Author: Our Correspondent

  • ‪TikTok Removes Over Half A Million Videos In Kenya in Three Months‬

    ‪TikTok Removes Over Half A Million Videos In Kenya in Three Months‬

    TikTok removed more than 580,000 videos in Kenya between July and September last year for violating its community guidelines, its latest report has shown.

    The Community Guidelines Enforcement Report says 99.7 per cent of the videos taken down in Kenya were removed proactively before being reported by users, while 94.6 per cent were deleted within 24 hours of posting.

    During the same period, about 90,000 live sessions were interrupted for breaching platform rules, accounting for one per cent of all live streams.

    Globally, the platform removed more than 204 million videos in the third quarter, representing about 0.7 per cent of all uploaded content.

    Of these, 99.3 per cent were taken down before being reported and 94.8 per cent were removed within 24 hours.

    TikTok said 91 per cent of the violative content was detected and removed using automated moderation technologies.

    “This is one of the highest rates ever recorded by TikTok for rapid content removal. Through our continued investment in AI moderation technologies record 91per cent of this violative content is now removed via automated technologies, ensuring consistency and speed,” the company said.

    To safeguard the platform’s integrity, TikTok also removed more than 118 million fake accounts worldwide and over 22 million accounts suspected to belong to users under the age of 13.

    “By integrating advanced automated moderation technologies with the expertise of thousands of trust and safety professionals, TikTok ensures swift and consistent enforcement of content that violates its Community Guidelines,” the platform said.

    “This approach is vital in ensuring we provide a safe platform for our community, as we uphold our policies against harmful content, including misinformation, hate speech and other violations.”

    In November, TikTok introduced a new Time and Well-being space featuring tools aimed at promoting mindful digital habits, alongside four new Well-being Missions designed to encourage purposeful and confident use of technology, particularly among teens.

    The report is part of TikTok’s ongoing transparency efforts, providing data on content and account enforcement actions across its platform.

  • State House Spends Sh10.4 Billion In Seven Months Surpassing Its Yearly Budget Allocation

    State House Spends Sh10.4 Billion In Seven Months Surpassing Its Yearly Budget Allocation

    State House expenditure for the 2025/26 financial year reached KSh 10.4 billion by the end of January 2026, surpassing its full-year recurrent allocation of KSh 7.7 billion.

    This overshoot occurred within the first seven months of the fiscal cycle, meaning the President’s official residence has already exceeded its approved ceiling by 35% (KSh 2.7 billion) with five months remaining.

    According to recent National Treasury disclosures, the overspending is primarily driven by recurrent expenditures, which cover the daily functioning of state institutions.Domestic and foreign travel, hospitality, fuel, maintenance, staff allowances, and administrative support.

    Reports indicate the administration spends approximately KSh 200 million daily on hosting delegations at State House.

    The Controller of Budget has previously flagged high spending on hospitality and travel, noting a 125% overshoot of the first-quarter budget target.

    State House has already requested and received approval for an additional KSh 4 billion in emergency financing for the current fiscal year.

    Experts and the Controller of Budget warn that such runaway expenditure by top executive offices weakens fiscal discipline and may force increased government borrowing, further impacting Kenya’s public debt.

    For context, the 2025/26 total national budget is KSh 4.239 trillion, with the education sector receiving the largest share at KSh 702.7 billion.

  • The Epstein ‘Switchboard’: New Document Trove Reveals a Financier Who Routed Secrets, Money and Influence Far Beyond His Crimes

    The Epstein ‘Switchboard’: New Document Trove Reveals a Financier Who Routed Secrets, Money and Influence Far Beyond His Crimes

    The Epstein ‘Switchboard’: A New Document Trove Recasts a Disgraced Financier as a Broker of Power

    In death, as in life, Jeffrey Epstein refuses to recede.

    A vast new tranche of federal records released in January has widened the aperture on the financier’s world, revealing not simply a serial sexual predator but a man who, years after his 2008 conviction in Florida, continued to circulate among titans of banking, philanthropy and politics with a fluency that defied public disgrace.

    The files do not allege new crimes.

    Instead, they illuminate the infrastructure of access: donor-advised funds and pandemic-themed investment vehicles conceived long before Covid-19; email exchanges with billionaires and cabinet-level figures; and proposals that straddled the fault lines between public health, financial engineering and political influence.

    Read together, the documents suggest that Epstein functioned less as a solitary deviant than as a kind of switchboard operator for elite networks, routing information, introductions and capital across borders and sectors.

    Among the most striking records is a December 2014 email chain in which Epstein, six years after his plea deal for soliciting a minor, hosted a breakfast for wealthy donors and corresponded with Bill Gates about the meeting’s substance.

    Gates, who has previously described his interactions with Epstein as limited and a matter of regret, shared impressions from the gathering.

    Epstein responded with pointed critiques of philanthropic strategy and offered to help shape subsequent events, even suggesting that Gates and his family visit Little St. James, Epstein’s private island. He referenced Kathryn Ruemmler, then White House counsel, as someone familiar with the setting.

    The tone was not deferential. It was advisory. The world’s most prominent philanthropist appeared to be receiving strategic feedback from a registered sex offender who had retained entrée into rooms where multibillion-dollar giving vehicles were conceived.

    The records also revisit Epstein’s long relationship with JPMorgan Chase, which continued to bank him for years after his conviction.

    Senate inquiries and prior reporting established that the bank processed more than $1 billion in transactions tied to Epstein, even as internal compliance officers raised concerns about suspicious cash withdrawals and transfers that bore the hallmarks of trafficking.

    Newly surfaced planning documents reference a proposal known internally as “Project Molecule,” outlining financing and reinsurance strategies linked to biological events — an eerie echo of pandemic-era financial engineering that would later define global markets.

    The bank has previously said it regrets its association with Epstein and has settled civil litigation related to the relationship.

    Across the Atlantic, the files deepen scrutiny of political intermediaries. Correspondence and contemporaneous reporting detail instances in which sensitive British Treasury materials — including notes on the Volcker Rule and Dodd-Frank deliberations — were forwarded to Epstein shortly after receipt.

    Among those drawn into renewed controversy is Peter Mandelson, a former cabinet minister whose contacts with Epstein have been examined by British authorities.

    Mandelson has denied wrongdoing, but questions have persisted about why a convicted sex offender remained a conduit for high-level policy intelligence.

    The name of Keir Starmer, now Britain’s prime minister, surfaces in the political fallout rather than the emails themselves.

    Starmer has condemned Epstein’s crimes and expressed sympathy for victims, yet his past proximity to figures who interacted with the financier has become fodder for opponents demanding fuller transparency.

    To be clear, federal investigators have repeatedly stated that while evidence of Epstein’s sexual abuse of underage girls was overwhelming, they found little proof that he operated a blackmail ring on behalf of powerful clients.

    No additional high-profile figures have been charged in connection with his trafficking offenses. Epstein’s 2019 death at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Manhattan was ruled a suicide, though public skepticism has never fully abated.

    That skepticism has been amplified by lingering questions about Epstein’s apparent immunity from social exile.

    After serving 13 months in a work-release arrangement widely criticized as lenient, he rebuilt his Rolodex with astonishing speed. He met scientists, economists and political strategists. He seeded academic projects.

    He positioned himself as an interlocutor between billionaires and policymakers. Even as civil suits mounted and investigative reporters documented allegations of abuse, doors remained open.

    The newly released records do not prove that Epstein orchestrated global crises or controlled governments. They do, however, reveal how porous the boundaries were between disgrace and influence.

    A man whose name had become synonymous with exploitation was still exchanging policy views, advising on philanthropic architecture and cultivating relationships at the highest levels of finance.

    This is the enduring disquiet of the Epstein affair. It is not only about who flew on which plane or attended which dinner. It is about the mechanics of power: how donor-advised funds can obscure capital flows; how private briefings migrate into private inboxes; how reputational risk can be outweighed by access to wealth and connections.

    Epstein once presented himself as a financial savant with an eye for macroeconomic inflection points. The documents instead depict a social engineer who understood that proximity is currency.

    He trafficked in introductions as much as in money. He recognized that crises — financial, epidemiological, political — create demand for intermediaries who claim to see around corners.

    Six years after his death, the switchboard he manned is gone.

    But the circuitry — the quiet pathways between philanthropy, finance and governance — remains intact.

    The January release does not close the Epstein chapter. It reframes it, shifting the focus from a single criminal to the ecosystem that sustained him long after the world knew who he was.

  • Tuju Drops Forgery, Fraud Bombshell, Calls SC Fred Ojiambo A ‘Bible-Carrying Fraud With a Fake British Accent’

    Tuju Drops Forgery, Fraud Bombshell, Calls SC Fred Ojiambo A ‘Bible-Carrying Fraud With a Fake British Accent’

    Raphael Tuju has done what few men in this country dare to do. He has walked into the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, looked squarely into the face of Kenya’s legal establishment, and declared war.

    The former Cabinet Secretary and Jubilee Party Secretary General strode out of DCI headquarters on Monday, February 16, having formally recorded a statement against one of the most decorated lawyers in the land.

    Senior Counsel Fred Ojiambo of Kaplan and Stratton, a man who moves in the rarefied air of Kenya’s corporate elite, now finds himself the subject of a criminal complaint lodged by a man who is clearly not afraid of consequences.

    And Tuju, never one to whisper when he can roar, did not mince his words.

    “Fred Ojiambo is a Bible-carrying fraud with a fake British accent,” he thundered outside DCI headquarters, his lawyer Duncan Okach standing a measured step behind him.

    Lawyer Fred Ojiambo.
    Lawyer Fred Ojiambo.

    THE MAN, THE PROPERTY AND THE 1.5 BILLION SHILLING QUESTION

    At the centre of this seismic legal storm sits a prime property in Karen worth a staggering Ksh 1.5 billion. The Tuju family’s ownership of this piece of prime Nairobi real estate has been contested in a drawn-out war with the East African Development Bank (EADB), a regional lender that extended a loan to Tuju’s Dari Ltd and later moved to enforce securities against the property when repayment became contested.

    What began as a commercial dispute over loan terms and enforcement proceedings has, in Tuju’s telling, long since crossed into something far darker. He is not talking about interest rates or missed instalments anymore. He is talking about forgery, fabricated evidence, manufactured affidavits, phantom diplomatic immunity, and a fake international arrest warrant that he says came all the way from a Ugandan magistrate’s court.

    This is not a small claim.

    THE CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AT THE DCI

    Tuju told journalists that he had written to the DCI ten days before personally presenting himself to record his statement.

    He arrived bearing what he described as documentary evidence of criminal conduct by Ojiambo, a senior partner at Kaplan and Stratton, one of the oldest and most prestigious law firms operating in Kenya.

    At the core of his allegations is a claim that Ojiambo and other advocates at the firm “procured and manufactured many falsehoods” from a former Kenya Country Manager of the East African Development Bank and then deposited those fabricated falsehoods in sworn affidavits filed before both the High Court and the Supreme Court of Kenya.

    Tuju says these affidavits were presented as having been properly commissioned before a Commissioner for Oaths when, in his view, they were no such thing.

    If that allegation holds any water at all, it would mean that sworn documents presented to the highest court in the land were fraudulent. The implications for Kenya’s judiciary and legal profession would be catastrophic.

    “With his left hand, he is filing documents filled with lies in court in support of a scheme to wrongfully deprive my family and me of properties acquired through decades of hard work,” Tuju declared, his voice carrying the particular fury of a man who believes he is fighting not just for land, but for his life’s work.

    A THORN BY ANY OTHER NAME: THE KAPLAN AND STRATTON QUESTION

    Tuju saved particular venom for the public image of Kaplan and Stratton as an institution. The firm, he pointed out with theatrical derision, carries an internationally polished, British-sounding name and projects itself as a global corporate firm of impeccable standing.

    “It is wholly run by Kenyans,” he said, letting the observation land like a punch.

    He then went further, raising the spectre of another senior partner at the same firm, Peter Gachuhi, who is already facing prosecution over the alleged forgery of the will of the late former Attorney General James Boro Karugu. Tuju stopped short of legally linking the two matters but the insinuation was clear: where there is smoke this thick, somebody has been playing with fire.

    “If this can happen to persons like the late former AG James Boro Karugu and me, who have had the privilege of serving this country in high office, what is the situation for other Kenyans who cannot afford to engage teams of lawyers?” Tuju posed, framing his personal battle as something larger, a question of whether Kenya’s legal system belongs to the powerful or to everyone.

