimal glands and ducts, the delicate machinery responsible for tear production and drainage, had sustained irreversible damage.

    The normal communication between brain and eye had been severed. Now his tears flowed involuntarily, uncontrolled, a permanent reminder of suffering that could not be undone.

    When Raila stood at Kasarani Stadium in 2021 to accept the Azimio presidential nomination, he finally told Kenyans what that handkerchief represented.

    “The tears from the torture chambers are still running, as you can tell from the handkerchief that never leaves my hand,” he declared. It was not a plea for sympathy but a simple statement of fact.

    Medical science explains that tears normally flow on command, when the brain detects irritation or emotion.

    The lacrimal glands produce moisture, which travels through ducts to cleanse and protect the eye. But damage those glands, disrupt those ducts, and the system fails.

    The tears come unbidden, streaming down without purpose or control.

    For Raila, every public appearance became a dual performance.

    He had to deliver his message while managing a body that would not cooperate, eyes that wept without his permission.

    The handkerchief became his tool of defiance, proof that torture had marked but not broken him.

    In a cruel irony, the condition that critics mocked actually burnished his credentials among supporters.

    Here was physical evidence of sacrifice, a wound worn openly that testified to his commitment. Other politicians spoke of their struggles. Raila’s body bore permanent witness to his.

    His supporters had long believed that decades of exposure to teargas at demonstrations had damaged his eyes.

    It was a reasonable assumption for a man who had led countless protests, often standing at the front when police canisters flew.

    But the truth ran deeper and darker than that.

    Now, as Kenya mourns the passing of one of its most consequential political figures, that white handkerchief has taken on new meaning.

    What was once a symbol of physical affliction has become a relic of national significance, a tangible connection to an era when speaking truth carried unimaginable cost.

    The tears that once flowed from damaged ducts, products of deliberate cruelty in underground chambers, have been replaced by genuine tears of grief.

    Across the country, Kenyans weep for a man whose own involuntary tears told a story of sacrifice that words alone could never capture.

    The handkerchief that never left his hand will be remembered not as a sign of weakness, but as a badge of resilience, proof that some scars run so deep they alter the body itself, yet still the spirit endures.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Raila: The Man Presidents Feared To Arrest and The Necessary ‘Devil’ They Needed

    Raila: The Man Presidents Feared To Arrest and The Necessary ‘Devil’ They Needed

    There exists in the annals of Kenyan politics a peculiar phenomenon that historians will puzzle over for generations.

    A man who led street demonstrations against every president from Moi to Ruto, who mobilized millions to challenge sitting governments, who declared himself “the People’s President” in open defiance of the state, yet who walked free while lesser dissidents vanished into Nyayo House torture chambers or faced the full weight of treason charges.

    Raila Amolo Odinga occupied that impossible space between revolutionary and statesman, between threat and necessity, between the man who must be stopped and the man who cannot be touched.

    The paradox was never accidental. It was calculated survival on both sides of the power equation.

    When Daniel arap Moi’s security apparatus rounded up the young engineer after the 1982 coup attempt, they threw him into Kamiti Maximum Prison for six years without trial.

    Special Branch officer Josiah Kipkurui Rono beat him with table legs, jumped on his genitals, and held loaded pistols to his temple.

    But even as Moi’s regime tortured Raila in basement cells, even as they transferred him between Kamiti, Manyani, Naivasha, and Shimo la Tewa, even as they denied him the chance to bury his mother in 1984, they never quite destroyed him.

    And when Moi finally released him in 1988, only to re-arrest him months later, then release him again in 1989, then detain him once more in 1990, a pattern emerged.

    The regime could imprison Raila, but it could not make him disappear.

    By the time multiparty democracy arrived in 1991 and Raila returned from exile in Norway, something fundamental had shifted.

    He was no longer just Jaramogi’s son. He had become a symbol, and symbols cannot be arrested without consequences.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    When Raila merged his National Development Party with Moi’s KANU in 2001 and accepted the Energy Ministry, critics screamed betrayal.

    How could the man who spent nearly a decade in Moi’s dungeons now sit in Moi’s cabinet? But Moi understood what others missed. Having Raila inside the tent was infinitely preferable to having him outside throwing stones.

    The alliance gave Moi’s crumbling KANU parliamentary majority and borrowed legitimacy from a liberation icon. For Raila, it provided proximity to power and influence over constitutional reform. Both men were using each other, each believing they held the upper hand.

    The relationship soured when Moi anointed Uhuru Kenyatta as his successor in 2002, bypassing Raila entirely.

    The Rainbow Rebellion that followed, with Raila leading disgruntled KANU stalwarts into an alliance with Mwai Kibaki’s opposition, demonstrated the first rule of Kenyan politics that every president would learn: betraying Raila was more dangerous than accommodating him.

    The NARC coalition swept to power, ending KANU’s four-decade reign. Kibaki was president, but everyone knew Raila had delivered the votes.

    Yet Kibaki repeated Moi’s mistake. He reneged on power-sharing promises, froze Raila out of key decisions, and by 2005 had sacked him from the cabinet altogether.

    The country watched as the alliance of convenience disintegrated into bitter rivalry. What followed was the 2007 election, the bloodiest chapter in Kenya’s modern history.

    When electoral results showed Kibaki winning by a razor-thin margin that international observers called fraudulent, Raila did not storm State House. He took to the streets.

    Here was the moment that crystallized why presidents feared arresting Raila.

    As violence erupted across the Rift Valley and Nyanza, as Luo and Kalenjin militias targeted Kikuyu communities and Mungiki death squads retaliated with horrific fury, as 1,300 people died and 600,000 fled their homes, the world waited to see what Raila would do.

    He could have called for all-out insurrection.

    He could have declared a parallel government and plunged Kenya into civil war. His supporters were ready.

    The militias were mobilized. International mediators like Kofi Annan understood that Kenya teetered on the precipice not because Raila was violent, but because his word carried such weight that if he blessed chaos, chaos would consume everything.

    Kibaki’s government faced an impossible choice. Arresting Raila would have triggered the very conflagration they desperately wanted to avoid.

    His detention would have martyred him, transformed street protests into armed rebellion, and likely fractured the state itself.

    The Kikuyu elite who surrounded Kibaki understood power dynamics even if they resented them. Raila commanded not just political allegiance but something more dangerous: the ability to make Kenya ungovernable.

    So they cut a deal.

    The National Accord of February 2008 created a position that had not existed since independence, the office of Prime Minister, specifically for Raila.

    It was an admission that Kenya needed him in government more than it needed him in jail.

    The Grand Coalition that followed was dysfunctional, marked by constant friction between the President’s side and the Prime Minister’s side, but it achieved what mattered most. It stopped the killing.

    For five years, Raila and Kibaki performed an awkward dance of shared power. Kibaki’s people blocked Raila’s corruption investigations. Raila’s people accused Kibaki’s allies of marginalization.

    The famous “Nusu Mkeka” (half-loaf) complaint at a Mombasa retreat captured Raila’s frustration at being a Prime Minister with authority on paper but limited power in practice.

    Yet this arrangement delivered Kenya’s most progressive achievement: the 2010 Constitution. Raila championed devolution, fought for stronger checks on executive power, and pushed for an independent judiciary.

    The constitution passed overwhelmingly in a referendum, cementing his legacy as more than a political operator. He had fundamentally restructured the Kenyan state.

    When Raila lost to Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013 and accepted the Supreme Court’s ruling, observers praised his statesmanship.

    But it was strategic pragmatism.

    He had secured constitutional reforms that weakened the presidency and empowered counties. The long game mattered more than one election.

    The 2017 contest tested that pragmatism.

    When Raila again challenged Uhuru’s victory and the Supreme Court delivered an unprecedented ruling, annulling a presidential election for the first time in African history, it vindicated his claims of electoral manipulation.

    But Uhuru’s response revealed why presidents needed Raila contained, not imprisoned.

    Rather than jail the man who had thrown Kenya into turmoil with his refusal to accept defeat, Uhuru boycotted meaningful electoral reforms and pushed through a repeat election that Raila boycotted.

    Raila’s supporters urged him to light the country ablaze. Instead, he staged a mock swearing-in ceremony at Uhuru Park, declaring himself “the People’s President.” It was theater, but theater with teeth.

    The regime arrested his lawyer Miguna Miguna and deported him, yet left Raila untouched. Why? Because arresting him would have transformed symbolic defiance into real insurrection.

    Uhuru’s security advisors understood that seventy-two-year-old Raila outside prison was less dangerous than martyred Raila behind bars.

    Then came the Handshake of March 2018, the most controversial moment of Raila’s career.

    Walking up the steps of Harambee House to clasp hands with the man who had “stolen” his presidency shocked supporters and delighted critics who called it the ultimate sellout.

    But it followed the established pattern.

    Uhuru needed Raila more than he needed him in opposition. The Building Bridges Initiative that emerged promised constitutional reforms, though courts would later strike it down.

    What BBI achieved regardless was political stability. It neutered opposition protests and gave Uhuru breathing room to govern.

    Hundreds of people gather on the streets to bid farewell to former Prime Minister and politician Raila Odinga, who passed away while receiving treatment at a hospital, on October 16, 2025, in Nairobi, Kenya. Photo credit: REUTERS
    Hundreds of people gather on the streets to bid farewell to former Prime Minister and politician Raila Odinga, who passed away while receiving treatment at a hospital, on October 16, 2025, in Nairobi, Kenya.
    Photo credit: REUTERS

    For Raila, the Handshake delivered something presidents always underestimated his capacity to value: influence without office. Uhuru’s government stopped treating ODM as the enemy.

    Key allies got government appointments. Resources flowed to Raila’s strongholds. And when 2022 arrived, Uhuru backed Raila against his own deputy William Ruto, providing state machinery for the campaign.

    That Raila lost to Ruto should have ended the pattern.

    At seventy-seven years old, after five unsuccessful presidential bids, the narrative should have concluded with the aging revolutionary finally defeated.

    Instead, by March 2025, Raila was negotiating yet another deal, this time with the man who had defeated him.

    When Gen Z protests threatened to topple Ruto’s government over punitive taxation, when young Kenyans filled the streets demanding accountability, Raila emerged as the mediator.

    The “broad-based government” agreement that placed ODM officials in Ruto’s cabinet shocked the youth who expected him to lead the revolution they were waging.

    But it exemplified the fundamental truth about why presidents never arrested Raila.

    He was simultaneously the match that could ignite Kenya and the fire extinguisher that could douse the flames.

    Every president from Moi to Ruto discovered that jailing him risked explosion, while accommodating him bought stability.

    The calculation was never about justice or democracy or institutional integrity. It was about power and pragmatism.

    Arresting Raila meant facing the wrath of millions who saw him as the living embodiment of their democratic aspirations.

    It meant international condemnation and potential sanctions. It meant protests that could escalate beyond police control. Most crucially, it meant losing access to the one man who could call off the dogs when the streets became too hot.

    Presidents feared arresting Raila not because he was violent, but because his power transcended violence. He could mobilize masses, yes, but more importantly, he could demobilize them.

    That dual capacity made him indispensable.

    In 2008, Kofi Annan brokered peace not by convincing Kibaki to share power, but by convincing Raila to accept half a loaf rather than burn down the bakery.

    In 2018, Western diplomats and African Union envoys facilitated the Handshake because they knew that only Raila could end the cycle of contested elections and ethnic violence.

    In 2025, Ruto needed Raila to pacify Gen Z and legitimize his embattled government.

    The pattern reveals a darker truth about Kenyan democracy.

    The system has never trusted its own institutions to mediate political conflict. Courts could annul elections, but only Raila could prevent civil war.

    Parliament could pass laws, but only Raila could determine whether the streets would accept them. Electoral commissions could count votes, but only Raila’s word determined whether those counts would stand unchallenged by millions ready to march.

    This made him the necessary devil every president needed. Moi needed him to shore up KANU’s legitimacy.