    THE PHANTOM IMMUNITY AND THE UGANDAN GHOST WARRANT

    Among the more extraordinary claims Tuju laid before investigators were two allegations that, if proved, would suggest a deliberate campaign to obstruct justice and intimidate a litigant into submission.

    First, he alleged that a separate criminal matter pending before a Magistrates Court had been frozen in its tracks for over a year after Ojiambo allegedly persuaded the High Court to recognise a diplomatic immunity claim on behalf of the East African Development Bank, an immunity that Tuju flatly says does not exist in law.

    Second, and more dramatically, he told investigators about what he described as a “fake international warrant of arrest” allegedly emanating from a Ugandan magistrate’s court, which he said was deployed against him to frighten him away from pursuing the matter.

    “Nothing but an attempt to intimidate me,” Tuju said, his jaw set.

    OJIAMBO FIRES BACK: ‘WE HAVE NEVER FALSIFIED ANY AFFIDAVIT’

    Fred Ojiambo, reached by phone for comment, was having none of it.

    The Senior Counsel, whose legal reputation spans decades of corporate and commercial practice in East Africa, dismissed Tuju’s claims with the quiet confidence of a man unconcerned by the storm gathering around him.

    “We haven’t falsified any affidavit on any matter whatsoever,” Ojiambo said flatly. “I cannot deny something I have not heard.”

    He added that he was unaware of the specifics of Tuju’s DCI complaint at the time of the call, but maintained that neither he nor his firm had engaged in any of the conduct alleged. His calm stood in sharp contrast to Tuju’s fire, and it will be for investigators and, ultimately, prosecutors or courts to determine which version of events bears scrutiny.

    WHAT HAPPENS NOW

    The DCI now sits with a complaint that directly implicates one of Kenya’s most prominent Senior Counsel in what would, if proved, amount to a serious subversion of justice at the highest levels of the country’s judicial hierarchy.

    Investigators must wade through court filings, commissioning records, correspondence chains and sworn documents across multiple proceedings in the High Court and the Supreme Court to determine whether the evidence Tuju has presented constitutes prosecutable criminal offences or whether it amounts to the highly emotional, highly charged output of a man who has been fighting this battle for years and has run out of civil remedies.

    The stakes could not be higher. The East African Development Bank is a regional institution backed by member states. Kaplan and Stratton is a cornerstone of Kenya’s corporate legal infrastructure. Fred Ojiambo is a Senior Counsel, a title conferred by the state on advocates of exceptional distinction.

    And Raphael Tuju is a former minister, a former ruling party secretary general, a man who sat at the tables of power and now stands outside the DCI insisting that power has been turned against him.

    “The fact that Ojiambo flashes the title of Senior Counsel must not be a license for him to lie with impunity, commit criminal offences, intimidate law enforcement and judiciary officers, and engage in the robbing of properties of Kenyans,” Tuju declared.

    As investigators sift through the mountain of documents he has placed before them, one thing is already certain. This matter has graduated from a property dispute into something that will test the character of Kenya’s legal system in ways that no boardroom negotiation ever could.

    The Karen property, the 1.5 billion shillings, the affidavits, the immunity, the warrant, the Bible. All of it now sits in the hands of the DCI.

    And Raphael Tuju is daring them to act.

  • PS Ronoh Linked To Alleged Miwani Sugar Land Fraud

    PS Ronoh Linked To Alleged Miwani Sugar Land Fraud

    A scandal that has festered for three decades in the sugarcane heartlands of Kisumu County has exploded into the national spotlight, with Agriculture Principal Secretary Dr Kipronoh Ronoh facing explosive accusations that he used the weight of a Cabinet decision to hand over Kenya’s most contested public land to a private company whose claim to ownership rests on a fabricated court order, a phantom creditor and an unverified auction.

    The allegations are contained in a formal petition tabled before the National Assembly by Suba South Member of Parliament Caroli Omondi, acting on behalf of petitioner Charles Osewe. The petition demands that Parliament investigate what the legislator calls a brazen conspiracy to defraud the Kenyan public of a 10,000-acre prime nucleus estate that communities in Kano and Nandi donated generations ago to support the establishment of Kenya’s oldest sugar factory, Miwani Sugar Company.

    At the heart of the controversy is a letter dated April 11, 2025, signed by Dr Ronoh and addressed to the Kenya Sugar Board (KSB). In that letter, the PS directs the KSB to instruct its advocates to sign a consent recognising Crossley Holdings Limited as the lawful owner of the land, identified as LR No. 7545/3 (IR. 21038). What makes the directive extraordinary, according to the petition, is that the PS claims to be acting on a Cabinet decision of December 17, 2024, meaning the country’s highest executive decision-making body allegedly sanctioned the transfer of disputed public land to a private entity, even as the matter remains actively before the courts.

    The Ghost Who Started It All

    The origins of the land dispute read like a thriller. In 1993, a man named Nagendra Saxena filed a suit at Kisumu High Court against Miwani Sugar Company, claiming the firm owed him Sh114 million for consultancy services. Saxena never appeared in court in person. He was never seen anywhere in Kenya. According to documents filed in Parliament, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and the Department of Immigration separately launched efforts to trace Saxena both in Kenya and in India. All three agencies came up empty. The man, in the blunt assessment of Omondi and fellow ODM legislator Onyango Koyoo of Muhoroni, simply does not exist.

    “Saxena has never been seen in court or anywhere. Both the EACC and DCI have tried and failed to trace him in Kenya or in India,” Omondi told journalists at Parliament Buildings in April 2025. The MP alleges that Saxena was a front for Bire, associated with Kibos Sugar and Allied Industries, a company that would later lease the state-owned Chemelil Sugar Factory from the government.

    Despite the suit’s dubious foundations, it dragged on for over a decade. With interest accumulating at 20 percent annually, what started as a Sh40 million claim reportedly ballooned to over Sh1 billion by 2007. Miwani Sugar Company, already crippled and under receivership since 2001, failed to mount a proper defence, and the High Court authorised an auction of the company’s assets to recover the claimed debt.

    A Christmas Eve Auction No One Can Explain

    On December 24, 2007, Christmas Eve, a public auction was conducted and Crossley Holdings Limited emerged as the winning bidder for the 9,394-acre nucleus estate at Sh752 million. The purchase price was remarkable on two counts: the land had been valued at Sh696 million, meaning Crossley ostensibly bid above valuation, yet not a single shilling of that Sh752 million has ever been produced in evidence, according to both the DCI and parliamentary documents.

    “No evidence has ever been produced as to if and to whom the Sh752 million was paid,” the petition states. Former Agriculture PS Hamadi Boga confirmed to Parliament in October 2020 that Crossley not only failed to pay the Sh742 million auction amount but also did not pay the Sh1.5 million bidding deposit. The state launched formal proceedings to repossess the land, with Boga telling legislators at the time that plans to cancel Crossley’s provisional title were at an advanced stage.

    The auction’s legitimacy was further destroyed in the Court of Appeal. Justice Olga Sewe, then heading the Judiciary in Kisumu, testified that the original court order on which the auction was based was a forgery. The case file itself had vanished from court records. On July 29, 2011, the Court of Appeal nullified the entire transaction and reaffirmed that the land belonged to Miwani Sugar Company. The deputy court registrar believed to have orchestrated the forged order was removed from the Judiciary and charged with conspiracy to defraud alongside Crossley Holdings, its directors and employees, in a Kisumu Magistrates Court.

    The Acquittals, The Appeals, The Contradictions

    The criminal proceedings that followed proved long and torturous. In 2019, a Kisumu magistrates court acquitted Crossley Holdings and several co-accused, including Sukhwinder Singh Chatte, the chairman of Kibos Sugar and Allied Industries, finding that the EACC investigation had been shoddy. Two co-accused, former magistrate Abdulkadir Elkindy and revenue officer Moses Osewe, were found to have a case to answer. Elkindy stood accused of using his position as deputy registrar of Kisumu High Court to fraudulently order the transfer of the land, while Osewe faced charges of improperly clearing land rates.

    The Director of Public Prosecutions appealed the acquittals to the High Court, which in 2019 reversed the magistrate’s decision and directed that all accused be placed on their defence. The accused then escalated the fight to the Court of Appeal, which ultimately restored the original acquittals in 2021, ruling that the evidence left too much doubt.

    Emboldened, Crossley returned to civil court. In October 2021, Justice Anthony Ombwayo of the Environment and Land Court in Kisumu ruled in Crossley’s favour, declaring the company the valid landowner and ordering Miwani Sugar to vacate within 60 days. The government and Miwani appealed, creating two directly conflicting court judgements: the Court of Appeal’s 2011 ruling affirming public ownership versus Ombwayo’s 2021 ruling in favour of Crossley. It was this legal limbo that Agriculture CS Mutahi Kagwe acknowledged before Parliament in late 2025 as making the matter “legally complex.”

    Cabinet’s Invisible Hand

    It is against this turbulent legal backdrop that PS Ronoh’s April 2025 letter carries its most explosive charge. By invoking a purported Cabinet decision of December 17, 2024, and directing the Kenya Sugar Board to facilitate the signing of a court consent recognising Crossley as owner, Ronoh effectively inserted the country’s Cabinet into an active judicial dispute. Legal experts and opposition legislators have questioned whether the Cabinet has the constitutional authority to override pending court proceedings.

    “The Cabinet’s involvement in a matter that is actively before the courts is troubling and unacceptable,” Omondi told journalists. The MP argued that the Cabinet’s alleged decision went against the spirit of judicial independence and defied existing court orders still in force from the Court of Appeal.

    The petition further reveals that the Office of the Attorney-General, led by Dorcas Oduor, had forwarded a draft consent to be filed in court for approval by all parties. But on May 6, 2025, the law firm of Owiti, Otieno and Ragot, acting for Miwani Sugar, refused to sign the consent, citing legal and ethical reasons. In a letter to the Receiver Manager of Miwani Sugar, lawyer David Otieno said the firm had consistently held the position that the 2007 transaction was marred by fraud.

    Communities Left to Burn

    The human cost of the dispute has already been written in blood. In February 2022, an auctioneer hired by Crossley Holdings attempted to execute a court order evicting workers and occupants from the land, triggering a violent confrontation that left two people dead, several others injured, two vehicles torched and more than 2,000 acres of sugar cane reduced to ash. The upheaval shocked the nation and underscored the extent to which local communities regard the land as theirs by right of historical contribution.

    “This land was donated by the Kano and Nandi communities as a nucleus estate for the Miwani Sugar factory. It was never sold to anyone,” Omondi told a press conference at Parliament in April 2025. “They want to take the only economic lifeline remaining for these people. The land that would transform the lives of Western Kenya is being handed to private interests through fraud.”

    Kisumu Governor Professor Anyang Nyong’o has also expressed alarm, noting that the transfer of the nucleus land was happening through “opaque arrangements” even as litigation continued. He pointedly flagged the fact that Kibos Sugar, whose chairman Sukhwinder Singh Chatte was among those prosecuted in the criminal case, had been awarded the lease for Chemelil Sugar Factory by the same government. The petition before Parliament makes no formal allegation of a connection between the government’s leasing decisions and the Crossley land controversy, but the proximity of the two transactions has drawn intense scrutiny.

    What Parliament Is Being Asked to Do

    The petition before the National Assembly is sweeping in its demands. MP Omondi is asking the relevant parliamentary committee to direct the Registrar of Persons and the Department of Immigration to formally investigate and report on whether Nagendra Saxena exists at all. The committee is also being asked to compel Attorney-General Dorcas Oduor to submit a full written legal opinion on all court cases related to the land, and to investigate in collaboration with the Business Registration Service the full ownership history of Crossley Holdings Limited and its sister company Allied Industries Limited.

    Further, Omondi wants the National Assembly to formally investigate the official conduct of both current and former public servants in the National Treasury, Ministry of Agriculture and the State Law Office in connection with the case. The Cabinet Secretaries for National Treasury and Agriculture, and the Attorney-General, are specifically named in the call to protect and preserve the land as a public asset.

    The petition does not stop there. It also requests a complete accounting of the outcome of all criminal investigations into the suspected forgery and fraud connected to the auction, including the fate of the prosecution of the former deputy court registrar.

    The Questions PS Ronoh Must Answer

    Dr Ronoh’s letter to the Kenya Sugar Board represents the most direct link between the state apparatus and the alleged attempt to settle the land controversy in Crossley’s favour. For critics, a senior government official directing a state institution to facilitate the transfer of contested public land to a company with a criminal prosecution history and no proven payment record crosses a line that demands explanation.

    “The petition is anchored on court orders up to the Court of Appeal and asks why, despite those orders, the PS would write to the Sugar Board asking it to recognise Crossley Holdings,” the petition reads. The petitioner’s position is blunt: the Cabinet decision, if it exists as described by Ronoh, is ultra vires and cannot override standing judicial pronouncements.

    As of the time of going to press, PS Ronoh and the Ministry of Agriculture had not publicly responded to the specific allegations raised in the parliamentary petition. The Star sought comment from the ministry but had not received a response by the time of publication.

    What is clear is that Kenya’s oldest sugar factory, established in 1922 on land that Luo and Kalenjin communities contributed in good faith, now sits at the centre of a legal, political and criminal controversy that has defeated three decades of investigation, multiple court decisions and now threatens to consume an Agriculture PS and question the integrity of Cabinet itself.

    Parliament, for now, holds the last card.

    TIMELINE OF THE MIWANI LAND SAGA

    1922 Miwani Sugar Mills established on Kano-Nandi community land

    1988 Miwani placed under receivership after owners flee Kenya

    1993 Phantom creditor Nagendra Saxena sues Miwani for Sh114m; never traced in Kenya or India

    December 24, 2007 Christmas Eve auction; Crossley Holdings claims to pay Sh752m. No payment evidence produced

    2010 Former deputy registrar, Crossley directors charged with conspiracy to defraud

    July 29, 2011 Court of Appeal nullifies auction, reaffirms Miwani Sugar public ownership

    October 2021 Kisumu Environment Court reverses course, declares Crossley valid owner

    February 2022 Crossley attempts eviction; two killed, sugar fields torched by community

    December 17, 2024 Cabinet allegedly decides to transfer land to Crossley (details not publicly released)

    April 11, 2025 PS Ronoh’s letter directs KSB to sign consent recognising Crossley

    May 6, 2025 Miwani Sugar’s lawyers refuse to sign, citing fraud and legal ethics

    February 2026 Parliamentary petition formally tabled; Cabinet and PS Ronoh put on the spot

  • Kenya Forms Multi-Agency Crack Squad to Hunt Russian Who Secretly Filmed Sex Escapades as Ghana Demands Extradition

    Kenya Forms Multi-Agency Crack Squad to Hunt Russian Who Secretly Filmed Sex Escapades as Ghana Demands Extradition

    A shadowy Russian national at the centre of a fast-spreading sex scandal that has rocked Nairobi’s nightlife and rattled digital rights defenders is now the subject of a high-level multi-agency probe, as authorities in Ghana signal plans to pursue his extradition over similar allegations.

    The Kenyan government on Monday confirmed it had activated a coordinated investigation into claims that the foreign national secretly filmed intimate encounters with multiple women, allegedly without their knowledge or consent, and circulated or monetised the footage online.

    The explosive development comes after viral clips surfaced on social media platforms appearing to show the man engaging women in casual street conversations before luring them into private settings. Several women have since come forward online claiming they were recorded during sexual encounters without being informed.

    In a strongly worded statement, Gender Cabinet Secretary Hanna Wendot Cheptumo condemned the alleged conduct as a grave violation of human dignity and privacy, warning that Kenya would not tolerate exploitation disguised as social media bravado.

    Filming intimate encounters without consent is criminal under Kenyan law, particularly under the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, which outlaws the non-consensual publication of intimate images. Article 31 of the Constitution guarantees the right to privacy, while the Data Protection Act imposes strict obligations on the handling and dissemination of personal data.

    Senior officials say the case has triggered a whole-of-government response involving investigative, security and prosecutorial agencies. Sources familiar with the probe indicate detectives are analysing digital trails, including possible use of wearable recording technology such as smart glasses equipped with concealed high-definition cameras.

    Unverified reports circulating online suggest the suspect may have used devices similar to Ray-Ban Meta smart glasses to discreetly capture footage during encounters. While such devices are legal consumer products, privacy experts warn that their misuse for covert sexual recording could amount to serious criminal offences.

    The scandal has also spilled beyond Kenya’s borders.

    Authorities in Ghana have acknowledged parallel investigations into the same individual following complaints from Ghanaian women who allege they too were secretly recorded during intimate encounters. Ghanaian officials have indicated they are exploring legal avenues, including a potential extradition request should charges crystallise.

    The cross-border dimension has heightened diplomatic and legal stakes, with Kenyan authorities confirming they are engaging international law enforcement partners.

    Online, the suspect has been accused of preying on women in vulnerable economic situations, allegedly using money, gifts or promises of support to secure encounters before secretly documenting them. Some of the videos appear to show brief negotiations over payment before sexual activity, fuelling debate over coercion, exploitation and consent.

    Digital rights activists say the case underscores a dangerous intersection of technology, misogyny and cross-border impunity.

    “This is not about morality. It is about consent and criminality,” said one Nairobi-based advocate who asked not to be named. “Recording and distributing intimate content without consent is sexual violence facilitated by technology.”

    The outrage echoes a recent uproar in Nairobi after a woman was filmed in a vulnerable state at an entertainment joint, prompting public condemnation and renewed scrutiny of digital ethics and voyeurism. That earlier incident reignited debate over how quickly private humiliation can become viral spectacle.

    In the current case, investigators are working to identify alleged victims and preserve digital evidence that may have been shared across encrypted platforms or subscription-based channels. Cybercrime specialists warn that once intimate material is uploaded to global servers, tracing its circulation becomes significantly more complex.

    At the time of publication, Kenyan authorities had not disclosed whether the Russian national remains in the country or has exited through another jurisdiction. His exact immigration status is also under review.

    Legal analysts say extradition, if formally requested by Ghana, would depend on the existence of bilateral agreements, the location of the suspect, and whether charges are filed in either jurisdiction first.

    For now, the message from Nairobi is clear. Officials insist that any individual found culpable will face the full force of Kenyan law, regardless of nationality.

    As the investigation deepens, what began as viral shock content has morphed into a high-stakes international probe that could test the limits of digital privacy law in Africa’s rapidly evolving online landscape.

  • Blood on the Blueprints: Sakaja’s Man at the Center of Nairobi’s Deadly Building Approvals Scandal

    Blood on the Blueprints: Sakaja’s Man at the Center of Nairobi’s Deadly Building Approvals Scandal

    Governor Johnson Sakaja faces mounting pressure to explain why his Chief Officer for Urban Planning, Patrick Analo, remains in office even as the Ombudsman pushes for criminal prosecution of officials in his department over rogue construction approvals that have left Nairobians dead.

    Analo, who oversees the Built Environment and Urban Planning Department’s approval process, has presided over what investigators describe as a “dysfunctional” system where illegal high-rises sprout across the city like weeds, often with fatal consequences. Yet despite damning findings by the Commission on Administrative Justice and a trail of collapsed buildings, Sakaja has shown no indication of removing him from his powerful position.

    The most recent tragedy, the collapse of a 14-storey residential building in South C earlier this year, has thrust Analo and his department back into the spotlight. The building, investigators found, was originally approved for 12 floors but mysteriously gained five additional illegal storeys. Construction continued despite multiple stop orders, a pattern that has become the signature of Nairobi’s planning crisis.

    “The approval system has been completely captured,” a source within the county government told The Star on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisals. “Junior officers are rubber-stamping applications without proper technical review. The question everyone is asking is: where does the money go, and who is being protected?”

    The Ombudsman’s recent report named Analo alongside his predecessor Stephen Mwangi, Director of Planning Tom Achar, and Development Control officer Fredrick Ochanda as figures who should face criminal charges for approving unlawful projects and ignoring enforcement mechanisms. The report specifically highlighted the Khaleej Towers project in Eastleigh, where construction reached completion despite formal revocation of building plans and documented violations of zoning regulations.

    Yet Analo remains at his desk, wielding the same authority that has allegedly been misused to approve developments that build “beacon-to-beacon,” violate setback requirements, and threaten neighboring properties. His continued presence has fueled speculation about either extraordinary political protection or simply the governor’s reluctance to acknowledge the scale of corruption within his administration.

    “There are two possibilities here,” said a retired county official familiar with planning procedures. “Either Analo is taking kickbacks directly and has enough leverage to keep his job, or he’s serving as a convenient buffer for decisions being made at higher levels. Either way, someone is making a lot of money from these illegal approvals.”

    The financial incentives are substantial. Property developers in Nairobi can increase returns dramatically by adding unauthorized floors. According to planning experts, each additional floor on a prime property can represent millions of shillings in potential revenue. The temptation to bribe officials for approval is enormous, particularly when enforcement mechanisms have proven toothless.

    Sakaja himself has publicly called for county governments to receive direct prosecutorial powers to tackle rogue developers, a move that critics suggest rings hollow when his own appointees stand accused of enabling the very corruption he claims to oppose. The governor has not responded to repeated requests for comment on why Analo retains his position despite the Ombudsman’s findings.

    Inside City Hall, officials speak in hushed tones about a “planning cartel” that operates with impunity. One source described a system where proper technical review by the Urban Planning Technical Committee has been effectively bypassed, with approvals flowing through informal channels that leave no paper trail.

    “The committee exists on paper, but in practice, decisions are being made elsewhere,” the source said. “When buildings collapse, everyone acts surprised, but the truth is that senior people knew exactly what was happening. They just didn’t care because the money was too good.”

    The human cost of these rogue approvals extends beyond the headline-grabbing collapses. Residents across Nairobi complain of illegal developments that block sunlight, compromise structural integrity of neighboring buildings, and violate basic safety standards. Yet enforcement remains selective at best, with well-connected developers able to ignore stop orders while smaller violators face demolition.

    Analo’s background raises further questions. Before his appointment to the influential planning post, he had worked within the county’s built environment sector, giving him intimate knowledge of both proper procedures and how to circumvent them. Those who have worked with him describe a competent technocrat, which makes his apparent inability to stop the flood of illegal approvals even more puzzling to observers.

    “Someone with his experience knows exactly what’s required for a legal approval,” said an architect who has dealt with Analo’s department. “The failures we’re seeing aren’t accidents. They’re choices.”

    The broader pattern suggests systemic capture rather than isolated incidents. From Eastleigh to South C, from high-rise apartments to commercial developments, the violations follow a template: initial approval for a modest project, incremental additions that violate regulations, stop orders that are ignored, and county officials who somehow never manage to enforce compliance until disaster strikes.

    For victims’ families and Nairobi residents living in fear of the next collapse, Analo’s continued tenure represents not just a failure of accountability but a signal that the lives lost were acceptable collateral damage in a lucrative game of corruption. Each day he remains in office, they argue, is another day that dangerous approvals may be flowing through a compromised system.

    As pressure builds for prosecutions and reforms, all eyes remain on Sakaja. His decision to retain Analo despite the mounting evidence will either be vindicated by future revelations of his Chief Officer’s innocence, or remembered as a catastrophic failure of leadership that prioritized political convenience over public safety.

    The governor has promised reforms and audits, but promises mean little when the officials accused of enabling deadly corruption remain in their posts, wielding the same authority that has already cost Nairobians their lives. Until Sakaja acts decisively, the question will persist: why does Patrick Analo still hold the power to approve the buildings that may become tomorrow’s death traps?

  • Activist Mwabili Mwagodi Arrested at Kenya–Tanzania Border Over Alleged Red Notice

    Activist Mwabili Mwagodi Arrested at Kenya–Tanzania Border Over Alleged Red Notice

    Activist Mwabili Mwagodi was on Sunday arrested and detained at the Kenya–Tanzania border after immigration officials blocked him from leaving the country over what they described as a Red Notice linked to his passport.

    Mwagodi was stopped on February 15 at the Lunga Lunga border while travelling to Dar es Salaam. In a statement posted on his X account, he said officers from the Immigration Department informed him that a Red Notice had been issued against his passport in early 2025 by an officer attached to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations.

    He claimed the alert was initiated by a DCI officer based at Mazingira House along Kiambu Road under the Serious Crimes Unit but that no offence had been specified.

    “On my way to Dar es Salaam on February 15, 2026, I was denied exit out of Kenya at the Lunga Lunga border by the Immigration Department due to a Red Notice issued against my passport around January or February 2025,” he wrote.

    He said he was later handed over to officers at the Lunga Lunga Border Police Post and detained as they awaited instructions from DCI headquarters.