    Kibaki needed him to end post-election violence. Uhuru needed him to stop opposition protests and maintain political stability. Ruto needed him to survive Gen Z fury and create the appearance of a broad-based government. Each time, the price was accommodation rather than incarceration.

    Critics will argue that Raila squandered his liberation credentials through these devil’s bargains, that he betrayed supporters who expected him to storm State House or die trying. Gen Z demonstrators certainly believed so, rejecting his mediation as old-guard complicity.

    But this critique misunderstands both Raila’s strategic genius and Kenya’s political reality. He recognized that the presidency itself mattered less than shaping the terrain on which all presidents must operate.

    The 2010 Constitution, devolution, an independent judiciary, and the normalization of political competition were his true achievements. Each president he negotiated with conceded ground, ceded space, and weakened the imperial presidency.

    That he never captured State House obscures the fact that he fundamentally altered what State House could do. Moi’s autocracy became impossible under the 2010 Constitution Raila championed.

    Kibaki’s ability to rig elections faced new constraints.

    Uhuru’s power-sharing with Raila prevented the authoritarian regression that consumed many African states. Ruto’s embattled presidency must accommodate opposition in ways unthinkable during the KANU era.

    The fear of arresting Raila was ultimately fear of what he represented: an alternative locus of power that the state could suppress temporarily but never eliminate permanently.

    Detention could remove him from the streets for months or years, but it could not erase his symbolic authority.

    His father Jaramogi had been Kenya’s first vice president before Jomo Kenyatta betrayed and sidelined him, creating a narrative of Luo exclusion from power that resonated across generations. Raila inherited that narrative and weaponized it.

    Every detention, every rigged election, every marginalization only strengthened the story: the Odingas represented democracy against dictatorship, popular will against elite capture, the people against the system.

    Arresting him would have confirmed that narrative and martyred him.

    Accommodating him co-opted his legitimacy for the sitting government while giving him influence to shape outcomes.

    Presidents chose the lesser evil every time.

    When Raila Odinga collapsed during a morning walk in Kerala, India, on October 15, 2025, and died of a heart attack, Kenya lost the man who had defined its political culture for half a century.

    From Kamiti’s torture chambers to the Prime Minister’s office, from exile in Norway to handshakes at Harambee House, from mock swearing-in ceremonies to coalition governments, his journey traced the arc of Kenya’s democratic struggle.

    He was detained, beaten, rigged against, and betrayed, yet he outlasted four presidents and negotiated with all of them.

    The epitaph that matters is not that he never became president, but that he made every president reckon with him.

    They feared arresting him because they needed him. They needed him to legitimize their contested victories, to pacify angry populations, to provide democratic cover for authoritarian impulses, to be the bridge between the people and power.

    He was the necessary devil who could never be vanquished, only accommodated.

    Kenya will produce other opposition leaders, other challengers, other voices of dissent. But it will not soon see another figure who commands such absolute loyalty that presidents dare not jail him even as he leads demonstrations against them.

    That was Raila’s singular achievement: he made himself untouchable not through violence or wealth or ethnic chauvinism, but through the sheer force of symbolic power.

    He became larger than any prison could contain, more dangerous free than imprisoned, more useful inside government than outside it.

    The presidents who feared to arrest him and needed his cooperation understood this truth better than anyone.

    Raila Odinga was never just one man. He was an idea, and ideas cannot be detained without creating martyrs.

    Better to negotiate with the devil you know than to create a legend you cannot control. Every Kenyan president learned that lesson, some more painfully than others.

    The streets belonged to Raila, even when State House did not. And in Kenya’s messy, violent, inspiring democratic experiment, that mattered more than any title.

    Supporters of Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga viewing his body at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi on October 16,2025.
    Supporters of Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga viewing his body at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi on October 16,2025.
  • EXPLAINER: What’s State Funeral And What Makes Raila’s Unique Legacy

    EXPLAINER: What’s State Funeral And What Makes Raila’s Unique Legacy

    # EXPLAINER: What’s State Funeral And What Makes Raila’s Unique Legacy

    The death of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga in India on Wednesday has thrust Kenya into a period of profound national mourning, with President William Ruto declaring seven days during which the national flag will fly at half-mast across the country and at all diplomatic missions abroad. As the nation prepares to bid farewell to one of its most consequential political figures, questions arise about the significance of a state funeral and what distinguishes this particular ceremony in Kenya’s history.

    A state funeral represents the highest honor a nation can bestow upon its departed citizens. It is a public ceremony designed to honor a Head of State or a person of exceptional national significance, providing the country an opportunity to collectively reflect on and celebrate the life of the deceased. These occasions transcend ordinary mourning rituals, transforming personal grief into a shared national experience that binds citizens together in remembrance.

    In Kenya, as in many other nations, state funerals typically follow an elaborate protocol that includes a public viewing period and a formal military procession. The centerpiece of these proceedings is what is known as “Lying-in-State,” where the body of the deceased is placed in a public venue, most often at Parliament Buildings, allowing ordinary citizens to pay their final respects. This democratic gesture symbolizes that the deceased belonged not just to their family, but to the entire nation.

    The ceremonies often incorporate religious services conducted according to the deceased’s faith, traditions, and culture, with the family working closely with the government to determine the burial site and date. Military honors, including gun salutes and ceremonial guards, underscore the gravity of the occasion and the nation’s gratitude for the deceased’s service.

    According to Kenya’s established protocols, state funerals are reserved for sitting or retired Heads of State and Chiefs of Defense Forces. For any other person to receive this honor, the Defense Council must authorize it. Raila Odinga falls into this exceptional category, his state funeral authorized by the Defense Council in recognition of his unparalleled contribution to Kenya’s political landscape.

    Kenya has conducted several state funerals that have marked pivotal moments in the nation’s history. The tradition began with founding President Jomo Kenyatta in August 1978, a ceremony that symbolized the end of Kenya’s founding era. Former Presidents Daniel Arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki were similarly honored, their funerals serving as occasions for national reflection on their respective legacies.

    Beyond presidents, Kenya has extended this honor to other distinguished citizens. Former Vice President Michael Kijana Wamalwa, former Chief of Defense Forces General Francis Ogolla, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Wangari Maathai, former First Lady Lucy Kibaki, and Mukami Kimathi, widow of Mau Mau freedom fighter Dedan Kimathi, have all received state funerals. In August 2024, Kenya held its first state funeral for a woman leader, Mama Phoebe Asiyo, and extended the same honor to world marathon record holder Kelvin Kiptum.

    What makes Raila Odinga’s state funeral particularly significant is the unique position he occupied in Kenya’s political firmament. Unlike the presidents who preceded him in death, Raila never ascended to the presidency despite five spirited attempts spanning three decades. Yet his influence on Kenya’s democratic evolution arguably equals or surpasses that of some who held the highest office.

    The symbolism woven into his funeral arrangements speaks volumes about his distinctive legacy. In a tradition established with previous state funerals, the body of the late Raila Odinga will be laid on an orange-draped bed during public viewing, a powerful tribute to the movement he led for decades. According to officials familiar with the plans, the color choice carries deep significance. Orange is inextricably associated with the Orange Democratic Movement party, which he founded and led until his death.

    This color symbolism follows a precedent set by his predecessors. The late President Daniel Moi lay on a blue-draped bed, a reflection of his signature blue standard. Former President Mwai Kibaki was laid on a white-draped bed, symbolizing his white standard. A presidential standard is a special flag that represents the president, serving as the president’s own banner, separate from the national flag, and used only when the president is present or performing official duties.

    For Raila, organizers say the orange theme captures the spirit of resilience, courage, and unity that defined his life and political career. “The choice of colors at state funerals serves as both a tribute and a reflection of the leaders’ personal and political philosophies. For Raila, orange could not have been more fitting,” said an official involved in the arrangements.

    An orange-draped bed, which had been prepared in Parliament
    An orange-draped bed, which had been prepared in Parliament

    Raila’s legacy is inseparable from Kenya’s journey toward constitutional democracy. He was instrumental in the struggle for multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, enduring detention and exile for his beliefs. His role in the 2010 constitutional referendum helped usher in a new governance framework that devolved power and expanded the bill of rights. As Prime Minister in the Grand Coalition Government from 2008 to 2013, he helped steer Kenya away from the precipice of civil war following the disputed 2007 elections.

    His political career was marked by an uncanny ability to reinvent himself and forge unlikely alliances. He moved from being a firebrand opposition leader to a coalition partner, from a perennial presidential candidate to an African Union infrastructure envoy. His trademark phrase, “the journey continues,” became emblematic of both his personal resilience and his faith in Kenya’s democratic potential.

    The elaborate funeral arrangements reflect both the magnitude of his impact and the unprecedented public response to his death. The plane carrying Raila’s body touched down at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport at 9:30 a.m. on Thursday, where it was received by President William Ruto, family members, and other elected leaders. In scenes that underscored his mass appeal, mourners wailed and clung to his casket, with one screaming “Baba! Baba!” as tears streamed down his face.

    According to the national funeral committee, Raila will be laid to rest within 72 hours of his passing, in accordance with his wishes. However, the sheer scale of public grief forced last-minute changes to the carefully choreographed plans. Initially, the public were to view the body at Parliament Buildings, where military officers had been stationed to receive it. But the crowd proved simply uncontrollable, forcing organizers to shift the venue to the more spacious Kasarani Stadium.

    Military officers who had been stationed at Parliament were seen packing up and leaving the premises. At the Lee Funeral Home, morticians and military officials who were to receive and prepare the body were instructed to head to Kasarani instead. “The crowd was simply uncontrollable. The mortician and his team have left in the military van,” a senior official at Lee Funeral Home told journalists. After the procession left the airport, Ruto remained at the State Pavilion with family members and other dignitaries for talks.

    His body will lie in state at Kasarani Stadium for public viewing from noon to 5pm, before being taken to Lee Funeral Home overnight. Preparations for the public viewing are ongoing under tight security, with thousands of mourners expected to pay their final respects. A state funeral service will be held at Nyayo National Stadium on Friday from 8am, bringing together current and former leaders, diplomats, and ordinary Kenyans from across the political divide.

    His body will then be moved to his Karen home for an overnight vigil before being flown to Kisumu on Saturday for public viewing at Jomo Kenyatta International Stadium in Mamboleo from 9am to 3pm. The procession will proceed to Bondo, Siaya County, for the final funeral service and burial rites on Sunday, October 19. At his Opoda home, Luo elders performed the traditional ‘Tero Buru’ ritual, a ceremony that carries both spiritual and cultural weight, representing the deep-rooted respect the Luo people hold for their departed leaders.

    What distinguishes this state funeral from others is the complex tapestry of emotions it evokes and the organic outpouring of grief that has overwhelmed even the most meticulous government planning. Raila was both beloved and controversial, a unifying figure for some and a divisive one for others. His supporters saw him as a champion of democracy and social justice, while his critics viewed him as an opportunistic politician. Yet even his fiercest opponents acknowledged his central role in shaping modern Kenya.

    The scenes of mourners breaking through security cordons, the desperate cries of “Baba,” and the need to relocate viewing venues all testify to a connection between Raila and ordinary Kenyans that transcended typical political relationships. This was not merely a leader who commanded votes, but one who inspired devotion, whose struggles resonated with those who felt marginalized, whose persistence gave hope to those who had grown cynical about democracy.

    The mourning period offers Kenya an opportunity to transcend political divisions and recognize a life devoted to public service. As thousands file past his orange-draped casket in Nairobi and Kisumu, the scenes capture a nation grappling with the end of an era. Raila’s generation of political leaders, those who fought for multiparty democracy and shepherded Kenya through its most turbulent transitions, is passing from the scene.

    His state funeral, therefore, is not merely a ceremony for one man but a moment for national introspection. It prompts Kenyans to ask what values they wish to carry forward, how they will resolve their political differences, and whether the democratic institutions Raila helped build will endure. The orange color that will dominate his funeral serves as a vivid reminder of the movements he built, the struggles he championed, and the hope he represented for millions.

    In death, as in life, Raila Odinga compels Kenya to confront fundamental questions about its identity and destiny. As the nation prepares to say goodbye, the state funeral serves as a powerful reminder that in democracies, even those who never achieve their ultimate ambition can leave an indelible mark on history. Raila’s legacy lies not in the office he failed to win, but in the democratic space he helped create for future generations to contest power peacefully.

    That, perhaps, is the most fitting tribute a democracy can offer. And as his body rests on that orange-draped bed, bathed in the color of resilience and hope, Kenya will remember not just what he fought for, but how he fought, with courage, with persistence, and with an unshakeable belief that the journey, indeed, continues.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • How Raila Became Kenya’s Father of Democracy and Devolution

    How Raila Became Kenya’s Father of Democracy and Devolution

    The news of Raila Odinga’s death comes as a moment of national reckoning for Kenya, a time to measure the distance traveled from the authoritarian state of the 1980s to the imperfect but functioning democracy of today.

    That journey, more than any single politician’s career, belongs to Odinga.

    He paid for it with nine years behind bars, endured it through five failed presidential bids, and shaped it through an obstinate belief that Kenya’s salvation lay not in the concentration of power but in its dispersal.

    His story is inseparable from Kenya’s democratic awakening.

    When Daniel arap Moi’s government crushed the 1982 coup attempt, Odinga was swept up in the dragnet, charged with treason, and thrown into detention without trial.

    The experience could have broken him.

    Instead, it forged a political identity rooted in resistance.

    Baba Raila Amollo Odinga.
    Baba Raila Amollo Odinga.

    Through the long decade of the 1980s, as Moi’s regime tightened its authoritarian grip, Odinga cycled in and out of prison, spending stretches in solitary confinement that would have silenced lesser men.

    He emerged in the early 1990s not bitter but emboldened, joining the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy to wage the battle that would crack open Kenya’s one-party state.

    The return of multiparty politics in 1992 was only the beginning. Odinga understood what many of his contemporaries did not: that democracy without institutional reform was a hollow vessel.

    The presidency remained an imperial office, swollen with unchecked authority and capable of suffocating any challenge to its dominance.

    So he turned his attention to the harder, less glamorous work of constitutional change.

    The path proved treacherous.

    The Constitution of Kenya Review Commission, established in 2001, quickly became a battlefield of competing visions.

    President Mwai Kibaki’s government produced the Wako Draft, a document that gutted the proposed devolution of power and preserved the presidency’s commanding heights.

    Odinga campaigned against it with characteristic ferocity, and in 2005, Kenyan voters rejected it in a referendum that signaled the public’s hunger for genuine reform.

    Then came the crucible of 2007. The disputed election and the violence that followed left over a thousand dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. Out of that trauma emerged the grand coalition government, an uneasy power-sharing arrangement that made Odinga prime minister and, more importantly, created the space for the constitutional breakthrough he had spent decades pursuing. The 2010 constitution, forged by a committee of experts and ratified by a decisive public vote, was his most enduring achievement. It created 47 county governments, stripping Nairobi of its monopoly on resources and decision-making. It imposed term limits, separated powers, and embedded a bill of rights that transformed the relationship between citizen and state.

    Critics will point to Odinga’s inconsistencies, his tactical shifts, his periodic accommodations with the very power structures he claimed to oppose. They are not wrong. Politics is the art of the possible, and Odinga played it with all the calculation and compromise that entails. But what set him apart was his refusal to abandon the larger project. Even after his final electoral defeat, even as age and illness took their toll, he kept pushing. The Building Bridges Initiative, however flawed and ultimately unsuccessful, was another attempt to deepen devolution and address Kenya’s winner-take-all political culture. His work on the NADCO report in his final years focused on strengthening county governments and preventing the re-centralization of power.

    What Odinga grasped, and what history will credit him for, is that Kenya’s ethnic and regional diversity demanded a political architecture capable of accommodating difference without devolving into conflict. Devolution was not merely an administrative reform. It was a mechanism for distributing the stakes of power, for ensuring that communities across the country had a voice in their own governance and a claim on national resources. In a nation where presidential elections had repeatedly threatened to tear the social fabric apart, this was no small insight.

    The title “father of democracy and devolution” will sit uncomfortably with some. Democracy in Kenya remains fragile, devolution incomplete, and the temptations of authoritarianism ever-present. But titles are not claims of perfection. They are acknowledgments of contribution, of the distance between what was and what is. Odinga did not single-handedly deliver democracy to Kenya. He fought for it, suffered for it, and spent his political capital advancing it when others were content to consolidate their own power.

    As Kenya buries him, the question is not whether he achieved everything he set out to do. He did not. The question is whether the institutions he helped build will endure. That answer rests with those who come after.

  • Political Doyen? Insider Details Emerge As Ruto Lands in Moi’s Kabarak Home in Pomp

    Political Doyen? Insider Details Emerge As Ruto Lands in Moi’s Kabarak Home in Pomp

    The historic Kabarak estate in Nakuru County witnessed scenes reminiscent of Kenya’s grand political theatre on Friday, as President William Ruto orchestrated what many are calling his most audacious political gambit yet—bringing long-time rival Gideon Moi into his fold.

    The visit, draped in symbolism and pageantry, marked the culmination of months of clandestine negotiations that have now thrust the once-mighty Kanu party back into the heart of national politics, just two years before the 2027 General Election.

    As hundreds of Kanu supporters gathered at the expansive Kabarak compound—hallowed ground for the Moi political dynasty—President Ruto and the Kanu chairman stood side by side, their handshake sealing a détente that few political observers saw coming.

    “This is a national project,” Dr Ruto declared, his voice carrying across the assembled crowd. “We must pull together as a team to move Kenya to the next level.”

    The Dynasty Convergence

    What makes this political realignment particularly striking is President Ruto’s revelation that he has held parallel discussions with not just Mr Moi, but also former President Uhuru Kenyatta and ODM leader Raila Odinga.

    The acknowledgment represents an unprecedented convergence of Kenya’s three main political dynasties—the Kenyattas, Mois, and Odingas—under one broad-based government framework.

    For a president who campaigned on a “hustler” narrative against dynastic politics, the irony is not lost on political analysts. Yet Ruto appears to have calculated that co-opting these powerful families is more strategic than confronting them ahead of 2027.

    “After the Kabarnet anger, I told him the best place to make our announcement to the public was here at Kabarak,” Dr Ruto explained, referencing the tensions that erupted following Mr Moi’s controversial withdrawal from the November 27 Baringo senatorial by-election.

    The choice of venue was deliberate political theatre. By making the announcement at Kabarak rather than State House, Ruto symbolically positioned himself as a peacemaker entering Moi’s domain—a gesture of reconciliation designed to soften the optics of what some see as political conquest.

    From Bitter Rivals to Political Bedfellows

    The Ruto-Moi relationship has been defined by decades of political rivalry and personal animosity. Their falling out traces back to 1997, when a young Ruto defied President Daniel arap Moi’s directive to step aside for William Chesire in the Eldoret North MP race.

    By 2013 and 2017, with Gideon having inherited his father’s political mantle, the rivalry had intensified, with the younger Moi emerging as Ruto’s chief challenger in the Rift Valley.

    The nadir came in 2018 when Ruto was dramatically blocked from visiting the ailing former President Moi at Kabarak—a public humiliation that entrenched the bad blood between the two camps and shaped the 2022 election dynamics.

    Friday’s imagery of reconciliation at the same Kabarak estate carried profound symbolism. The two men who once could not bear to be in the same room now stood shoulder to shoulder, projecting unity.

    “If there’s anyone to blame for Gideon’s change of heart, it is me, not him,” Ruto quipped, taking responsibility for what he framed as a patriotic decision. “We are broadening the broad-based government by including Kanu.”

    The Deal: Business and Politics

    While both principals avoided specific details, sources close to the negotiations have revealed the contours of the arrangement.

    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.
    President William Ruto with KANU Chairman Gideon Moi and other leaders in Baringo October 10, 2025.

    According to a State House official who spoke on condition of anonymity, Mr Moi’s requests centered significantly on protecting his family’s extensive business empire, which has reportedly struggled over the past three years.

    “His requests were in terms of his businesses. You know, his businesses have been doing badly in the last three years,” the source disclosed.

    The timing of the deal is particularly noteworthy. Just a day before the Kabarak announcement, Mr Moi withdrew from the Baringo senatorial race, clearing the path for the UDA candidate—a move widely interpreted as his part of the bargain.

    Whether Mr Moi will join the Cabinet directly or nominate allies remains unclear, but insiders suggest he has been given the option to either take a ministerial position himself or recommend one or two individuals.

    Cabinet Reshuffle Looms

    The inclusion of Kanu in the broad-based government has triggered anxiety within the current Cabinet, with ministers aware that another reshuffle is inevitable.

    “At the moment, it’s very difficult for the President to create additional ministries against the law. What could happen if Gideon or any of his allies is to be brought in the Cabinet is that some people must be dropped,” the State House source explained.

    The pattern is already established. When Uhuru Kenyatta visited Ruto at his Ichaweri home in December last year, his allies—Mutahi Kagwe, Lee Kinyanjui, and William Kabogo—were subsequently incorporated into the Cabinet.

    Similarly, Raila Odinga’s rapprochement with Ruto yielded Cabinet positions for Opiyo Wandayi, John Mbadi, Hassan Joho, Wycliffe Oparanya, and Beatrice Askul.

    National Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohamed, an Odinga ally, confirmed that the broad-based arrangement continues to expand.

    “More people are joining, and more are expected,” Mr Mohamed said. “There are a lot of night meetings going on. Some of the people claiming to be in the united opposition, very soon, they’ll find themselves in the broad-based government.”

    Strategic Calculus

    For President Ruto, the inclusion of Kanu serves multiple strategic objectives.

    First, it gives him firmer control of the Rift Valley, a region where Moi still commands symbolic influence despite Kanu’s diminished electoral fortunes since 2002.

    Second, it further fragments any potential opposition coalition ahead of 2027, making it difficult for rivals to coalesce around a unified challenge.

    Third, it reinforces Ruto’s narrative of building a national, inclusive government—even if critics argue he is simply buying off potential opponents.

    “This is not about individuals, personalities, this is not about parochialism, corners or regions. It is about Kenya,” Dr Ruto insisted. “Development in Kenya is late. We are not supposed to be a Third World country. I need more hands and that is why I formed the broad-based government.”

    Kanu’s Response: Mixed Reactions

    Within Kanu, the response has been decidedly mixed. While party officials at Kabarak cheered the announcement, some MPs expressed frustration at the lack of consultation.

    Samburu West MP Naisula Lesuuda delivered an unusually public rebuke, accusing Mr Moi of failing to communicate his decision in a timely manner.

    “The choice to run or not to run for the Baringo Senatorial seat is purely your personal decision. But my only concern—and that of many who have believed in you and the party—is your choice not to give direction and not to communicate on time. We feel not listened to, not heard or felt,” she wrote on social media.

    Former Kanu Secretary-General Nick Salat, who had already decamped to Ruto’s camp, said he felt vindicated by the turn of events.

    Academic Perspectives: Trophies Don’t Vote

    Political analysts have offered mixed assessments of Ruto’s strategy.

    Professor Gitile Naituli of Multimedia University described Moi as “a dynastic trophy” for Ruto’s collection.

    “But… trophies don’t vote, they don’t mobilise, and don’t inspire the next generation. Power that is borrowed never lasts, and silence that is purchased soon grows costly,” Prof Naituli cautioned.

    The academic perspective highlights a key challenge for Ruto: while co-opting dynastic figures may neutralize immediate threats, it risks alienating his original base, which rallied around his anti-establishment “hustler” message.