    By Monday morning, he remained in custody at Lunga Lunga Police Station, with officers reportedly saying they were yet to receive guidance on the nature of the alleged offence or the next course of action.

    Under international policing procedures, Red Notices are circulated through INTERPOL to alert member states that an individual is wanted for prosecution or to serve a sentence. Such notices are ordinarily based on a valid arrest warrant issued by a judicial authority and are tied to specific offences.

    Mwagodi maintained that he has not been informed of any charge against him.

    His detention has drawn criticism from civil society organisations, including Vocal Africa, which questioned the legality of holding him without formally disclosing the reasons for his arrest.

    The development also revives scrutiny over a 2025 incident in which Mwagodi disappeared while in Tanzania, where he was working for a hospitality company.

    He was reported missing on July 23 and resurfaced four days later in Kinondo, Kwale County, under circumstances that were never fully explained publicly.

    By Monday, police and immigration authorities had not issued an official statement on the matter. Rights groups have called on authorities to either charge Mwagodi in court or release him, warning that prolonged detention without clear grounds would violate constitutional safeguards.

  • Tragedy As City Hall Hands Corrupt Ghanaian Firm Multimillion Garbage Collection Tender

    Tragedy As City Hall Hands Corrupt Ghanaian Firm Multimillion Garbage Collection Tender

    Nairobi County has awarded a controversial 20-year waste management contract worth billions of shillings to Zoomlion Ghana Limited, a corruption-tainted foreign company previously blacklisted by the World Bank and recently dropped by Ghana’s government over integrity concerns.

    The deal, signed by Governor Johnson Sakaja’s administration, grants the Accra-based firm exclusive rights to manage the 76-acre Dandora dumpsite and operate an integrated solid waste management system across the capital in what civil society groups are now calling a procurement scandal that threatens to drain taxpayer resources while handing over a strategic public asset to a firm with a documented history of corruption.

    Investigations by Kenya Insights have established that Zoomlion was the sole bidder in a tender process that bypassed international competitive bidding protocols, raising serious questions about transparency and adherence to public procurement laws.

    The contract, awarded under Tender NO: NCC/ENV/RFP/109/2025-2026, was opened on January 8, 2026, but critics argue the procurement violated requirements for Public Private Partnership projects by sidelining the Public Procurement Directorate.

    Zoomlion’s troubled history reads like a catalogue of corruption scandals that would ordinarily disqualify any company from handling public funds. In 2013, the World Bank debarred Zoomlion Ghana Limited and two affiliates, Accra Compost Plant and Zoom Alliance, for two years after finding that the company had paid bribes to facilitate contract execution and invoice processing on the Emergency Monrovia Urban Sanitation Project in Liberia.

    The company and its subsidiaries were barred from bidding on World Bank-funded contracts worldwide, a sanction that remained in effect until 2015 when Zoomlion entered into a Negotiated Resolution Agreement with the Bank, acknowledging misconduct and accepting responsibility.

    In Ghana, Zoomlion’s relationship with state agencies has drawn persistent scrutiny over allegations of fraudulent billing, overbilling and questionable contracts.

    The company became embroiled in the infamous GYEEDA scandal in 2013, one of Ghana’s biggest corruption cases, when investigative journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni exposed massive corruption in the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Agency.

    A government-appointed ministerial committee corroborated the findings, revealing that about 80 percent of the funds allocated for the youth employment programme went to private businesses and corrupt officials while only 20 percent reached the youth the programme was meant to serve.

    Executive Chairman of the Jospong Group of Companies (JGC), Dr. Joseph Siaw Agyepong. Photo by courtesy.
    Executive Chairman of the Jospong Group of Companies (JGC), Dr. Joseph Siaw Agyepong. Photo by courtesy.

    Between 2009 and 2012, nearly 500 million dollars was spent on GYEEDA, with Zoomlion and other Jospong Group companies among the main beneficiaries.

    The committee found that Zoomlion had received millions in payments for work not done and was overcharging the state. For instance, the company charged the government 25 million cedis more than warranted for providing tricycles.

    The committee recommended discontinuation of Zoomlion’s contract, but successive Ghanaian governments failed to act on these findings.

    Instead of being punished, Zoomlion continued receiving payments even after its contract expired in February 2013.

    A cabinet sub-committee report revealed that despite President John Mahama’s directive to terminate the sanitation contract, Zoomlion continued rendering services to the state from 2013 onwards, accumulating debts of over 450 million cedis.

    The Ghanaian Auditor-General repeatedly flagged Zoomlion for financial irregularities.

    One report exposed how a waste bin contract awarded on a sole sourcing basis to the Jospong Group was inflated by at least 130 million cedis.

    Another revealed that 98 million cedis was awarded to 11 companies under the Jospong Group to undertake fumigation when Zoomlion, the parent company, had already been paid for the same work.

    The Ghanaian government pays Zoomlion 850 cedis per sweeper per month under the Youth Employment Agency initiative, but only 250 cedis goes to the workers, with Zoomlion pocketing the remaining 600 cedis as management fees. This arrangement has been described as exploitative by labour rights advocates.

    In June 2025, Ghana’s newly elected President John Mahama terminated Zoomlion’s long-standing Youth Employment Agency contract, citing transparency concerns and fair compensation issues for workers. The decision marked a significant shift after years of controversy surrounding the company’s operations.

    Despite these well-documented scandals, Nairobi has rolled out the red carpet for Zoomlion.

    The timing of the contract award has raised eyebrows, coming just weeks after President William Ruto and Governor Sakaja announced a joint initiative to clean up the capital and relocate the Dandora dumpsite.

    Ruto committed over Sh4 billion from the national government to support waste management improvements, with garbage collection set to begin on April 1, 2026.

    During the 2025 Devolution Conference in Homa Bay, President Ruto commended Zoomlion Ghana Limited for its advanced, technology-driven waste management facilities after visiting the Jospong Group stand.

    Interestingly, a City Hall delegation comprising teams from the Department of Environment and Procurement is scheduled to travel to Ghana tomorrow, February 15, for a benchmarking tour of Zoomlion’s facilities.

    The timing has sparked criticism from procurement experts who question why due diligence would be conducted after awarding the contract rather than before.

    Sources familiar with the tendering process told Kenya Insights that the procurement was structured to favor Zoomlion, with the tender framed as a local procurement despite the nature of the project warranting international competitive bidding under PPP regulations.

    This approach eliminated competition and deprived Kenyan companies of the opportunity to bid for the lucrative contract.

    The company’s executive chairman, Dr Joseph Siaw Agyepong, faces ongoing legal troubles in Ghana.

    In late 2025, he and three others were dragged to court for contempt, accused of flouting High Court orders by entering disputed land and allegedly hiring thugs to destroy properties despite the existence of a court order and penal notice served upon them.

    The application, filed by Royal Bell Investment Ltd, Terraform Development Ltd and other parties, avers that Jospong and the other respondents would not abate their contemptuous conduct unless convicted and punished by imprisonment.

    In Mombasa, Zoomlion’s parent company, Jospong Group of Companies, is under investigation by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission over a Sh17 billion, 35-year waste management contract signed by Governor Abdulswamad Shariff Nassir.

    The Centre for Litigation Trust, a Mombasa-based civil society group, has demanded transparency on the procurement process, public participation and whether the deal complies with public procurement and environmental management laws.

    The Nairobi contract gives Zoomlion control over waste collection, haulage, sorting, recycling and disposal for two decades, effectively creating a monopoly that locks out local companies and potentially costs Kenyan jobs.

    The 20-year tenure means the contract will outlast at least three gubernatorial terms, binding future county governments to a deal whose terms remain largely opaque to the public.

    When contacted for comment, Governor Sakaja had not responded by the time of going to press. However, in a recent interview with Nation, Sakaja defended his collaboration with the national government, insisting that unlike the defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services arrangement, the current framework is not a transfer of functions but a support mechanism.

    He clarified that there would be no formal document under Article 187 of the Constitution transferring county functions, and emphasized that Nairobi’s unique status as Kenya’s capital demands a funding structure that reflects its national and international obligations.

    “We have not ceded any functions. A transfer of functions is not what we are discussing and it is not something we will do,” Sakaja said, adding that Nairobi requires closer collaboration with the national government because it carries responsibilities far beyond those of an ordinary county.

    The governor cited Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2019, which recognizes Nairobi as Kenya’s capital and calls for formal cooperation between county and national governments on funding and service delivery.

    According to Sakaja, Nairobi hosts the Presidency, Parliament, Judiciary, foreign embassies, key national institutions and global offices and therefore needs a special financing model similar to other major cities worldwide.

    “Paris, with a population of 2 million, has a budget of Sh13 trillion yet Nairobi, with over 6 million people, has a budget of about Sh38 billion. If we want to compete with international cities, we must embrace special financing and strategic partnerships,” he said.

    The controversy threatens to undermine President Ruto’s ambitious plan to transform Nairobi’s waste management system and restore the capital’s image. The president announced plans to build a modern waste treatment facility at Dandora by 2027 to produce fertilizer and generate energy from garbage.

    Civil society activists are now calling for the tender to be cancelled and the procurement process reopened to ensure transparency, competition and value for taxpayers’ money.

    Anti-corruption campaigners warn that the deal could replicate Ghana’s experience, where despite Zoomlion’s near-total monopoly over sanitation contracts and billions spent over two decades, Ghana remains one of the dirtiest countries in Africa.

    The deal also raises questions about Kenya’s commitment to supporting local enterprises, as the contract hands over a strategic public asset to a foreign company with a documented history of corruption allegations, inflated billing and poor service delivery.

    Nairobi generates approximately 3,000 metric tonnes of waste daily, making waste management a lucrative sector that could generate significant revenue through recycling and waste-to-energy projects if managed transparently and competitively.

    Critics warn that awarding such a critical contract to a company with Zoomlion’s track record could expose Nairobi residents to poor service delivery while draining potential profits through corruption and overbilling, patterns well-documented in Ghana.

    The Dandora dumpsite has operated for decades as a major environmental and public health hazard. In February 2026, the Environment and Land Court awarded Sh25.8 million in damages to 1,032 waste pickers who suffered constitutional rights violations due to prolonged exposure to air pollution at the site.

    The court found both Nairobi County and the National Environment Management Authority jointly responsible for failing to protect workers from harmful pollution, adding legal pressure on the government to address longstanding concerns at the dumpsite.

    Legal experts have warned that the structure of the Nairobi-Zoomlion deal, particularly the 20-year tenure and exclusive access to Dandora dumpsite, could expose the county to litigation from companies that were denied the opportunity to compete for the contract.

    The Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015 requires that PPP projects above certain thresholds must be approved by the PPP Directorate and involve competitive bidding processes that ensure value for money and protect public interest.

    By framing the tender as a local Request for Proposal while incorporating PPP elements, City Hall appears to have circumvented these safeguards, a move that could render the entire contract legally challengeable.

    Governance experts have expressed alarm at the pattern emerging in Kenya where counties are awarding waste management contracts to Zoomlion despite the company’s well-documented corruption scandals in Ghana. After Nairobi and Mombasa, there are concerns that other counties may follow suit, creating a nationwide monopoly for a foreign company whose track record suggests taxpayers will not get value for money.

    As Nairobi embarks on what officials describe as a transformative waste management era, the decision to partner with a corruption-tainted foreign firm threatens to turn what could have been a historic opportunity into yet another scandal that benefits a select few at the expense of taxpayers and the environment.

    The saga also highlights the broader challenge of corruption networks that transcend borders, with politically connected companies moving from one African country to another, securing lucrative government contracts despite their tainted reputations, while local businesses that could deliver better value struggle to access opportunities.

    For Nairobi residents who have endured decades of poor waste management, uncollected garbage and mountains of trash in estates, the promise of transformation rings hollow when delivered through a company whose home country terminated its contracts for the very failures Nairobians hope to escape.

  • Sakaja Alleges State House Plot to Seize City Hall as Service Failures Mount

    Sakaja Alleges State House Plot to Seize City Hall as Service Failures Mount

    Sakaja Blames Powerful Individuals in State House For Scheming To Take Over City Hall Roles Even As His Leadership Comes Under Scrutiny Over Underperformance

    Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has sensationally claimed that powerful individuals within the national government are scheming to wrest control of key City Hall functions, even as his administration faces mounting criticism over poor service delivery and financial mismanagement.

    Speaking in a wide-ranging interview over the weekend, the embattled governor said unnamed officials eyeing the lucrative Nairobi governorship in 2027 are pushing a sinister agenda to take over county functions through the backdoor, despite his categorical refusal to cede any responsibilities to the national government.

    “There are speculations, and some people are pushing that agenda. Think about the political stakes in Nairobi after the Presidency; there is no bigger position to contest than the governorship of Nairobi,” Sakaja said, his voice thick with frustration.

    The governor insisted that unlike the defunct Nairobi Metropolitan Services arrangement that left City Hall with a crippling Sh16 billion debt, the current framework with President William Ruto’s administration is merely a support mechanism and not a transfer of functions.

    “We have not ceded any functions. A transfer of functions is not what we are discussing and it is not something we will do. If there were a transfer of functions, there would be a formal document as provided for in Article 187 of the Constitution. Have you seen any such document? There is none,” Sakaja declared defiantly.

    But even as the governor attempts to fend off what he terms as a hostile takeover, his administration is drowning in a sea of failures that have left Nairobians questioning his competence and mandate to lead the capital city.

    City Hall is bleeding money like a wounded animal. Official records show that unpaid revenues ballooned by a staggering Sh2 billion between July and September last year, with land rates defaulters alone accounting for Sh1.29 billion of the unpaid dues. Only 50,000 out of 250,000 registered land parcels currently pay rates, exposing a catastrophic failure in revenue collection.

    The garbage crisis continues to choke the city, with mountains of refuse piling up in estates and the Central Business District despite Sakaja’s repeated promises to clean up Nairobi. Residents have watched helplessly as their once-beautiful city degenerates into a filthy mess, with the governor blaming everyone from the defunct NMS to rogue garbage collectors for the mess.

    Roads across the capital remain in shambles, pockmarked with potholes that swallow vehicles whole during the rainy season. Water scarcity has become the norm rather than the exception, with many estates going for days without supply. Street lighting is virtually non-existent in vast swathes of the city, turning them into crime hotspots where muggers and thugs reign supreme.

    The situation has become so dire that even members of the County Assembly, supposedly Sakaja’s allies, have turned against him with brutal honesty. Baba Dogo MCA Geoffrey Majiwa did not mince his words when he declared that the governor has failed residents for the past three years.

    “It is true that the governor has failed the residents for the past three years. He has done nothing. He talks about collaboration, but what is the nature of this collaboration? There must be papers showing a transfer of functions, yet we are seeing none. It is a sad tragedy for Nairobi,” Majiwa said, calling for Sakaja’s resignation or impeachment.

    Deputy Majority Whip Waithera Chege was equally scathing, openly welcoming greater national government involvement and faulting Sakaja for his spectacular failures.

    “For a long time, we have been crying to the President about the governor’s performance. We support this fully. It is clear that the governor has failed in delivering his mandate. What we want now is the implementation of all the projects through the national government. Residents want better services, nothing else,” Chege said without holding back.

    The political intrigue intensified after it emerged that Sakaja, accompanied by his entire cabinet, held a secret meeting with President Ruto at State House last week. No official communique was issued after the marathon session, fueling speculation that a deal to hand over key functions was sealed behind closed doors.

    Reports indicate that the arrangement covers garbage collection and disposal, public works including road construction and maintenance, water supply and affordable housing, with the national government committing an estimated Sh2.1 billion to accelerate service delivery through agencies like the Kenya Urban Roads Authority and Athi Water Works Development Agency.

    President Ruto himself has made several public pronouncements about taking charge of Nairobi’s transformation. In a church service at AIC Pipeline, he declared that his administration would handle waste management, roads and street lighting, signaling an increasingly central role for the national government in running the capital.

    “We must make Nairobi more accessible, and we have agreed with the governor on how we are going to do it. On water, we have completed the Northern Collector Tunnel and we now have an extra 140 million litres. We will deal with the garbage menace,” Ruto announced, leaving little doubt about the shift in power dynamics.

    Sakaja’s predicament mirrors that of his predecessor Mike Sonko, who was similarly pressured by President Uhuru Kenyatta into signing off key responsibilities to the NMS in 2020 after City Hall descended into chaos marked by leadership wrangles, corruption allegations and deteriorating service delivery.

    The governor has tried to defend his position by arguing that Nairobi’s unique status as the capital demands special financing and collaboration with the national government, citing examples of Paris and New York which receive substantial national support.

    “Paris, with a population of 2 million, has a budget of Sh13 trillion yet Nairobi, with over 6 million people, has a budget of about Sh38 billion. If we want to compete with international cities, we must embrace special financing and strategic partnerships,” Sakaja said, attempting to justify the controversial arrangement.

    He pointed to Section 6 of the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2019, which recognises Nairobi as Kenya’s capital and calls for formal cooperation between county and national governments on funding and service delivery.

    However, constitutional lawyers and opposition politicians have raised serious questions about the legality of the arrangement. Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has been particularly vocal, pointing out that no formal deed of transfer has been tabled before the County Assembly as required by Article 187 of the Constitution.

    “Constitutionally there has to be a deed of transfer of functions. It has to be approved by the county assembly. I have seen neither,” Sifuna posted on social media, throwing cold water on Sakaja’s claims that no transfer has occurred.

    The drama has exposed the precarious position that Nairobi governors find themselves in, caught between the demands of running a complex metropolis and the political machinations of powerful interests at the national level who see control of the capital as a stepping stone to higher office.

    With AFCON 2027 on the horizon and mounting pressure to transform Nairobi into a world-class city, the stakes have never been higher. But as garbage piles up, roads crumble and residents suffer, the question on everyone’s lips is whether Sakaja has what it takes to turn things around, or whether the vultures circling State House will eventually swoop in to pick at the carcass of his failed administration.

    For now, the governor remains defiant, insisting that he will protect devolution and resist any attempts to undermine the county government. But with his performance record speaking louder than his words, time may be running out for Johnson Sakaja’s City Hall dream.

  • Man Charged In Sh4 Million NIC Bank Fraud

    Man Charged In Sh4 Million NIC Bank Fraud

    A man has been charged with obtaining Sh 4 million credit from NIC Bank by false pretenses.

    Walter Brian Dunga alias Captain is accused of obtaining the credit in the name of John Otieno Wanam.

    Dunga is alleged to have committed the offense on diverse dates between 26th May 2015 and 8th August 2015 at NIC Bank, Harambee Avenue branch in Nairobi.

    The accused person is also charged with personation by falsely presenting himself as John Otieno Wanam at NCBA (NIC) Bank.

    He denied the charges before Chief Magistrate Lukas Onyina and was released on a bond of Sh 1 million with one surety of a similar amount.

    The case will be mentioned on 24th February 2026.

  • FBI Investigates Congresswoman Ilhan Omar’s Husband’s Sh3.8 Billion Businesses in Kenya, Somalia and Dubai

    FBI Investigates Congresswoman Ilhan Omar’s Husband’s Sh3.8 Billion Businesses in Kenya, Somalia and Dubai

    Washington DC | Friday February 14 2026

    A congressional investigation into US Representative Ilhan Omar’s husband has taken a dramatic international turn, with American lawmakers demanding documents related to mysterious business dealings spanning Kenya, Somalia and the United Arab Emirates.

    House Oversight Chairman James Comer has written to Tim Mynett, the Somalia-born congresswoman’s husband, demanding he surrender all records of travel and business communications linked to the three countries by February 19.

    The probe has intensified following revelations that Omar’s family wealth exploded from a modest Sh6.6 million to a staggering Sh3.9 billion in just one year, according to federal financial disclosure documents filed in 2024.

    At the centre of the controversy is Rose Lake Capital, an investment firm co-owned by Mynett that claims to specialise in global opportunities. The firm had explored ambitious plans to build solar panel installations across Africa, with particular interest in Somalia and Kenya, according to documents obtained by investigators.

    Business records show that Mynett’s partner, William Hailer, received a Sh1.4 million airline ticket to Dubai for discussions about a potential deal in the Emirates. The nature of that deal remains unclear, as Rose Lake Capital has recently scrubbed its website of key information, including the names of its officers and advisors.

    The international scope of the investigation marks a significant escalation in what began as scrutiny of Mynett’s domestic business ventures. Comer’s February 5 letter specifically requests documentation of all travel to Kenya, Somalia and the United Arab Emirates, including dates, travellers and stated purposes.

    “She needs to explain to the American people how her net worth went from zero to Sh1.3 billion in one year, and explain why the Biden Department of Justice was investigating her husband’s financial activities over the course of that year, where her net worth ballooned up,” Comer said in a television interview Wednesday night.

    The probe extends beyond Rose Lake Capital to include eStCru, a California winery that Mynett co-owns with Hailer. That business has become the subject of intense scrutiny after its reported valuation skyrocketed from Sh2 million to Sh650 million in 12 months, despite having no visible operations, no active telephone lines and virtually no online presence.

    Multiple investors have already sued Mynett and Hailer over the winery venture. In one case, a Washington DC restaurant owner named Naeem Mohd claims he invested Sh39 million after being promised a 200 per cent return within 18 months. The lawsuit alleges the pair fraudulently misrepresented the winery as a legitimate business.

    Another lawsuit involving a cannabis investment saw Hailer settle for Sh156 million in August 2024 after investors claimed he promised to raise Sh975 million but instead allegedly misappropriated their Sh460 million investment.

    House Oversight Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) demanded Rep. Ilhan Omar’s husband Tim Mynett (r) hand over any information about his company Rose Lake Capital LLC’s business in Nigeria, Somalia, and the United Arab Emirates.
    House Oversight Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) demanded Rep. Ilhan Omar’s husband Tim Mynett (r) hand over any information about his company Rose Lake Capital LLC’s business in Nigeria, Somalia, and the United Arab Emirates.

    The connection to East Africa is particularly sensitive given Omar’s Somali heritage and her district’s large Somali-American population in Minnesota. That same district has been rocked by what authorities describe as a multi-billion shilling social services fraud scandal involving members of the Somali community.

    Former political operatives who worked with Mynett and Hailer describe them as well-connected Democratic Party insiders who previously ran E Street Group, a political consulting firm that received nearly Sh390 million from Omar’s congressional campaigns alone.

    The FBI and Department of Justice opened their own investigation into Omar’s finances in 2024, examining her campaign spending and interactions with foreign citizens, though that probe appears to have stalled without charges being filed.

    Omar’s spokesperson, Jackie Rogers, has dismissed the congressional investigation as a “political stunt” and “smear campaign,” insisting the reported valuations reflect full company assessments rather than Mynett’s individual stake.

    Comer has now referred the matter to the House Ethics Committee, whose members say they are better positioned to investigate sitting members of Congress. Republican lawmakers have vowed to pursue subpoenas if Mynett fails to comply with document requests.

    The deadline for Mynett’s response passed on Wednesday with no public indication he has turned over the requested materials. His attorneys have not responded to requests for comment.

    President Donald Trump has publicly called for Omar to face criminal charges, claiming without evidence that she is connected to what he alleges is Sh2.5 trillion in Minnesota welfare fraud, though he has provided no proof to support the astronomical figure.

    As investigators piece together the puzzle of how a struggling political consultant amassed a fortune seemingly overnight, the trail now leads from California vineyards to solar ventures in the Horn of Africa, and onwards to the gleaming towers of Dubai.

    Whether that trail reveals legitimate business success or something more sinister remains to be seen, but lawmakers have made clear they intend to follow the money wherever it leads.

  • Kisumu Planning Drector Robert Winji Faces Sack Over Forged Academic Papers

    Kisumu Planning Drector Robert Winji Faces Sack Over Forged Academic Papers

    A senior Kisumu County official is staring at immediate dismissal after a professional body exposed him for allegedly using forged academic papers to secure his lucrative position.

    Robert Rawinji, the director of planning, is at the centre of a storm after the Kenya Institute of Planners revealed that his Registration Certificate Serial No. 392 is fake and does not appear in the register of qualified physical planners.

    In a hard-hitting letter to the Secretary to the Public Service Board and the Head of Civil Service, the institute has demanded Rawinji’s immediate termination, warning that his appointment is irregular and unlawful.

    The planners body says the fraudulent certificate was used to hoodwink county bosses into hiring Rawinji for the critical position at Kisumu city planning department.

    “For the avoidance of doubt, the referenced registration certificate does not appear in the register of registered physical planners, as confirmed by the Physical Planners Registration Board pursuant to the provisions of the Physical Planners Registration Act 1996,” the letter states.

    The institute has backed its claims with a confirmation letter from the Registrar of the Physical Planners Registration Board, leaving little room for doubt about the authenticity of their allegations.