    Uhuru’s Shadow Role

    Perhaps the most intriguing dimension of this political realignment is the shadow role of former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    Although officially retired, Kenyatta reportedly encouraged Raila Odinga to reach out to Ruto during the height of last year’s anti-Finance Bill protests—a claim Odinga has made publicly and which Kenyatta has never denied.

    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta.
    Former President Uhuru Kenyatta.

    Ruto’s acknowledgment of discussions with Kenyatta suggests a behind-the-scenes détente between two men whose relationship collapsed spectacularly during the latter half of the Jubilee government.

    However, the picture is complicated by reports that Kenyatta is simultaneously positioning his former Interior Cabinet Secretary, Dr Fred Matiang’i, as a potential challenger to Ruto in 2027.

    Whether Kenyatta is playing both sides or genuinely seeking to stabilize the country remains a subject of intense speculation in political circles.

    The 2027 Calculation

    With less than two years to the next General Election, the stakes of this political realignment cannot be overstated.

    By bringing Odinga, Kenyatta’s allies, and now Moi into his government, Ruto has effectively neutralized the three main sources of organized opposition.

    The broad-based government now commands a comfortable majority in Parliament, with most ODM MPs backing government-sponsored bills.

    Yet this strategy carries risks. Each new addition to the coalition requires accommodation—Cabinet positions, state appointments, protection of business interests—creating a delicate balancing act that could collapse under its own weight.

    Moreover, the very act of embracing dynasties undermines the populist narrative that brought Ruto to power. Whether his base will accept this transformation from outsider to power broker remains to be seen.

    As the political dust settles from Friday’s Kabarak spectacle, attention now turns to implementation. What specific role will Moi play? Which Cabinet members will be sacrificed to make room? And how will Ruto manage the competing interests of his increasingly crowded coalition?

    The answers to these questions will shape Kenya’s political landscape as the country hurtles toward 2027.

    For now, one thing is clear: William Ruto has demonstrated a ruthless pragmatism in consolidating power, co-opting rivals who once seemed implacable enemies.

    Whether this makes him a political doyen or simply a skilled operator buying temporary peace remains to be seen.

    What is certain is that at Kabarak on Friday, history was made—and Kenya’s political chessboard was fundamentally reordered.

    Gideon Moi and President Ruto when he visited him at State House.
    Gideon Moi and President Ruto when he visited him at State House.
  • At 80, Raila’s Health Matters Are Natural, And His Privacy Sacred

    At 80, Raila’s Health Matters Are Natural, And His Privacy Sacred

    Why Kenya Must Balance Concern with Respect for a Statesman’s Dignity

    The recent frenzy surrounding Raila Odinga’s brief absence from the public eye reveals something troubling about our political culture: we have not yet learned to treat our elders with the dignity their years command, even as we demand their continued service.

    At 80 years old, an age when most Kenyans are bouncing grandchildren on their knees and tending shambas in peaceful retirement, Raila Amolo Odinga remains locked in the bruising arena of high-stakes politics.

    That his body occasionally demands rest should surprise no one.

    That his adversaries weaponize these natural pauses is unfortunate.

    That we collectively feed the speculation machine is, perhaps, our greatest failing.

    Let us state what should be obvious: an octogenarian who travels internationally, maintains a punishing schedule of political engagements, and continues to shape Kenya’s trajectory will, inevitably, require medical attention from time to time.

    This is not scandal. It is physiology.

    When Raila underwent minor back surgery in Dubai in 2020, his family was transparent.

    When he contracted COVID-19 in 2021, he informed the nation himself.

    This pattern of openness has characterized his approach to health matters, a standard few political leaders maintain.

    Yet each time he takes a brief respite, the rumor mills grind with particular cruelty, transforming routine rest into political theater.

    The man who has weathered detention without trial, the loss of electoral victories he believed were rightfully his, and decades of political combat deserves better than to have his every medical appointment dissected for partisan advantage.

    The 80-year-old leader, born January 7, 1945, has given more of himself to this nation than most citizens will ever understand.

    What happened last week was instructive.

    ODM was forced to issue statements refuting social media claims that Raila was unwell, clarifying that he had simply traveled to Europe, one of many international trips he has undertaken this year in pursuit of the African Union Commission chairmanship and other continental engagements.

    Raila spotted enjoying the Arsenal vs West Ham match at an undisclosed location on Sunday.
    Raila spotted enjoying the Arsenal vs West Ham match at an undisclosed location on Sunday.

    The speed with which political opponents seized upon his absence tells us less about Raila’s health than about the desperation of those who made his temporary unavailability a crisis.

    It echoes an old and unfortunate pattern: when substantive political arguments fail, attack the man himself.

    But here is what critics forget: concern-trolling about an opponent’s health while hoping for their decline is perhaps the most transparent form of political cynicism.

    Kenyans can see through it.

    More importantly, they remember it.

    Away from podiums and parliamentary chambers, Raila Odinga is a mechanical engineer who studied in communist East Germany, a father and grandfather, a man who enjoys the occasional quiet moment, luxuries increasingly rare in his relentless schedule.

    His wife, Ida Odinga, has stood beside him through detentions, political defeats, and the loss of a son.

    This is a family that understands sacrifice in ways most of us never will.

    Those who know him personally speak of his sharp wit, his love of intellectual discourse, his ability to quote poetry and political theory with equal facility.

    He is, in many ways, a 20th-century liberation figure navigating the ruthless currents of 21st-century politics, a transition that demands not just mental acuity but physical stamina that would challenge men half his age.

    That he continues this work at 80 speaks either to extraordinary dedication or to Kenya’s failure to cultivate younger leadership capable of carrying his vision forward. Perhaps both are true.

    Here is where we must draw a line: while Raila remains a public figure, he is entitled to medical privacy like any other citizen.

    The prurient interest in his health records, the breathless speculation about every doctor’s visit, the transformation of routine medical care into political ammunition, these are not hallmarks of a mature democracy.

    Yes, the public has a legitimate interest in the wellbeing of its leaders. But interest does not equal entitlement to real-time medical bulletins or the right to turn health challenges into political weapons.

    As his spokesperson noted, were Raila seriously ill, he would inform the nation as he did when diagnosed with COVID-19 in 2021.

    His track record suggests transparency when it matters.

    The rest, the routine checkups, the recuperative rests, the medical tourism common among Kenyans of means, is his business. We diminish ourselves when we pretend otherwise.

    In traditional African societies, elders are accorded respect not despite their advancing years but because of them.

    We recognize that with age comes wisdom, experience, and a perspective that youth cannot yet possess.

    Yet in our modern political discourse, we seem to have forgotten this basic courtesy.

    If we believe Raila, or any leader his age, should step back from active politics, then make that case on its merits.

    Advocate for generational transition. Champion younger leaders.

    But do not couch that argument in faux concern about health, using speculation about medical matters as a cudgel for political ends.

    The man has earned the right to set his own timeline, to pursue his remaining ambitions without being subjected to a collective medical examination by armchair diagnosticians on social media.

    Whether he seeks the AU chairmanship, supports the current government’s broad-based approach, or shapes ODM’s future direction, these are choices he is entitled to make with the counsel of his doctors, his family, and his own conscience, not a baying mob of political opponents hoping his body will solve problems their ideas cannot.

    Kenya faces genuine challenges: economic uncertainty, youth unemployment, institutional reforms that remain half-completed.

    These issues demand our collective energy and attention.

    Instead, we expend it on speculation about whether an 80-year-old man who traveled abroad is “really” sick or “really” well, as if either answer changes the price of unga or creates jobs for Gen-Z.

    This is not to say Raila is beyond criticism.

    His political decisions, his alliances, his strategies, all remain fair game. But his health is not. Not unless he chooses to make it so.

    As Raila continues to monitor political developments and engage with party officials, perhaps we owe him, and ourselves, a more dignified conversation.

    One that acknowledges reality: at 80, health concerns are not scandals, they are inevitabilities.

    They merit compassion, not exploitation.

    The measure of our political maturity is not how viciously we can attack our opponents in their moments of vulnerability, but how much humanity we can extend even to those with whom we disagree.

    By this measure, last week’s spectacle suggests we still have much to learn.

    Raila Odinga has given Kenya five decades of his life, much of his freedom, and countless battles fought in its name.

    Whatever his future holds, whether continental leadership, continued domestic influence, or eventual retirement, he has earned the right to navigate his twilight years with dignity intact.

    The question is whether Kenya is mature enough to grant it to him.

  • How Kenyan Businessman Joined Mexican Cartel’s Sh7.5B Weapons Network

    How Kenyan Businessman Joined Mexican Cartel’s Sh7.5B Weapons Network

    The untold story of Elisha Asumo’s descent into international arms trafficking

    The phone call that changed Elisha Odhiambo Asumo’s life came in September 2022. On the other end was Peter Dimitrov Mirchev, a Bulgarian arms dealer with connections to some of the world’s most dangerous criminals.

    Mirchev had a proposition that would eventually land the Kenyan businessman in a Moroccan prison, awaiting extradition to face a potential life sentence in the United States.

    Court documents reveal that Mirchev had been contracted by Mexico’s Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG) to supply military-grade weapons worth $58 million, approximately Sh7.49 billion.

    He needed reliable partners, and Asumo’s reputation for navigating complex international transactions and falsifying documents made him an ideal recruit.

    Asumo understood he couldn’t handle such a massive operation alone.

    He quickly assembled a regional network, first recruiting Michael Katungi Mpeirwe, a Ugandan described in court files as “a long-time associate in arms deals.”

    Mpeirwe then brought in Tanzanian Subiro Osmund Mwapinga, creating a triangle of corruption spanning Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.

    This wasn’t amateur hour.

    Each member brought specific expertise: Asumo provided Kenyan financial infrastructure and connections, Mpeirwe contributed Ugandan logistics knowledge, and Mwapinga offered access to Tanzanian military documentation systems.

    By involving nationals from multiple countries, they could exploit different legal systems and banking structures while spreading risk.

    Weapon list

    The weapons list maintained by Mirchev read like a military catalog designed for warfare.

    The CJNG wanted ZU-23 anti-aircraft systems, twin-barrel autocannons capable of neutralizing aircraft, drones, and armored vehicles.

    They also requested rocket-propelled grenades, machine guns, night vision equipment, armored vehicles, and battle tanks.

    This wasn’t just about controlling drug routes.

    The sophistication of the wishlist showed the CJNG’s evolution from a trafficking organization into what US prosecutors now classify as a “foreign terrorist organization.”

    The cartel operates across continents, with established networks in the Americas, Europe, Asia, Australia, and crucially for this story, Africa.

    Before attempting the massive transfer, the network conducted a trial run with 50 AK-47 assault rifles and ammunition.

    This test revealed Asumo’s particular value: his ability to create convincing falsified documents.

    The rifles came with forged end-user certificates allegedly from Tanzania, claiming the weapons were manufactured by a Tanzanian company and intended solely for the country’s military.

    When authorities intercepted this shipment, Asumo quickly produced a falsified letter from the Tanzanian Defence Permanent Secretary, supposedly confirming Tanzania had received the rifles.

    For this trial operation, he received $35,000 through bank accounts in Kenya and the United States, establishing the financial infrastructure that would have supported the larger operation.

    Facing the dreaded cartel members and arrest 

    In March 2023, Asumo and Mwapinga were paid thousands of dollars to attend face-to-face meetings with CJNG representatives.

    During these encounters, the cartel expanded their proposal beyond weapons trafficking.

    They wanted to use the East African network to facilitate cocaine trafficking, with the region serving as a transit hub for drugs destined for global markets.

    The meetings revealed the CJNG’s integrated criminal approach, using the same networks established for weapons procurement to simultaneously handle drug trafficking.

    East Africa, with its complex political landscape, multiple maritime access points, and developing regulatory frameworks, represented an ideal expansion target for the cartel’s global operations.