    The professional body has now given the Kisumu County Public Service Board a 14-day ultimatum to correct the irregularity and take appropriate administrative action against the embattled director.

    “We firmly request that the appointment be terminated immediately in compliance with the law. We further advise the Kisumu County Public Service Board to expeditiously correct this irregularity,” the institute warned.

    The body has also demanded written confirmation of the action taken within the same two-week period.

    The scandal raises serious questions about the recruitment process at the county government and how Rawinji managed to sail through the vetting process with allegedly fake credentials.

    It also threatens to open a Pandora’s box as concerns grow over how many other county officials may have secured their positions using dubious academic papers.

    The Physical Planners Registration Act of 1996 makes it a criminal offense to practice as a physical planner without proper registration, casting further legal jeopardy on Rawinji’s position.

    County officials have yet to respond to the damning allegations as pressure mounts for swift action against the director.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • EXPOSED: Machakos Governor Wavinya Ndeti Accused of Funneling Sh350m to Own Companies Through Proxy Networks

    EXPOSED: Machakos Governor Wavinya Ndeti Accused of Funneling Sh350m to Own Companies Through Proxy Networks

    County insiders claim Wavinya Ndeti manipulated procurement system to enrich herself while legitimate contractors languish unpaid

    Machakos Governor Wavinya Ndeti is facing explosive corruption allegations after contractors and county insiders claimed she orchestrated the payment of over Sh350 million to companies secretly linked to her through proxies and business associates.

    The payments, allegedly made in December last year, relate to road projects that contractors say were either shoddily executed or remain incomplete, raising serious questions about value for money and abuse of office.

    The scandal has erupted at a time when Machakos County’s pending bills have ballooned to a staggering Sh6.8 billion in just three years, pushing dozens of local contractors who completed legitimate work to the brink of financial collapse as they wait months for payment.

    Multiple contractors interviewed described a pattern in which the governor allegedly seized direct control over procurement and finance operations, dictating tender awards, influencing evaluation processes, and personally approving payments in a centralized system that effectively eliminated checks and balances.

    “She controls everything. The tenders, the evaluations, the payments. If you are not connected to her inner circle, you can do perfect work and still wait forever for your money,” one contractor told The Star on condition of anonymity, fearing professional retaliation.

    According to sources within the county administration, firms associated with Governor Ndeti and her son Charles Odiwale received preferential treatment in the award and settlement of lucrative road contracts. Insiders allege these firms operated through proxy ownership structures and allied business partners to conceal direct links to the county leadership.

    Several road projects tied to the disputed Sh350 million disbursements have drawn withering criticism from residents who report visible construction defects including uneven surfaces, early pothole formation, and incomplete sections despite the massive public expenditure.

    “We see these roads falling apart within months yet we are told millions were spent. Where did the money go?” asked Jane Muthoni, a Machakos town resident.

    Meanwhile, independent contractors who say they delivered quality projects on time and to specification report being systematically sidelined. Many allege they were forced to surrender 10 percent of contract values upfront before receiving tenders, a demand they describe as coercive and illegal.

    “You pay the kickback, you mobilize resources from your own pocket, you complete the work perfectly, then you are met with total silence when you seek payment. They don’t answer calls, they don’t respond to letters. It is deliberate frustration,” said a contractor who has been chasing payment for eight months.

    The financial strain has pushed several contractors into loan defaults. Many borrowed heavily from commercial banks to finance county projects, expecting timely settlement once they delivered. Instead, they now face bank auctions and mounting interest penalties.

    Finance professionals within the county warn that the alleged micromanagement from the governor’s office has destabilized normal financial operations and created fertile ground for conflicts of interest.

    “When procurement decisions are concentrated in one office without proper oversight, the system becomes vulnerable to manipulation. That appears to be exactly what has happened in Machakos,” said a finance officer who requested anonymity.

    Data from internal finance discussions indicate that Machakos County’s pending bills have surged to over Sh6.8 billion in three years under Governor Ndeti, up from Sh2.1 billion inherited from her predecessor Alfred Mutua’s two terms. The Controller of Budget has warned that such levels threaten service delivery and long-term fiscal stability.

    The procurement controversy comes against the backdrop of unverified reports that Governor Ndeti was detained in the United Kingdom in September 2024 alongside her son over allegations of attempting to smuggle large sums of money from Kenya into Europe. No public charges followed, but the incident intensified scrutiny of her financial dealings.

    County insiders describe an atmosphere of fear in procurement and finance departments, with officers hesitating to question directives for fear of professional consequences. This environment, they say, has undermined transparency and weakened institutional safeguards designed to protect public funds.

    When contacted, Chief Finance Officer Julius Kasanga did not answer calls or respond to text messages seeking comment on the payment allegations and the mounting pending bills crisis.

    In a strongly worded response to the allegations, Governor Ndeti has categorically denied any wrongdoing, dismissing the claims as politically motivated attacks designed to tarnish her image and distract from her development record.

    “These are fabricated narratives sponsored by my political opponents. We have delivered nearly 1,000 projects since August 2022 and achieved record-breaking own-source revenue collection of Sh1.7 billion in the 2023-2024 financial year. This is effective leadership, not corruption,” she said.

    However, critics argue that revenue growth does not excuse alleged procurement violations or conflicts of interest. They point out that if investigations confirm public funds were channeled to companies secretly owned by the governor through proxy networks, it would represent a severe breach of public trust and procurement law.

    Contractors are now demanding an independent forensic audit of all road contracts awarded under the Ndeti administration, full disclosure of beneficial ownership for every company that received county payments, and technical assessments of completed projects to determine whether public funds were properly used.

    Financial analysts have also called for a comprehensive review of the county’s pending bills to establish whether payment delays result from mismanagement, misallocation of resources, or deliberate withholding to favor politically connected firms.

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission has previously indicated it is building a case against the governor and her son over alleged massive graft linked to inflated contracts, single-sourced tenders, and misuse of public funds, though no arrests have been made.

    As the scandal deepens, the people of Machakos are demanding transparent answers. The controversy has shifted from whispered complaints to a full-blown governance crisis that threatens to define Governor Ndeti’s legacy and may yet result in criminal prosecution if investigators substantiate the explosive allegations.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Wavinya Ndeti Ordered To Pay Sh4.2 Million To Staff She Had Sacked For Saying She’s Wantam

    Wavinya Ndeti Ordered To Pay Sh4.2 Million To Staff She Had Sacked For Saying She’s Wantam

    Former Education CEC Philip Kilonzo wins landmark case after being fired in just 72 hours for allegedly criticizing governor

    Governor Wavinya Ndeti’s administration has been dealt a humiliating blow after a court ordered the Machakos County government to pay a staggering Sh4.2 million to a former minister she dramatically sacked over claims he predicted her government would be a “one-term wonder.”

    In a damning judgment delivered on February 4, the Employment and Labour Relations Court slammed the governor for what it termed an arbitrary and oppressive dismissal that violated basic principles of fairness and justice.

    Philip Mutua Kilonzo, who served as County Executive Committee Member for Education before his abrupt termination in October 2023, was vindicated after Justice Stella Rutto ruled that his sacking was based on nothing more than “hearsay” and unsubstantiated allegations.

    The court heard how Kilonzo was given a mere three days over a weekend to respond to serious career-ending accusations before being shown the door on a Monday morning in what the judge described as a rushed and fundamentally flawed process.

    The governor had accused Kilonzo of three offenses that she claimed warranted immediate dismissal: publicly stating at Matuu State Lodge that her government would serve only one term, illegally subdividing public land, and abusing his office in a land dispute involving one Mbithe Nzioka Kioko.

    But when push came to shove in court, the county government spectacularly failed to produce a single shred of evidence to back up any of the explosive claims.

    “The respondents failed to present any evidence in court to substantiate the allegations against the claimant. For example, on the first charge, there was no indication of when the claimant purportedly made the verbal statements that the Government of Machakos County would only serve one term,” Justice Rutto stated in her scathing judgment.

    The court noted that no witnesses were called to testify about the alleged disparaging remarks, no documents proved Kilonzo’s involvement in illegal land allocation, and the complainant in the land dispute never gave a statement or testified.

    “Consequently, the allegations amounted to mere hearsay,” the judgment declared.

    Justice Rutto further tore into the county government for giving Kilonzo just three days to defend himself against such serious accusations, calling the timeframe “oppressive” and questioning what the “urgency” was.

    The court also found that although the governor claimed to have reviewed evidence before making her decision, she never shared any of it with Kilonzo, completely undermining his constitutional right to a fair defense.

    “Despite the first respondent herein issuing the claimant with a notice to show cause and requesting a response, the brief notice period, coupled with the failure to provide evidence supporting the allegations, severely undermined the claimant’s ability to adequately mount a defense and, consequently, his right to a fair hearing,” Justice Rutto ruled.

    Kilonzo’s nightmare began in November 2022 when he was appointed to Ndeti’s cabinet as CEC for Land, Urban Development, Housing, and Energy. Just months later, in September 2023, he was shuffled to the Education docket during a surprise cabinet reshuffle at Matuu County Lodge.

    His new posting barely lasted a month before he received the Friday show-cause letter and was terminated the following Monday on October 9, 2023.

    The court awarded Kilonzo a comprehensive compensation package that includes Sh404,250 as one month’s salary in lieu of notice, Sh2,021,250 in damages for unfair termination equivalent to five months’ salary, Sh1,503,810 in gratuity for one year of service, and Sh282,975 for 21 days of accrued leave.

    The county government has also been ordered to issue Kilonzo with a Certificate of Service, settle all legal costs, and pay interest on the full amount until complete payment is made.

    In a statement that appears prescient in hindsight, the court emphasized that while governors have the power to dismiss CECs, that power is not absolute and must be exercised reasonably.

    “Such a decision must be exercised reasonably and based on valid and compelling grounds. A governor may dismiss a CEC member on legitimate reasons and for the public good, subject to due process being followed,” Justice Rutto ruled.

    The landmark judgment sends a clear warning to county bosses across the country that they cannot wield their powers arbitrarily or dismiss senior officials based on unproven allegations without following due process.

    For Governor Ndeti, who swept into office promising to uphold high standards of service delivery and had publicly threatened to crack the whip on non-performing staff, the ruling represents a costly lesson in the limits of executive authority.

    At the time of Kilonzo’s dismissal in October 2023, Governor Ndeti had issued a terse statement saying she had “reviewed his performance and come to the conclusion that it is untenable for him to continue holding office as CECM.”

    She had claimed the decision was “informed by the need to uphold high standards of service delivery to the people of Machakos County.”

    But the court’s findings paint a dramatically different picture, suggesting the dismissal had little to do with performance and everything to do with alleged political statements that were never proven to have been made.

    The case highlights the precarious position of county executive members who serve at the pleasure of governors but are also entitled to basic constitutional protections and fair treatment under employment law.

    Kilonzo becomes the latest in a growing list of county officials who have successfully challenged their dismissals in court, with judges increasingly willing to push back against what they view as high-handed and arbitrary actions by county bosses.

    The Sh4.2 million award will now be paid from public coffers, meaning Machakos taxpayers will foot the bill for what the court found to be an unjust and procedurally flawed dismissal.

    Governor Ndeti’s office had not responded to requests for comment by the time of going to press.

  • Gachagua, Kalonzo Meet With Oburu In Machakos

    Gachagua, Kalonzo Meet With Oburu In Machakos

    NAIROBI, Kenya Feb 13 – A rare meeting between opposition leaders and the ODM leader on Friday raised eyebrows after Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, and Oburu Oginga came together in Machakos during a condolence visit.

    The three leaders met at the home of Machakos Senator Agnes Kavindu while consoling her family following the death of her son.

    While the visit was meant to offer comfort, the political mix at the gathering quickly drew attention across the country.

    ODM Oburu Oginga and Wiper Patriotic Front leader Kalonzo Musyoka in Machakos
    ODM Oburu Oginga and Wiper Patriotic Front leader Kalonzo Musyoka in Machakos

    Gachagua and Musyoka are currently leading a united opposition push aimed at unseating President William Ruto in the 2027 General Election.

    Their alliance has been vocal in criticizing the government and rallying support across different regions.

    However, the presence of Oburu at the same meeting raised eyebrows, given his political position.

    Oburu is aligned with the broad-based government arrangement, and has miantained ODM’s push at supporting President Ruto’s re-election bid.