    The international scope of the operation required a coordinated global response.

    Arrest warrants issued on December 20, 2024, triggered operations across multiple continents. Mirchev was arrested in Madrid, Mwapinga in Accra, and finally, Asumo was captured at a Casablanca hotel on April 8, 2025.

    During his arrest, authorities found Asumo with mixed foreign currency including 70 UAE dirhams, $32, and 20 Swiss francs, along with four ATM cards, including two from Kenyan banks and one from a Kenyan microfinance institution.

    The diversity of his financial instruments painted a picture of someone maintaining international operations across multiple jurisdictions.

    The case becomes even more troubling when considering Mirchev’s connection to Viktor Bout, the notorious “Merchant of Death” convicted in the US in 2012. Bout’s networks, built over decades of arms trafficking, apparently continue operating despite their leader’s imprisonment.

    This suggests the Asumo operation may have been just one component of a much larger, established trafficking network that spans continents and criminal organizations.

    The ease with which this network operated across three East African countries reveals uncomfortable truths about the region’s vulnerability to criminal exploitation.

    The ability to create convincing government documents suggests either corruption within official systems or highly sophisticated criminal capabilities, possibly both.

    Most concerning is evidence that East Africa is being integrated into global criminal networks not just as a transit point, but as a full operational partner.

    The CJNG’s willingness to pay for face-to-face meetings and propose long-term partnerships shows they view the region as strategically important for global expansion.

    This represents a fundamental shift in how international criminal organizations view Africa, moving from exploitation to partnership in their global operations.

    Asumo and his co-conspirators face severe charges including conspiracy to provide material support to a foreign terrorist organization, conspiracy to distribute cocaine, and conspiracy to possess firearms in furtherance of drug trafficking.

    Each faces a minimum of 10 years and a maximum of life imprisonment. US prosecutors are reportedly seeking a life sentence for Asumo specifically.

    Mwapinga has already been extradited to the United States and likely serves as a key witness in building cases against his former co-conspirators. Mpeirwe remains at large, while extradition proceedings continue for both Mirchev in Spain and Asumo in Morocco, where he awaits a decision that could seal his fate.

    US Attorney Erik Siebert and DEA Special Agent Louis D’Ambrosio have positioned these arrests as part of “Operation Take Back America,” a nationwide drive to eliminate cartels and transnational criminal organizations.

    The investigation, conducted by the DEA’s Special Operations Division with support from international partners including the Hellenic National Police in Greece, demonstrates the global cooperation required to combat modern organized crime.

    The Asumo case serves as a stark warning about the globalization of criminal enterprise and East Africa’s vulnerability to exploitation by transnational organizations. His journey from businessman to international arms trafficker illustrates how quickly criminal organizations can corrupt individuals and exploit regional weaknesses in regulatory systems and international cooperation.

    While the arrests represent a significant victory for international law enforcement, they also reveal the extent to which transnational criminals have successfully established sophisticated operations in East Africa.

    The CJNG’s expansion into the region represents a strategic shift that law enforcement agencies are still working to fully understand and combat effectively.

    The sophistication of the operation, from document falsification to international financial transfers, suggests that criminal organizations are investing heavily in African operations and view the continent as crucial to their global expansion strategies.

    This should serve as a wake-up call for governments, financial institutions, and security services across the region.

    As Asumo sits in his Moroccan cell, potentially facing life in an American prison, his case continues to reverberate across East Africa and international law enforcement circles.

    The weapons were never delivered, the drugs never trafficked, and the network was disrupted, representing important victories for international cooperation against organized crime.

    However, the ease with which this network was established and the sophistication of its operations suggest that the fight against transnational crime in East Africa is far from over.

    The question now facing the region is not whether other criminal networks will attempt similar operations, but how quickly regional governments and international partners can strengthen defenses against the increasingly sophisticated methods employed by global criminal organizations.

    The Asumo case may have ended one criminal enterprise, but it has also provided a blueprint that other organizations may attempt to follow, making regional cooperation and international vigilance more crucial than ever in the ongoing fight against transnational organized crime.

  • British Soldiers’ Identities to Be Disclosed to Children They Fathered and Abandoned in Kenya

    British Soldiers’ Identities to Be Disclosed to Children They Fathered and Abandoned in Kenya

    A British High Court has ordered government officials to reveal the identities of 11 soldiers suspected of fathering children in Kenya before abandoning them, marking a historic victory for families who have sought justice for decades.

    Sir Andrew McFarlane, president of the family division, granted the unprecedented application compelling the Ministry of Defence, Department for Work and Pensions, and HM Revenue & Customs to disclose names and last known addresses of the military personnel within one month.

    The case involves children ranging from infants to adults born in the 1990s, all conceived near the British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK) base in Nanyuki, where approximately 10,000 British soldiers rotate through training exercises annually.

    The children, described as “mostly of mixed race,” live in communities where such heritage often leads to ostracization, facing significant social and economic challenges.

    Their mothers, all Kenyan women from the region around Nanyuki, testified they were in consensual relationships with British soldiers who returned to the UK without taking responsibility for their children.

    Many attempted to contact the fathers through various means but received no response, leaving them to raise mixed-race children alone in one of Kenya’s most impoverished regions.

    Generica Namoru pictured with her five-year old daughter Nicole. Namoru says she was in a consensual relationship with a UK soldier but he has abandoned her and their child since leaving Kenya. Festo Lang/CNN
    Generica Namoru pictured with her five-year old daughter Nicole. Namoru says she was in a consensual relationship with a UK soldier but he has abandoned her and their child since leaving Kenya. Festo Lang/CNN

    Rob George KC, representing the children, told the court that DNA testing confirmed their fathers were not Kenyan, making it highly probable they were British Army personnel or civilians connected to the base.

    One child described feeling completely abandoned, saying “The UK doesn’t even know I exist, let alone give me citizenship”.

    James Netto, the children’s solicitor who traveled to Kenya in December with DNA testing kits, described the 11 cases as representing “just the tip of the iceberg.”

    His investigation revealed a disturbing pattern spanning generations, with BATUK facing renewed scrutiny amid allegations that British soldiers have fathered children with local women and left many without support.

    The legal team’s innovative approach involved using the genealogy website Ancestry to match DNA results from Kenyan children with other tests available online.

    When potential matches to British soldiers were identified, Netto contacted them through social media, though many blocked further communication attempts.

    Court documents revealed a telling pattern in birth timing, with a disproportionate number of children born in October or November, coinciding with the end of nine-month British military deployments that typically begin in January or February.

    One case highlighted the profound identity crisis these children face.

    A young woman discovered through DNA testing that 31 percent of her genetic heritage relates to England and northwestern Europe, with her closest living relative residing in England, yet she had never known anything about her paternal family or heritage.

    The children are now seeking legal recognition of paternity, which could entitle them to British citizenship, inheritance rights, and child maintenance payments. This aspect of the case will be ruled on at a later date.

    This legal victory comes amid mounting pressure on British forces over historical misconduct in Kenya.

    The long-standing presence of BATUK has been marred by various incidents, including recent arrests of soldiers, and the unresolved murder case of Agnes Wanjiru, whose body was found stuffed in a septic tank near the British base in 2012.

    The timing is particularly significant as Kenya has strengthened its legal framework for addressing such cases.

    Under a 2021 defense pact, British soldiers can now be sued in Kenyan courts for wrongdoing, offering new avenues for justice that were previously unavailable.

    For the affected families in rural Kenya, this court order represents more than legal victory.

    It offers hope for recognition, identity, and basic rights that have been denied to them for years.

    As one mother holding her five-year-old daughter explained, she simply wanted child support from the British soldier who abandoned them after discovering the pregnancy.

    A Ministry of Defence spokesperson maintained that “paternity claims against UK service personnel are a private life issue,” but confirmed the government cooperates with local child support authorities where there are paternity claims, declining further comment while legal proceedings continue.

    The case establishes a crucial precedent that could encourage hundreds more similar claims from across Kenya’s British military training areas, where local communities have long struggled with the consequences of relationships between foreign soldiers and local women that ended in abandonment and poverty.

  • Expert Take: Are Female Police Officers Really Less Effective?

    Expert Take: Are Female Police Officers Really Less Effective?

    Operational evidence contradicts controversial call to reduce women’s recruitment in Kenya Police Service

    When Nyahururu Officer Commanding Station Isaac Kimutus claimed that female police officers “vomited in their helmets” during recent protests and called for reducing women’s recruitment to just 20%, he ignited a debate that goes beyond politics to the heart of modern policing effectiveness.

    But does the operational evidence support his controversial stance?

    A comprehensive analysis of policing research, international deployments, and Kenya’s own track record suggests the answer is a resounding no.

    During the 23rd Jukwaa La Usalama Forum in Laikipia County on July 31, 2025, OCS Kimutus made headlines with his blunt assessment of female officers’ performance during the Gen Z protests of June 25 and July 7.

    “Kama ingewezekana kuandika wanawake iwe 20 percent. The rest waandikwe wanaume,” he declared, explaining that he had instructed female officers to remain at stations during volatile situations because “unakuta wanatapikia helmet” (you find them vomiting in their helmets).

    The National Police Service swiftly disowned the remarks as “personal and inappropriate,” with spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga emphasizing that women “continue to play a critical role in policing, law enforcement, and professional service delivery.”

    Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen and Inspector General Douglas Kanja, who were present during the forum, dismissed the comments as poorly phrased, with Murkomen noting the officer “did not know how to package his words.”

    What the evidence actually shows

    Security experts examining the OCS’s claims find them fundamentally flawed when measured against operational realities and empirical research.

    Modern policing effectiveness isn’t primarily determined by physical confrontation capabilities.

    Kenyan police officers during a joint training session.
    Kenyan police officers during a joint training session.

    Research consistently demonstrates that successful crowd control relies on tactical coordination, equipment proficiency, and psychological preparation rather than individual physical strength.

    Studies show that female officers are 27% less likely to use extreme controlling behaviors, suggesting superior de-escalation capabilities—precisely what’s needed in volatile protest situations.

    This finding directly contradicts the assumption that physical confrontation is the primary measure of policing effectiveness.

    Kenya’s own international deployments provide the strongest counter-evidence to the OCS’s position.

    Kenyan female police officers currently serve with distinction in UN peacekeeping missions globally, achievements the NPS notes were “attained through merit, dedication, and professional competence, not chance.”

    Most notably, Kenya has deployed all-women police contingents to international missions, including Haiti, where they’ve earned recognition for their professionalism and effectiveness in community policing.

    The real operational picture

    Security analysts point to specific operational advantages that female officers bring to modern policing.

    Women officers demonstrate enhanced performance in domestic violence response, superior capabilities in child protection investigations, and better community engagement, particularly with women and children.

    Kenyan police officers during an operation taking aim.
    Kenyan police officers during an operation taking aim.

    They also improve public trust and police legitimacy while offering alternative approaches to conflict resolution.

    The allegation about officers experiencing physical distress during operations, if accurate, points to training deficiencies rather than gender-based incapacity.

    Stress responses to volatile situations affect both male and female officers and are addressed through enhanced training protocols, not exclusion policies.

    “The OCS may have legitimate concerns about training adequacy for high-stress situations or equipment suitability, but these are operational issues, not gender issues,” notes one security analyst who requested anonymity.

    Kenya’s Constitution mandates one-third gender representation in public service—a requirement rooted in both equity and operational effectiveness.

    This isn’t mere political correctness but recognition that diverse police forces better serve diverse communities.

    Reducing female recruitment based on isolated incidents would violate constitutional requirements, undermine Kenya’s international commitments, reduce operational effectiveness in community policing, and damage public trust and legitimacy.

    The implications extend far beyond domestic policy, potentially affecting Kenya’s standing in international security partnerships.

    Rather than reducing female recruitment, security experts recommend Kenya focus on comprehensive improvements to its police force.

    Enhanced training through rigorous psychological preparation and stress inoculation training for all officers regardless of gender represents the first priority. Strategic deployment involving mixed teams that leverage different skill sets and match officer capabilities to operational requirements offers another avenue for improvement.

    Equipment optimization ensuring all protective gear accommodates physical diversity while maintaining effectiveness, combined with merit-based standards that establish clear, measurable performance criteria focused on capability rather than assumptions, would address legitimate operational concerns without resorting to discriminatory practices.

    Expert analysis

    Kenya’s approach to police gender integration is watched globally, particularly given the country’s leadership in peacekeeping deployments.

    The success of Kenyan female officers in international missions has enhanced the country’s reputation and soft power influence.

    The first 400 Kenyan police officers deployed to Haiti in June 2024 to combat gangs

    Retrograde policies would not only harm domestic policing effectiveness but could jeopardize Kenya’s standing in international security partnerships.

    The consensus among security analysts is clear: the Nyahururu OCS’s comments reflect outdated thinking that conflates physical confrontation with policing effectiveness.

    “Modern security challenges require diverse skill sets that gender-balanced forces provide more effectively than homogeneous units,” explains Dr. Sarah Kimani, a security studies expert at the University of Nairobi.

    “Kenya’s female police officers have proven their worth on international stages—our security apparatus is stronger, not weaker, because of gender diversity.”

    Bottom line

    The evidence overwhelmingly contradicts the Nyahururu OCS’s position.

    Effective policing in the 21st century requires strategic thinking over physical force, community trust over authoritarian control, and professional competence regardless of gender.

    The path forward lies not in exclusion but in excellence—ensuring all officers meet the highest professional standards while leveraging the operational advantages that diversity provides.

    The National Police Service was correct to disown the controversial remarks.

    Kenya’s security is best served by recruiting the best candidates regardless of gender and ensuring they receive the training and support necessary to excel in their duties.

    As the debate continues, one question remains: In an era where policing effectiveness is measured by community trust, crime prevention, and professional competence, can Kenya afford to exclude half its potential talent pool based on outdated assumptions?

    The operational evidence suggests the answer is clear.

  • How Lethal Gang Wars Are Holding Outering Road Hostage With Blood

    How Lethal Gang Wars Are Holding Outering Road Hostage With Blood

    Nairobi’s Outering Road, once a bustling arterial highway connecting the city’s eastern suburbs, has transformed into a battlefield where machete-wielding youth gangs wage daily wars that have left commuters terrorized and businesses counting losses in the millions.

    In just the past two weeks, rival groups from Huruma and Kiamaiko have engaged in violent confrontations twice, forcing police to intervene and bringing traffic to a complete standstill along the critical transport corridor. The latest eruption occurred on Monday afternoon when violent clashes broke out between the rival factions, prompting a swift response from police who remained heavily deployed until calm returned by 5pm.

    The confrontations, which began between Allsops and the Kariobangi Roundabout, quickly spread to the Riverside area, creating what witnesses describe as scenes of urban warfare. Youths wielding machetes and glass bottles turned the once-busy matatu terminus into a war zone, setting up roadblocks and attacking pedestrians and vehicles indiscriminately.

    Social media users issued urgent security alerts warning motorists to avoid Outering Road entirely as the violence escalated. The protesters’ aggressive tactics forced authorities to deploy heavy police presence throughout the area, though questions remain about the effectiveness of law enforcement response given the recurring nature of these incidents.

    Mary Wanjiku, a vegetable vendor who operates near the Kariobangi roundabout, has watched her livelihood crumble as the violence intensifies. “I haven’t opened my stall for three days,” she explains, her voice heavy with frustration. “Every time I try to come to work, there’s fighting. My family depends on this business, but it’s too dangerous now.”

    Her story echoes across the area where local businesses report significant losses as customers avoid the zone entirely. Matatu operators, who form the backbone of public transport along this route, have been forced to seek alternative routes, disrupting schedules and increasing costs for commuters who can least afford it.

    The territorial disputes run deeper than mere turf wars. Investigations reveal that the groups are fighting over control of the local bus stage in Kariobangi, a strategic asset that represents lucrative income through extortion rackets and illegal taxes on matatu operators. Sources within the local administration, speaking on condition of anonymity, indicate these conflicts have roots in the drug trade and competition for influence over youth unemployment programs that channel government resources to the area.

    The economic ripple effects extend far beyond the immediate battleground. Each hour of disruption along Outering Road costs the economy approximately Sh50 million in lost productivity and delayed deliveries, according to the Kenya Association of Manufacturers. The road becomes impassable for several hours during each incident, affecting supply chains and forcing businesses to absorb additional transportation costs that ultimately get passed to consumers.

    Dr. James Kimani, a criminologist at the University of Nairobi, argues that current security measures barely scratch the surface of this crisis. “These young people are not inherently violent,” he explains. “They are products of systemic failures including lack of opportunity, poor governance, and the absence of legitimate channels for economic advancement.”

    The recurring violence reveals the inadequacy of purely reactive approaches. Despite heavy police deployment after each incident, the confrontations continue with predictable regularity, suggesting that law enforcement alone cannot address the underlying grievances that fuel gang recruitment.

    Local community leaders are calling for urgent intervention from county and national government authorities to establish permanent peace-building mechanisms and economic empowerment programs targeting at-risk youth in Huruma and Kiamaiko settlements. Without such comprehensive intervention, they warn, the cycle of violence will only intensify.

    As Nairobi continues to grow as East Africa’s commercial hub, the transformation of Outering Road into a gang battleground represents a critical test of Kenya’s ability to maintain security in its urban centers. The blood spilled on this vital artery threatens to spread instability throughout the metropolitan area if authorities fail to act decisively.

    For now, Outering Road remains hostage to cycles of violence that have made ordinary Kenyans prisoners in their own city, afraid to traverse routes they once considered safe. Until the root causes of youth marginalization and economic desperation are addressed, this critical transport corridor will continue to run red with the blood of a generation lost to gang warfare.

    The question facing authorities is no longer whether they can restore temporary order to Outering Road, but whether they possess the political will and resources to tackle the systemic issues that have turned Kenya’s youth into enemies of their own communities. The answer will determine not just the fate of one road, but the future of urban security across the nation.

  • Why DAP-K is At The Edge of Collapse As Leadership Wars Between Natembeya and Wamalwa Escalate

    Why DAP-K is At The Edge of Collapse As Leadership Wars Between Natembeya and Wamalwa Escalate

    The Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K) finds itself teetering on the precipice of institutional collapse as an increasingly vicious leadership battle between party leader Eugene Wamalwa and Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya threatens to tear apart what was once considered Western Kenya’s most promising political vehicle for 2027.

    What began as ideological differences in June 2025 has morphed into a full-blown existential crisis that exposes fundamental weaknesses in DAP-K’s organizational structure and threatens to render the party irrelevant in Kenya’s evolving political landscape.

    The current crisis reached fever pitch when Natembeya and his allies formally petitioned the DAP-K leadership to convene both a Special National Executive Council (SNEC) and National Governing Council (NGC) meeting to deliberate on Wamalwa’s leadership style and overall direction of the party.

    This unprecedented move signals a complete breakdown of internal party cohesion and democratic processes.

    The Strategic Stakes: More Than Just Party Politics

    The battle for DAP-K’s soul represents far more than personal ambitions—it embodies the larger struggle for political supremacy in Western Kenya, a region that has historically been crucial in determining Kenya’s presidential outcomes.

    The party’s potential collapse would create a dangerous political vacuum at a critical juncture when the region needs unified leadership ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Wamalwa has served as DAP-K’s political figurehead since the 2022 General Election, positioning himself as the de facto Western Kenya kingpin after Mudavadi disbanded ANC and joined President Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

    His removal would effectively hand Western Kenya’s political initiative to pro-government forces, fundamentally altering the region’s opposition credentials.

    The crisis has exposed critical flaws in DAP-K’s institutional framework. DAP-K Secretary General Dr Eseli Simiyu has confirmed receipt of the petition, noting that he is in the process of calling a meeting of the party’s National Management Committee (NMC) to address the issues raised.

    However, the fact that party officials who have unlimited access to him have opted to engage a lawyer to communicate with him and even offered to sponsor party organ meetings demonstrates a complete breakdown of internal communication channels.

    The Democratic Action Party (DAP-K) has resolved to refer all disputes to its Internal Disputes Resolution Committee, following reports of growing divisions that have resulted in the emergence of two rival factions within the party.

    This referral to dispute resolution mechanisms suggests the party acknowledges its inability to resolve the crisis through normal democratic processes.

    The Natembeya Factor: Ambition Meets Political Reality

    Governor George Natembeya at a past political rally.
    Governor George Natembeya at a past political rally.

    Governor Natembeya’s rise within DAP-K represents a classic case of political miscalculation that threatens to destroy the very platform he seeks to control.

    According to party insiders, Natembeya’s support base within the party includes chairman David Muchele and assistant secretary David Masanja, but this limited support base contrasts sharply with his outsized ambitions.

    Despite being the third deputy party leader, Natembeya is neither a member of the NEC nor the NMC, highlighting the structural impossibility of his power grab.

    His exclusion from key decision-making bodies makes any legitimate path to party leadership extremely difficult, forcing him into increasingly desperate and potentially destructive tactics.

    Trans Nzoia County Assembly members, elected on the DAP-K ticket, called for Wamalwa to relinquish his leadership role in favour of Natembeya, led by Hospital Ward MCA Erick Mwangale Wafula.

    However, this local support base appears insufficient to challenge Wamalwa’s broader institutional backing.

    The Loyalty Test: MPs and Leaders Choose Sides

    The crisis has forced DAP-K’s elected officials to declare their allegiances, creating irreparable divisions.

    Mumias East MP Peter Salasya has hinted at quitting the DAP Kenya party after party leader Eugene Wamalwa accused him of plotting a coup in the political outfit. Salasya’s potential departure would represent a significant blow to the party’s parliamentary representation and signal broader institutional instability.

    Paul Ajiba, maintained that despite Natembeya’s alleged plotting, Wamalwa enjoys stronger support within the party’s hierarchy.

    He cited the support of Secretary General Eseli Simiyu, first and second deputy party leaders Athanus Wafula Wamunyinyi and Ayub Savula, as well as several MPs, MCAs, and county chairpersons. This institutional support gives Wamalwa a significant advantage, but the public nature of the dispute has damaged the party’s credibility regardless of the outcome.

    External Manipulation: The State Factor

    Perhaps most damaging to DAP-K’s long-term prospects are allegations of state interference in the leadership crisis.

    Wamalwa’s allies have escalated the matter, directly accusing President William Ruto of allegedly backing Natembeya in an orchestrated effort to destabilise DAP-K — a party they insist has emerged as a formidable political force in Western Kenya.

    President William Ruto.
    President William Ruto.

    Mumias East MP Peter Salasya declared on his Instagram page that he would use all means at his disposal to prevent Natembeya from being used by the State to seize control of DAP-K.

    “The State has assured Natembeya that it would help him stage a coup in DAP-K and then hand the party over to the government,” Salasya claimed.

    These allegations, whether true or false, have introduced an element of external manipulation that fundamentally undermines the party’s autonomy and democratic processes.

    The perception that Natembeya might be a state project has poisoned internal party dynamics and made reconciliation increasingly difficult.

    The Failed Alternative: Lessons from CODK

    Natembeya’s desperation becomes clearer when viewed against his previous political failures.

    Ajiba further claimed that Natembeya’s ambition to take over the DAP-K leadership stems from the failure of his previous attempt to launch a party — Conservation of Democracy in Kenya (CODK) which flopped due to its lack of traction in the region.

    This background reveals Natembeya as a leader without a natural political base, making his hostile takeover attempt a last-ditch effort to secure political relevance ahead of 2027.

    His failure to build CODK from the ground up demonstrates questionable political judgment that bodes ill for any future leadership role.