    While no formal statements were issued after the meeting, images and reports of the leaders together have already ignited debate online.

  • ‪EACC Probes Sh5 Million Spent On Vihiga Speaker’s Lavish Housewarming Party‬

    ‪EACC Probes Sh5 Million Spent On Vihiga Speaker’s Lavish Housewarming Party‬

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) has launched a formal investigation into the alleged misuse of KSh5 million in public funds for a “lavish” house warming party at the Vihiga County Speaker’s residence.

    The probe follows revelations from a recent audit and Senate hearings that highlighted unauthorized borrowing and expenditure on the event.

    In letters dated February 12, 2026, the EACC demanded urgent documentation from both the Vihiga County Government and the County Assembly. The commission is seeking original or certified copies of records related to the funding, procurement, and payments for the party, which reportedly took place on December 15, 2023. The alleged Ksh 5 million was borrowed from county coffers intended for paying contractors, according to testimony before the Senate County Public Accounts Committee (CPAC).

    The EACC’s letter to the Acting County Secretary requests details on the borrowing request from the County Assembly, approval by the County Government, transfer confirmations, reimbursement records, and any other relevant information. Similarly, the letter to the County Assembly Clerk demands the user department requisition, approved budgets for the 2023/2024 financial year (or relevant periods), full procurement documents (including quotations, bids, evaluations, and contracts), payment records (such as invoices, vouchers, IFMIS entries, RTGS, and cheques), and additional materials.

    Both entities have until today, February 13, 2026, to submit the documents, with EACC officers Brian Shigoli and Kevin Lagat designated to receive them. The commission described the spending as “unwarranted lavish” in its correspondence.

    Senators accused the governor of prioritizing non-essential activities, with the CPAC ordering a refund of the KSh 5 million by the end of the financial year or referral to the EACC for further action.

    Governor Ottichilo has however defended the expenditure as necessary, but the committee rejected his explanations, labeling it a misuse of funds meant for essential services.

    The EACC’s involvement could lead to charges under the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act if evidence of impropriety is found.

  • Sifuna, Babu Owino Are Uhuru’s Project, Orengo Is Opportunist, Inconsequential in Kenyan Politics, Miguna Says

    Sifuna, Babu Owino Are Uhuru’s Project, Orengo Is Opportunist, Inconsequential in Kenyan Politics, Miguna Says

    Firebrand lawyer Miguna Miguna has launched a blistering attack on ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, Embakasi East MP Babu Owino and veteran politician James Orengo, branding them political opportunists bankrolling former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s shadowy agenda.

    In a series of explosive posts on X, the self-proclaimed General tore into the trio, claiming they are part of a sinister plot to install former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i as Kenya’s next president using Uhuru’s dirty money.

    Miguna accused Sifuna and his “confused groupies” of masquerading as progressive legislators while spending years in Parliament without tabling a single pro-people legislation or impeachment motion against President William Ruto despite their theatrical press conferences denouncing his administration.

    The Canada-based lawyer reserved his harshest words for Orengo, a man he once admired as a Form One student at Onjiko Secondary School in the 1970s when Orengo served as Ugenya MP.

    “After we became adults and encountered James Orengo in politics, we realized to our collective consternation that he blew hot and cold and wasn’t a revolutionary,” Miguna wrote, systematically dismantling Orengo’s political legacy spanning five decades.

    Miguna claimed he was among ODM strategists in 2007 who insisted Orengo receive a nomination certificate after losing in Ugenya, arguing the party didn’t need “hooligans in parliament.” But he says Orengo repaid that faith with incompetence and cowardice.

    He accused the former Lands Minister of bungling a crucial 2007 presidential vote audit alongside PNU’s Martha Karua, sleeping at KICC while Karua “messed up the exercise” and failing to table a coherent report on electoral irregularities that sparked post-election violence.

    During the 2009 ICC Review Conference in Kampala, Miguna claims Orengo and Amason Kingi refused to present ODM’s position on ICC indictments against Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, forcing him to step in.

    “During the constitutional review process when Kibaki and his PNU gang tried to scuttle the completion of the process, Orengo always hid and left me alone to battle the PNU mandarins,” Miguna charged.

    He savaged Orengo’s 2010 decision to support Raila Odinga’s switch from a parliamentary to presidential system, watching sheepishly as the late Otieno Kajwang called Miguna “the Mau Mau who has refused to leave the forest.”

    The lawyer’s most damning accusation centers on what he calls serial betrayal. In 2018, as Miguna organized resistance through NRM-Kenya against “despots” Uhuru and Ruto, he claims Orengo and Raila abandoned him and cut deals with the duo.

    “Although I beseeched Orengo to break ranks with the conservative, cowardly and reactionary elements within ODM so that we could chart a revolutionary path for the country, Orengo was too cowardly to take a stand,” Miguna wrote.

    He accused Orengo of supporting the Uhuru-Raila handshake and the unconstitutional BBI despite raising parliamentary concerns, then displaying similar cowardice when Raila entered another handshake with Ruto after betraying Gen Z protesters.

    Miguna questioned why Sifuna, Orengo and others demanding answers about Raila’s death didn’t call for an autopsy or make murder allegations at his funeral where they spoke.

    “If Ida and Winnie believed Raila Odinga was murdered, why did they tell Kenyans about Raila’s will which presumably Orengo drafted and Raila’s wish to be buried within 72 hours?” he asked.

    He challenged their progressive credentials, asking what concrete actions they’ve taken as public office holders to fight for justice for victims of police brutality or tackle corruption beyond press conference theatrics.

    “What the opportunistic reactionary cowards are doing is trying to deceive Kenyans that they care about unemployment, corruption and high cost of living when they have spent their entire lives praising and worshipping the SYSTEM which brought unemployment, corruption, high cost of living, impunity and abuse of power,” Miguna charged.

    The lawyer warned Kenyans against being deceived by politicians who hold press conferences during the day while meeting Uhuru, Ruto and Matiang’i at night.

    “I don’t fear being attacked by naive and stupid zombies who get attracted to the newest conman in town. I’m here to expose hypocrites, conmen, thugs, drug dealers, murderers and opportunists,” Miguna declared.

    He concluded with his trademark rallying cry: “Truth shall set us free!”

    The allegations come as ODM figures have stepped up criticism of the Ruto administration while demanding transparency around the circumstances of Raila Odinga’s recent death.

  • Miracle or Deception? Prophet Owuor’s HIV Cure Claims Face Mounting Scrutiny After Investigation Reveals Falsified Medical Records

    Miracle or Deception? Prophet Owuor’s HIV Cure Claims Face Mounting Scrutiny After Investigation Reveals Falsified Medical Records

    NAIROBI, Kenya — When self-proclaimed prophet David Owuor stood before thousands of worshippers at a December crusade in Nakuru, declaring that attendees had been miraculously cured of HIV, cancer and blindness, the proclamation ignited both fervent belief and fierce skepticism across Kenya’s deeply religious society.

    Now, a television investigation has raised serious questions about the veracity of those healing claims, uncovering what appears to be falsified medical documentation and prompting warnings from health authorities about the potentially fatal consequences of abandoning treatment for faith-based cures.

    The controversy centers on Owuor’s Ministry of Repentance and Holiness Church and testimonies from individuals who claimed to have been healed of HIV during the crusade.

    Among them was Peter Oyan, who told TV47 investigators he had been diagnosed HIV-positive in 2012 at Rumuruti District Hospital and remained on antiretroviral treatment until attending Owuor’s 2013 Nakuru revival, where he said prayers delivered his healing.

    Yet when TV47 independently verified Oyan’s account at the hospital he named, the story unraveled. Medical records showed no evidence Oyan had ever been registered or treated as an HIV-positive patient at the facility.

    The unique patient identification number on documents he presented belonged not to him but to a female patient in a different region of Laikipia County. Hospital officials confirmed Oyan had never been diagnosed with HIV at their institution.

    Documents presented by both Oyan and church representatives displayed visible alterations and signs of tampering, according to medical experts interviewed during the investigation.

    A second facility where Oyan claimed to have tested negative confirmed his paperwork was fraudulent and did not originate from their institution. Karen Hospital in Nairobi, where Oyan said he received a negative HIV test in May 2014, found no record of his name in their system.

    The investigation examined another case involving Rebecca Mose, 27, who asserted she was healed through a text message her mother sent to Owuor in December 2024.

    When pressed to produce the message, she changed her account, claiming instead that healing came through an email from her pastor.

    Mose further stated that the National AIDS and STIs Control Programme had closed her HIV patient file, a claim NASCOP officials refuted, explaining the agency does not close patient files and advises those who test positive to begin treatment rather than undergo repeated testing.

    Despite these discrepancies, both cases received public endorsement from two Kenyan medical professionals during the Nakuru crusade, testimonies that went viral under the hashtag Science Bows.

    The Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Council has since launched investigations into the physicians’ involvement.

    Mary Njoroge, a pseudonym for a woman from rural Laikipia County, described to investigators how repeated visits to Owuor’s ministry in search of healing for her daughter ended in tragedy. After multiple proclamations of healing, her daughter’s condition deteriorated.

    Njoroge said her faith in the church led her to abandon conventional medical treatment, a decision she believes contributed to her daughter’s death. She has since left the church, describing her experience as one of betrayal and irreversible loss.

    The findings have drawn sharp responses from Kenyan authorities.

    On January 3, the Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Council issued a statement expressing serious concern over claims of healing for chronic and life-threatening conditions without verifiable medical documentation.

    The council warned that unsubstantiated assertions by health professionals could mislead vulnerable individuals into abandoning proven treatments.

    Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale questioned faith-based healing narratives associated with Owuor, cautioning against messages that undermine conventional medicine and patient safety.

    The National Council of Churches of Kenya distanced itself from the miracle cure claims, urging Kenyans to exercise caution regarding unverified assertions.

    Owuor has rejected the criticism, maintaining that his healings are medically proven and asserting his verification systems exceed government standards.

    When TV47 crew members completed their interview with the prophet, each received 20,000 Kenyan shillings via mobile money transfer.

    Owuor characterized the payments as blessings unrelated to the investigation’s editorial direction.

    The journalists returned the money.

    In a written response to TV47, church national coordinator Festus Mutai defended the payment as a gesture recognizing the crew’s late-night work, which extended past 1 a.m.

    He insisted the church’s HIV healing claims remain straightforward facts fully medically verified and well established, citing new verification results from South Africa for a patient whose case the Health Cabinet Secretary had called for investigation.

    This is not the first time Owuor’s ministry has faced controversy over miracle claims. In 2017, he asserted he had resurrected a woman known as Mama Rosa from West Pokot, a claim that drew nationwide attention.

    Mama Rosa died on January 22, 2019. The prophet has also confronted allegations involving property disputes and criticism from former church insiders, including whistleblower Nelson Amenya, who has publicly distanced himself from the ministry.

    The dispute arrives at a critical juncture for Kenya, where more than 4,000 registered churches serve millions of believers and where the intersection of faith, medicine and accountability continues to generate tension.

    Religious scholars warn that unchecked claims and insufficient oversight can expose vulnerable followers to harm, particularly when chronic illnesses requiring consistent medical management are involved.

    The case bears echoes of a 2006 prosecution in which prophetess Lucy Nduta, mother of controversial pastor Victor Kanyari, was convicted of fraud for falsely claiming to heal HIV patients.

    Nduta collaborated with clinics to provide fabricated negative test results to victims who paid for her services, leading some to abandon medication and suffer serious health complications.

    She received a two-year prison sentence.

    While false prophecy itself is not a crime in Kenya, fraud is, raising questions about whether Owuor or associates could face similar legal consequences if investigators determine intentional deception occurred.

    The Director of Public Prosecutions has not announced any investigation into the current allegations.

    Health experts and regulators have emphasized a consistent message throughout the controversy.

    Faith, they argue, should complement rather than replace scientifically proven medical care, especially for chronic and life-threatening conditions such as HIV.

    With no verified cure for HIV existing anywhere in medical science, antiretroviral therapy remains the only established method for managing the virus and preventing progression to AIDS.

    As Kenya grapples with the implications of the TV47 investigation, the broader question persists about how religious freedom and medical accountability can coexist in a nation where spiritual belief and healthcare systems operate in sometimes competing spheres.

    For families like Mary Njoroge’s, the answer came too late.