    The Electoral Mathematics: 2027 Implications

    The timing of this crisis couldn’t be worse for Western Kenya’s political interests.

    With former Prime Minister Raila Odinga who previously commanded strong support in the region now part of Ruto’s broad-based government, and some of his allies shifting allegiance to back the president’s 2027 re-election bid, Wamalwa’s DAP-K has been working to occupy the vacuum left in the region’s political leadership.

    A collapsed or severely weakened DAP-K would leave Western Kenya without a credible opposition vehicle, potentially handing the region’s electoral influence to the ruling party by default.

    This represents a strategic disaster for opposition politics and Western Kenya’s bargaining power in national politics.

    Institutional Remedies: The Path Not Taken

    The crisis exposes DAP-K’s failure to develop robust conflict resolution mechanisms. According to Weswa, any decision to replace the party leader must be made by the National Executive Council (NEC), yet the party seems unable to convene credible democratic processes to address the dispute.

    The party’s constitution appears inadequate to handle succession disputes, particularly when they involve external manipulation and allegations of state interference. This institutional weakness makes DAP-K vulnerable to future crises even if the current dispute is resolved.

    The Propaganda War: Truth as Casualty

    Trans Nzoia Governor and Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K) deputy party leader George Natembeya has denied attempting to forcefully wrestle the leadership of the party from party leader Eugene Wamalwa, terming reports as unfounded.

    However, his denials ring hollow against the mounting evidence of coordinated efforts to undermine Wamalwa’s leadership.

    In a fiery press statement released on X by the faction’s leader, Eugene Wamalwa, on Friday, August 1, 2025, the DAP-K faction said that Natembeya, once seen as a key pillar in the party, has now turned rogue, plotting an unconstitutional takeover to unseat Wamalwa.

    This public exchange of accusations has transformed internal party disputes into a media spectacle, further damaging the party’s credibility and making reconciliation more difficult.

    The leadership crisis has practical implications for party operations and resource mobilization.

    Internal disputes typically drain financial resources, reduce donor confidence, and limit the party’s ability to prepare for elections.

    The uncertainty surrounding leadership makes long-term planning impossible and reduces the party’s attractiveness to potential defectors from other parties.

    Conclusion: A Party at the Crossroads

    DAP-K’s current crisis represents more than a leadership dispute—it embodies a fundamental test of institutional resilience and democratic governance within Kenya’s political parties.

    The party’s inability to resolve this conflict through established democratic processes exposes broader weaknesses in Kenya’s political party system.

    The stakes extend far beyond personal ambitions. DAP-K’s collapse would create a political vacuum in Western Kenya at a critical juncture, potentially handing electoral advantage to the ruling party and undermining opposition politics in one of Kenya’s most electorally significant regions.

    For Natembeya, the crisis represents a high-stakes gamble that could either catapult him to regional leadership or permanently damage his political career.

    For Wamalwa, it’s a test of his ability to maintain institutional control against internal rebellion and external manipulation.

    The resolution of this crisis will likely determine not only DAP-K’s survival but also the broader configuration of opposition politics in Western Kenya ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Without immediate intervention and genuine commitment to democratic processes by all parties, DAP-K risks joining the long list of Kenyan political parties that promised much but delivered little due to internal contradictions and leadership failures.

    The party stands at a crossroads: embrace democratic resolution and institutional strengthening, or continue down the path of destruction that threatens to render it politically irrelevant when Western Kenya needs strong opposition leadership most.

  • Is Gladys Wanga Being Groomed To Be Ruto’s Deputy in 2027?

    Is Gladys Wanga Being Groomed To Be Ruto’s Deputy in 2027?

    The Political Chess Game That Could Reshape Kenya’s Leadership

    In the intricate web of Kenyan politics, few stories capture the imagination quite like the meteoric rise of Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga. As the political machinery for 2027 begins to churn, a compelling narrative is emerging: Could the ODM chairperson be positioning herself or being positioned as President William Ruto’s running mate for his re-election bid?

    The question isn’t merely speculative gossip.

    It represents a confluence of political pragmatism, gender dynamics, and strategic alliance-building that could fundamentally alter Kenya’s leadership landscape.

    The Foundation: From Opposition Stalwart to Unlikely Ally

    Wanga’s political journey reads like a masterclass in strategic positioning.

    Having served as Homa Bay Woman Representative from 2013 to 2022 before ascending to the governor’s mansion, she has consistently demonstrated both grassroots appeal and administrative competence.

    But it’s her recent elevation to ODM national chairperson that has set tongues wagging in political circles.

    The timing is hardly coincidental.

    Her appointment came as President Ruto was bringing key opposition figures into his broad-based government, a move that has fundamentally redrawn Kenya’s political map.

    In a landscape where yesterday’s enemies become today’s allies, Wanga represents something potent: legitimacy within the opposition combined with pragmatic cooperation with the ruling administration.

    Wanga has been unequivocal in her support for Ruto’s agenda, stating that ODM fully supports the President’s development initiatives.

    This isn’t merely political theater—it’s a strategic recalibration that positions her as a bridge between two historically antagonistic political traditions.

    The Broad-Based Government: More Than Political Window Dressing

    The March 8 UDA-ODM deal that brought Orange Party figures into Cabinet positions wasn’t just about sharing power, it was about reshaping electoral mathematics for 2027.

    For Ruto, the inclusion of ODM heavyweights serves multiple purposes: it neutralizes potential opposition, brings crucial regional representation, and provides options for his running mate selection.

    Wanga’s role in this arrangement is particularly intriguing.

    Unlike other ODM figures who joined government as Cabinet Secretaries, she has maintained her gubernatorial position while ascending within the party hierarchy.

    This dual positioning as both a successful county executive and national party leader, creates a unique political profile that could prove invaluable in a national campaign.

    The Gender Factor: Kenya’s Overdue Political Revolution

    Gladys Wanga and William Ruto during a function in Homa Bay County.
    Gladys Wanga and William Ruto during a function in Homa Bay County.

    Perhaps the most compelling argument for Wanga’s deputy presidency candidacy lies in Kenya’s long-overdue reckoning with gender representation.

    Despite comprising over 50% of the population, women remain dramatically underrepresented in Kenya’s highest offices.

    The country has never had a female president or deputy president, a statistic that becomes more glaring with each electoral cycle.

    The demand for female leadership isn’t just coming from women’s rights activists.

    Women movements are making a strong case that Kenya is “ripe for a woman Deputy President”, and this sentiment is gaining traction across political divides.

    Ruto himself has previously hinted at the possibility of selecting a female running mate, suggesting that the gender factor isn’t just wishful thinking, it’s a serious political consideration.

    Caren Oloo of Maendeleo Ya Wanawake captured this sentiment perfectly: “Kenya is ripe to get a woman leader at the top. For too long, we have been underrepresented in positions of power.”

    This isn’t just about representation, it’s about recognizing that excluding half the population from top leadership positions is both morally indefensible and politically shortsighted.

    The Kindiki Conundrum: Why Change Might Be Inevitable

    Current Deputy President Kithure Kindiki’s position, while seemingly secure, faces several structural challenges that could make a change inevitable.

    Recent analysis suggests it may be impossible for Ruto to retain Kindiki as his running mate in 2027, though the deputy president has been actively campaigning for the ticket through nationwide tours.

    The challenge for Kindiki isn’t personal competence—he’s widely regarded as capable and loyal.

    Rather, it’s about electoral mathematics and political coalition-building.

    As Ruto seeks to broaden his base beyond the Kenya Kwanza coalition, the running mate slot becomes a crucial tool for cementing new alliances and appealing to previously hostile constituencies.

    Regional Dynamics: The Luo Factor in National Politics

    Wanga’s potential candidacy takes on added significance when viewed through the lens of regional politics.

    Should Raila Odinga indeed exit active politics as many expect, the Luo community—Kenya’s third-largest ethnic group—would need new national leadership.

    Wanga, with her proven track record and national profile, could emerge as the natural successor to Odinga’s political legacy.

    This transition wouldn’t just be symbolic.

    The Luo community has historically played a pivotal role in Kenyan politics, and their support could prove decisive in 2027.

    By selecting Wanga as his running mate, Ruto would effectively secure not just individual loyalty but potentially an entire regional bloc that has traditionally been in opposition.

    The Competition: Waiguru and the UDA Dilemma

    Wanga isn’t the only female politician being mentioned for the deputy presidency.

    Kirinyaga Governor Anne Waiguru, a UDA stalwart serving her second and final term, remains a strong contender.

    The choice between Wanga and Waiguru represents more than just individual preferences, it’s about the kind of coalition Ruto wants to build for 2027.

    Waiguru offers continuity and loyalty from within the current ruling coalition.

    She’s proven her ability to work within the UDA structure and has maintained strong ties with Central Kenya politics.

    However, her selection would represent an inward-looking choice—rewarding existing allies rather than expanding the coalition.

    Wanga, conversely, represents bold expansion. Her selection would signal Ruto’s commitment to transcending traditional political boundaries and building a truly national coalition.

    It would also fulfill his implicit promise to elevate women to the highest levels of government.

    The Raila Factor: Blessing or Burden?

    Gladys Wanga and Raila Odinga during a football match in the past.
    Gladys Wanga and Raila Odinga during a football match in the past.

    One of the most intriguing aspects of Wanga’s potential candidacy is her relationship with Raila Odinga.

    While his backing has been crucial to her rise within ODM, it could also become a liability if perceived as excessive male influence on her candidacy.

    As Caren Oloo warned: “Right now, we know Raila is behind Wanga. Should he walk away from the Broad-Based Government, her dreams could be shattered.”

    This observation highlights a crucial tension, while Odinga’s support is valuable, Wanga must establish herself as an independent political force to be truly viable as a national leader.

    The key for Wanga will be demonstrating that her political strength derives from her own achievements and appeal, rather than merely from being Odinga’s preferred successor.

    Her track record as governor and her grassroots mobilization skills suggest she has the foundation to make this transition successfully.

    Electoral Mathematics: Building the Winning Coalition

    Politics, ultimately, is about numbers, and the 2027 electoral mathematics are complex.

    Ruto’s victory in 2022 was built on a carefully constructed coalition that combined his Rift Valley base with crucial support from Central Kenya and other regions.

    For 2027, he needs to maintain this coalition while potentially expanding it to ensure decisive victory.

    A Wanga candidacy would bring several electoral advantages.

    First, it would likely secure significant support from Nyanza, traditionally an opposition stronghold.

    Second, it would appeal to women voters across ethnic lines, a demographic that constitutes over 50% of the electorate. Third, it would position Ruto as a progressive leader willing to break traditional barriers.

    However, this strategy isn’t without risks.

    Some traditional Ruto supporters might view the selection of an ODM figure as betrayal, potentially depressing turnout in his core constituencies. The challenge will be managing this transition without alienating existing supporters while attracting new ones.

    The Opposition Factor: Neutralizing Future Threats

    From a strategic perspective, bringing Wanga onto the ticket would serve another crucial purpose: neutralizing potential opposition coalitions.

    If she becomes Ruto’s running mate, it would be significantly more difficult for any opposition alliance to present a credible challenge from Nyanza or to build a broad-based anti-Ruto coalition.

    This isn’t just about 2027—it’s about fundamentally altering Kenya’s political landscape for years to come.

    By absorbing key opposition figures into his coalition, Ruto could create a dominant political formation that mirrors the kind of hegemonic arrangements that characterized earlier periods of Kenyan politics.

    Kenya’s Global Image

    Kenya’s international partners have increasingly emphasized the importance of gender equality and women’s empowerment.

    A female deputy president would send a powerful signal about Kenya’s commitment to these values, potentially enhancing the country’s standing in international forums and with development partners.

    This consideration shouldn’t be underestimated in an era where Kenya seeks to position itself as a regional leader and global partner.

    Having a woman in the second-highest office would represent significant progress and could yield tangible benefits in terms of international relationships and development cooperation.

    Challenges and Obstacles

    Despite the compelling case for Wanga’s candidacy, several obstacles remain.

    First, there’s the question of whether ODM will demand formal pre-election agreements that could complicate the arrangement.

    Political marriages of convenience are notoriously fragile, and the terms of any such alliance would need careful negotiation.

    Second, there’s the challenge of managing internal UDA dynamics.

    Long-time Ruto allies might resist what they perceive as excessive accommodation of former opponents.

    The art of political leadership often lies in managing these internal tensions while pursuing broader strategic objectives.

    Third, there’s the question of Wanga’s own political calculations.

    While the deputy presidency would represent a significant elevation, it would also mean subordinating herself to Ruto’s leadership and agenda.

    For a politician who has built her career in opposition, this transition requires careful consideration of long-term implications.

    The Verdict: Grooming or Genuine Partnership?

    Will Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga be Ruto’s running mate in 2027?
    Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga.

    So, is Gladys Wanga being “groomed” to be Ruto’s deputy in 2027?

    The evidence suggests something more complex than simple grooming—it appears to be a case of mutual political advantage creating conditions for potential partnership.

    Wanga brings undeniable assets to any potential ticket: proven leadership ability, gender representation, regional appeal, and the capacity to bridge traditional political divides.

    For Ruto, her selection would represent bold coalition-building that could secure his re-election while positioning his administration as progressive and inclusive.

    The question isn’t whether she’s qualified—her track record speaks for itself.

    Rather, it’s whether the political stars will align to make this partnership beneficial for all parties involved.

    In a political environment where today’s allies can become tomorrow’s opponents, such calculations are never simple.

    The Making of History

    Whether or not Gladys Wanga becomes William Ruto’s running mate in 2027, her emergence as a serious candidate represents something significant in Kenyan politics.

    It signals the maturation of women’s political leadership and the gradual breakdown of traditional barriers that have long excluded half the population from the highest offices.

    For Kenya, the prospect of its first female deputy president—regardless of who ultimately gets the nod—represents long-overdue progress.

    For Wanga personally, it represents the culmination of a political journey that began in the opposition trenches and could end in the corridors of State House.

    The 2027 election remains more than two years away, and much can change in that time. Political alliances will shift, new crises will emerge, and electoral dynamics will evolve.

    But one thing seems certain: Gladys Wanga has positioned herself as a serious player in Kenya’s political future, and her influence on the country’s trajectory is only beginning to be felt.

    As Kenya stands at this political crossroads, the question isn’t just about individual ambitions or party calculations—it’s about the kind of leadership the country needs for its next chapter.

    In Gladys Wanga, voters may well see not just a potential deputy president, but a symbol of the change they’ve long been promised but rarely delivered.

    The game is afoot, the players are positioning themselves, and history waits to be written.

  • Why Gachagua Is All About Targeting Mt Kenya Diasporans in His US Tour

    Why Gachagua Is All About Targeting Mt Kenya Diasporans in His US Tour

    Rigathi Gachagua’s two-month American odyssey tells a story of calculated political arithmetic wrapped in the familiar rhetoric of ethnic solidarity.

    The former Deputy President’s strategic targeting of Mt Kenya diasporans across Seattle, Baltimore, Boston, and Washington DC reveals a campaign blueprint built on demographic realities and financial pragmatism rather than mere tribal nostalgia.

    The numbers speak volumes. Gachagua’s own assertion that “80 per cent of the diaspora brigade in the United States” originates from Mt Kenya transforms what might appear as ethnic pandering into shrewd electoral mathematics.

    This isn’t just about courting familiar faces; it’s about accessing the most substantial voting bloc within America’s Kenyan community, a demographic that could prove decisive in 2027’s presidential arithmetic.

    The geographical precision of Gachagua’s tour further underscores this strategic thinking. His concentration on the DMV corridor—DC, Maryland, and Virginia—places him at the epicenter of both Kenyan diaspora concentration and American political influence.

    Baltimore and Northern Virginia house thousands of Kenyans working within the corridors of US power, while Washington DC offers proximity to lobbying networks that could amplify his international profile.

    This isn’t coincidental; it’s calculated positioning for a politician seeking to rebuild his credentials after last October’s impeachment.

    Academic observers recognize this tactical approach.

    As Prof David Kimori notes, diasporans “are influential in Kenyan elections and in fundraising for politicians,” making them invaluable assets for any serious presidential contender.

    Gachagua understands that diaspora dollars have historically bankrolled major campaigns, and Mt Kenya professionals in America represent some of the most financially capable contributors within Kenya’s overseas community.

    However, Gachagua’s messaging reveals the double-edged nature of ethnic-centered campaigning.

    His controversial statements at Massachusetts churches about Mt Kenya communities “withholding their investments in Kenya waiting for the end of the Ruto regime” demonstrates both the power and the peril of his approach.

    While such rhetoric energizes his core base, it simultaneously reinforces perceptions of him as a regional kingpin rather than a national leader.

    This tension became evident when Kenyan Gen Z activists in the US challenged Gachagua to “position yourself as a national leader” and confronted him over what they termed “tribal rhetoric.”

    The generational divide within the diaspora suggests that while older Mt Kenya emigrants might respond to traditional ethnic appeals, younger Kenyans seek more inclusive national messaging.

    The timing of Gachagua’s tour also carries strategic significance. By establishing diaspora networks early in the electoral cycle, he positions himself ahead of competitors like Fred Matiang’i, who is planning his own August visit to Minneapolis.

    This early mover advantage allows Gachagua to establish organizational structures and financial pipelines that could prove crucial as the 2027 campaign intensifies.

    Yet the tour’s focus on Mt Kenya diasporans exposes both Gachagua’s political strength and his fundamental weakness.

    While he commands genuine loyalty within his ethnic base, his narrow targeting suggests recognition that expanding beyond this demographic remains challenging.

    His establishment of DCP offices in Washington speaks to long-term organizational ambitions, but the ethnic-centered messaging indicates uncertainty about broader national appeal.

    The financial dimension cannot be understated. Diaspora remittances represent billions of dollars annually, and politically motivated contributions from successful professionals could substantially fund campaign operations.

    Gachagua’s calculated courtship of this constituency reflects understanding that modern Kenyan politics requires both grassroots enthusiasm and substantial financial resources.

    Ultimately, Gachagua’s American tour represents sophisticated ethnic politics masquerading as diaspora engagement.

    His targeting of Mt Kenya communities isn’t mere tribal solidarity—it’s electoral mathematics applied to demographic realities.

    Whether this approach can evolve into broader national appeal remains the central question facing his 2027 ambitions.

    For now, he’s betting that securing his ethnic base first provides the foundation for wider coalition-building later.

    The tour’s success will likely be measured not in headlines generated or crowds attracted, but in dollars raised and organizational networks established. In this calculus, Mt Kenya diasporans represent Gachagua’s most reliable constituency—politically sympathetic, financially capable, and geographically concentrated in America’s most influential corridors.

    It’s politics as demographic targeting, wrapped in the familiar language of community solidarity.

  • Mediheal: Inside the Criminal Organ Trafficking Ring That Made Mishra Millions

    Mediheal: Inside the Criminal Organ Trafficking Ring That Made Mishra Millions

    A far-reaching investigation by the Ministry of Health has exposed an international organ trafficking syndicate operating from one of Kenya’s most prominent private hospitals, Mediheal, allegedly orchestrated by its founder, former Kesses MP Dr Swarup Mishra.

    The 18-member probe team, appointed by Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale, uncovered a deeply disturbing network of exploitation, forged documentation, unethical medical practices, and cash-for-organs deals that have turned vulnerable Kenyans and foreign nationals into a supply chain for the world’s desperate and wealthy.

    At the center of the scandal is Mediheal Group of Hospitals, whose transplant wing has dominated the kidney transplant market in Kenya, performing 476 procedures between 2018 and March 2025, dwarfing all other hospitals combined.

    The evidence points to a clear pattern: exploitation of poor, desperate individuals particularly men in exchange for cash, with organs channeled to affluent foreign patients, especially from Israel.

    A medical mirage of greed

    The investigation paints a damning portrait of Mediheal’s operations. The hospital charged Kenyans Sh2 million, other Africans Sh3.2 million, and non-Africans Sh4.4 million for kidney transplants, a three-tier pricing model that officials say signals “transplant tourism.”

    More than 347 patients paid out-of-pocket in cash. Only 77 procedures were covered by insurance. The data reveals 25.1% of Mediheal’s donors were “highly likely” to have been paid illegally, a sharp contrast to the 3.6% average at other hospitals.

    Many of these donors, investigators say, were not even from Kenya. A striking number were young Azeri men, systematically recruited to supply kidneys to Israeli recipients, none of whom donated organs themselves. The report raises red flags of “forged identification documents, misrepresented relationships,” and a pipeline from Azerbaijan to Israel.

    “Kidney harvesting capital” of East Africa?

    According to the report, Kenya and specifically Mediheal has effectively become a regional hub for organ harvesting.

    Of all kidney donors nationwide during the review period, 81% came from Mediheal. An overwhelming 77.2% of these were men, further underscoring the gender imbalance and socio-economic vulnerability of those targeted.

    Some patients were as young as eight, while others were as old as 80 including 170 aged over 65 raising serious ethical questions about the medical justification and safety of these transplants.

    The Mishra machine

    Mediheal Hospital

    The report directly implicates Dr Swarup Mishra, as well as his top transplant staff: nephrologist Dr A.S. Murthy, urologist Dr Sananda Bag, and anaesthesiologist Dr Vijay Kumar, all of whom are recommended for criminal investigation.

    Dr Murthy is described as running a dangerous “one-man show” without oversight, ethics committees, or licensed transplant teams. Despite working in Kenya for eight years, he is not a member of the Kenya Renal Association. Investigators found expired staff licenses, ghost roles, and nurses posing as theatre technicians. In one case, a nurse aide was performing technical roles in operating rooms.

    Mediheal lacked essential transplant personnel, including pathologists, psychologists, and nutritionists. There were no formal audit meetings, ethics reviews, or multidisciplinary oversight.

    Meanwhile, donor consent videos submitted to the committee were identical to promotional material posted online — suggesting donors were used as props to market transplant services.

    Kenya’s regulatory collapse

    The findings implicate not just the hospital but also state agencies that failed to act. The Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Council (KMPDC) faces accusations of regulatory negligence and possible collusion for ignoring prior complaints against Mediheal.

    Samples from Kenyan patients were flown to unregistered labs in India without authorization from the Kenya Medical Laboratory Technicians and Technologists Board. The labs were not accredited, and their use violates Kenyan law.

    An MoU between Mediheal and Indian-based SRL Limited was signed without expiry, a loophole investigators fear may have facilitated unchecked medical testing and possible data misuse.

    Targeting the poor, serving the rich

    The report reveals that most donors were sourced from Mountain, Rift Valley, and Northern Kenya, where poverty and desperation run high. A former Mediheal marketing coordinator told the committee she worked from 2018 to 2023 recruiting donors in western Kenya and coordinating foreign patients, mainly from Israel.

    The deaths of at least 10 transplant patients were reported, with complications including renal artery thrombosis and pulmonary embolism. Yet Mediheal conducted no post-transplant audits — a gross violation of medical protocol.

    The committee’s recommendations are sweeping: immediate criminal investigations, regulatory reviews, and a complete overhaul of Kenya’s organ transplant system.

    A cover-up in the making?

    Despite the depth of the findings, insiders now say efforts to suppress or doctor the report have already begun. Health CS Duale disowned the report, citing internal dissent. Meanwhile, Parliament’s health committee probing the scandal reportedly interviewed only one witness before its term expired.

    Kenya may be facing the largest medical crime in its history one that not only commodified human organs but turned the country’s medical reputation into a global black market.