  • How A Meru University Dropout Hacked Into Afrisend Money Transfer Siphoning Sh11 Million Exposing Its System Vulnerability After Walking Free From Betting Firm Heist

    How A Meru University Dropout Hacked Into Afrisend Money Transfer Siphoning Sh11 Million Exposing Its System Vulnerability After Walking Free From Betting Firm Heist

    In a stunning twist that has left cybersecurity experts and law enforcement agencies reeling, 27-year-old Seth Mwabe Okwanyo, the Meru University dropout who brazenly walked out of Milimani Law Courts a free man after his case was thrown out, found himself back in handcuffs within minutes, arrested for orchestrating yet another multimillion-shilling cyberheist that has exposed catastrophic flaws in Kenya’s financial technology infrastructure.

    The dramatic rearrest of the self-styled cybersecurity consultant on Tuesday, February 10, 2026, came just moments after Senior Resident Magistrate Irene Thamana dismissed his case and ordered the return of his seized electronic gadgets, including an iPhone 16 Pro, Samsung S22, Starlink router, MacBook M2 laptop and HP Omen laptop.

    As Mwabe stepped into the Nairobi sunshine, probably believing he had beaten the system, detectives from the Banking Fraud Investigation Unit were lying in wait, armed with fresh charges that paint an even more disturbing picture of a serial cyber fraudster who has been playing a dangerous cat-and-mouse game with Kenyan authorities.

    This time, prosecutors allege, Mwabe penetrated the defenses of Afrisend Money Transfer Limited, siphoning a staggering Sh11.4 million through 38 fraudulent transactions that vanished without a trace from the company’s records.

    The July 16, 2025 heist, which investigators say involved the unauthorized installation of a malicious Java application, has thrust Kenya’s fintech sector into crisis mode and raised uncomfortable questions about whether digital financial platforms are nothing more than elaborate houses of cards waiting to be toppled by anyone with enough coding knowledge and criminal intent.

    But this is not Mwabe’s first dance with cybercrime accusations.

    His latest arrest marks the second time in six months that the young man from Wasimbete ward in Migori County has been hauled before the courts on allegations of masterminding sophisticated digital heists worth millions of shillings, suggesting a pattern of brazen criminality that has seen him allegedly target Kenya’s most lucrative digital sectors with surgical precision.

    The genesis of Mwabe’s troubles began on August 30, 2025, when DCI officers stormed his two-bedroom apartment in the upscale Tatu City estate in Kiambu County.

    What they discovered inside read like something out of a cybercrime thriller.

    The apartment had been transformed into what investigators described as a fully equipped computer laboratory, complete with advanced servers, multiple high-end laptops, routers, data storage devices, a safe stuffed with cash, a money-counting machine, and an arsenal of SIM cards and mobile devices designed to bypass verification systems.

    The raid came after Afrisend Money Transfer Limited filed a formal complaint detailing how their payment systems had been compromised in what prosecutors now describe as one of the most sophisticated cyber frauds ever witnessed in Kenya.

    On that fateful day in July, 38 unauthorized transactions drained Sh11,410,165 from the company’s Diamond Trust Bank account via the PesaLink platform, yet bizarrely, these transactions never appeared in Afrisend’s internal records even though recipients confirmed receiving the money.

    Investigating officer Chief Inspector Julius Cheruiyot revealed to the court that Mwabe had allegedly shared a fraudulent application link via a Telegram bot, which was then used to siphon the funds while simultaneously erasing system and database logs to cover his digital tracks.

    The scheme’s sophistication suggested not just technical prowess but an intimate understanding of how to exploit the vulnerabilities in Kenya’s interconnected financial systems.

    But what makes Mwabe’s case truly extraordinary is that this was not his first encounter with cybercrime allegations.

    Just months before the Afrisend heist, reports had surfaced linking him to suspicious activities targeting betting platforms, with some media outlets initially reporting connections to major betting firms before corrections were issued.

    The confusion surrounding these earlier allegations only added to the mystique of a young man who seemed to be everywhere and nowhere in Kenya’s murky cybercrime underworld.

    When he was first arrested in August 2025, Mwabe put up a spirited defense that left many Kenyans torn between admiration and condemnation.

    Standing in his Tatu City apartment as detectives broke down his door, he reportedly proclaimed with startling confidence that he was merely testing software he had developed and the money had unexpectedly appeared in his account.

    It was a defense so audacious that it sparked a national conversation about the fine line between ethical hacking and outright theft.

    The DCI initially sought to detain Mwabe for 20 days to complete their investigations, citing the need to gather forensic evidence from his seized devices and obtain records from Telegram, Starlink, local banks, mobile service providers and the Kenya Bankers Association.

    Prosecutors argued that he posed a flight risk and might interfere with witnesses if released.

    However, on September 3, 2025, Milimani Senior Principal Magistrate Benmark Ekhubi rejected the prosecution’s application, ruling that the request to hold Mwabe longer lacked merit.

    The magistrate granted him release on Sh500,000 cash bail or a Sh1 million bond, noting that the suspect had no control over the forensic investigations and that electronic examinations could proceed without his presence.

    His release sparked jubilant celebrations back in his rural home in Suna West, Migori County, where family members welcomed him with Christian songs.

    His father, Okwanyo Mwabe, a Seventh-day Adventist church pastor, expressed shock at the allegations while his uncle, Ogwari Mwabe, described Seth as a shy, silent but intelligent boy who would never harm anyone.

    The family called on the government to harness rather than punish young tech talents, lamenting the lack of job opportunities for skilled Kenyan youth.

    What nobody knew then was that while Mwabe was celebrating his freedom and family members were singing his praises, investigators were quietly building a new case against him.

    The fresh charges relating to the Afrisend heist had been waiting in the wings, and prosecutors were determined not to let him slip through their fingers a second time.

    The story of Seth Mwabe is as much a tale of wasted potential as it is one of alleged criminality.

    His digital footprint reveals a young man who once harbored legitimate aspirations in cybersecurity.

    On his LinkedIn profile, he described himself as an information security enthusiast driven by passion and claimed to have founded a cybersecurity training community at Meru University before dropping out of his second-year IT program.

    Between 2018 and 2020, Mwabe claimed to have worked with at least three companies, sharpening his skills in digital defense and penetration testing.

    He maintained a blog where he detailed security vulnerabilities, including how poorly protected office printers could be hijacked using default passwords.

    In 2019, he even won Sh50,000 in a cybersecurity challenge organized by a leading local bank, a recognition that briefly placed him on the radar of Kenya’s budding tech security scene.

    But somewhere along the way, according to prosecutors, Mwabe’s knowledge of how to defend systems morphed into expertise on how to attack them.

    His Facebook timeline, littered with posts celebrating victories in cybersecurity competitions and a 2018 photo of him wearing a hacker’s mask with two laptops referencing PwnStorm, a notorious Russian hacking collective, now looks less like youthful enthusiasm and more like a roadmap to a criminal enterprise.

    The implications of Mwabe’s alleged activities extend far beyond the millions he is accused of stealing. His case has ripped the lid off the vulnerability of Kenya’s digital financial infrastructure at a time when the country has been positioning itself as East Africa’s fintech hub.

    If a university dropout operating out of a two-bedroom apartment can repeatedly penetrate the defenses of major financial institutions, what does that say about the billions of shillings transacted daily through mobile and online platforms?

    Cybersecurity analysts who spoke to Kenya Insights described the breaches as wake-up calls that the industry can no longer afford to ignore.

    The fact that Mwabe allegedly managed to install unauthorized software, manipulate transactions, and delete logs without detection suggests either woefully inadequate access controls, possible insider assistance, or both.

    For Afrisend Money Transfer Limited, the breach represents not just a financial catastrophe but a reputational nuclear bomb.

    In an industry built on trust, revelations that your payment system can be hijacked for an entire day with 38 fraudulent transactions going completely undetected is the kind of scandal that can destroy a company overnight.

    The firm now faces tough questions from regulators, customers and investors about how such a massive security failure could occur and why their internal monitoring systems failed to detect the hemorrhaging of millions.

    The case has also exposed uncomfortable truths about how Kenya’s rapid digital transformation has outpaced the development of robust security infrastructure.

    With betting platforms processing billions of shillings weekly and mobile money transactions reaching record highs, the country has become a lucrative target for cybercriminals who have discovered that the digital doors are often locked with flimsy padlocks rather than fortress-grade security.

    When Mwabe appeared before Senior Resident Magistrate Irene Thamana on February 11, 2026, to face charges of unauthorized access to a computer system, computer fraud and 18 counts of money laundering, he maintained his innocence, entering a plea of not guilty to all 20 charges.

    The court granted him bail of Sh500,000 cash or a bond of Sh1.5 million plus two contact persons, with the case set for mention on March 3, 2026.

    But this time, prosecutors are determined to build an airtight case.

    They have evidence of the unauthorized Java application allegedly installed in Afrisend’s system, forensic trails of the 38 transactions, and a web of money laundering activities involving multiple accomplices who allegedly helped Mwabe disguise the source of the stolen funds.

    The prosecution’s case hinges on proving that Mwabe deliberately breached security measures, installed malicious software, manipulated the payment system, deleted logs to cover his tracks, and then laundered the proceeds through a network of accomplices.

    If convicted on all counts, Mwabe faces up to 20 years in prison under Kenya’s Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act of 2018.

    As the case winds its way through the courts, it has sparked a national debate about how Kenya should handle young tech prodigies who use their skills for crime. Some Kenyans have expressed sympathy, arguing that unemployment and lack of opportunities drive talented youth toward illicit activities.

    Social media has been flooded with comments lamenting that arresting such talents while ignoring bigger corruption is backwards, with calls for Mwabe’s skills to be harnessed for national cybersecurity rather than letting them rot in jail.

    Critics, however, decry the romanticization of cybercrime, pointing out that Mwabe’s alleged victims are ordinary Kenyans whose data and money are now vulnerable.

    They argue that no amount of talent justifies theft and that giving cybercriminals a pass sends a dangerous message that crime pays as long as you’re smart enough.

    The Seth Mwabe saga also highlights the growing challenge of cybercrime in Kenya. According to the Communications Authority of Kenya, cyber incidents targeting financial services rose by 40 percent in 2025, with weak APIs in digital platforms being the primary vulnerability exploited by hackers.

    The DCI has arrested several suspects this year alone for various cybercrimes, but Mwabe’s case stands out for its audacity and the sheer amount allegedly stolen.

    Abraham Mugambi, DCI’s Regional Criminal Investigations Officer, has reiterated the agency’s commitment to tackling what he calls white-collar crime, particularly computer crimes.

    But the reality is that law enforcement is playing catch-up in a digital arms race where criminals often stay several steps ahead.

    The case raises fundamental questions about Kenya’s readiness for the digital age. As the country races to embrace technological innovation, it must grapple with the security challenges that accompany digital transformation.

    The Sh11.4 million allegedly stolen from Afrisend represents more than financial loss. It symbolizes the cost of inadequate preparation and the urgent need for comprehensive cybersecurity reform.

    Industry experts are calling for mandatory public disclosure of breaches, independent cybersecurity audits for fintech firms, user compensation frameworks, and real regulatory oversight. Without these measures, Kenya risks more scandals and more users losing trust in digital platforms.

    The broader implications extend to youth unemployment and education gaps. With 35 percent of Kenyan graduates struggling to find jobs, some are turning to illicit tech paths for survival.

    Initiatives like scholarships for IT dropouts and programs to channel tech talent into legitimate cybersecurity careers could prevent more young people from following Mwabe’s alleged path.

    As Mwabe’s trial approaches, the stakes couldn’t be higher.

    For prosecutors, it’s a chance to send a strong message that cybercrime will not be tolerated regardless of how skilled the perpetrator. For the defense, it’s an opportunity to argue that a young man’s life should not be destroyed for what they might frame as ethical hacking gone wrong.

    For Kenya’s fintech industry, it’s a moment of reckoning. The Seth Mwabe story isn’t just about one hacker and Sh11 million. It’s about a system where billions move daily, guarded by walls that may be weaker than they look.

    Betting firms, microfinance institutions, mobile money platforms and banks all owe Kenyans answers about how they’re protecting customer funds and data.

    The old adage in betting says the house always wins. But the Mwabe saga has proven that the house isn’t invincible. When even major financial platforms can be hacked by a single determined individual, who really protects the players?

    As the March 3 court date approaches, all eyes will be on whether prosecutors can finally put an end to the alleged crime spree of Kenya’s most notorious young hacker.

    But win or lose, the damage has been done. The vulnerabilities have been exposed. The questions have been asked. And Kenya’s digital revolution will never quite look the same again.