Author: Our Correspondent

  • Caroli Omondi, Ruth Odinga Among Rebel ODM MPs Axed From Plum House Committees in Major Reshuffle

    Caroli Omondi, Ruth Odinga Among Rebel ODM MPs Axed From Plum House Committees in Major Reshuffle

    A reshuffle in key parliamentary committees has seen several Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) members removed from their plum assignments, sparking protests from MPs who claim the changes are politically motivated.

    House leadership has defended the adjustments as part of a broader effort to redistribute committee positions in line with party affiliations.

    However, affected legislators described the moves as a deliberate attempt to weaken opposition voices in strategic oversight committees.

    Among those affected is Suba South MP Caroli Omondi, who has been removed as chairperson of the Constitution Implementation Oversight Committee (CIOC) and reassigned to the less influential Sports and Culture Committee.

    Kitutu Chache MP Antony Kibagendi, currently suspended indefinitely from the House, has been removed from the powerful Public Investments Committee on Governance and Education and placed in the CIOC. He will be replaced by newly elected Kasipul MP Boyd Were Ong’ondo, son of the late Kasipul MP Charles Ong’ondo Were.

    Omondi protested the reshuffle, accusing Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah and his Minority counterpart Junet Mohamed of targeting him.

    “They don’t want me to chair CIOC because they know I’m going to oversee elections. That’s why they don’t want me to be in that committee,” he said.

    He added that he had not received any letter from Minority Whip Millie Odhiambo discharging him from the committee.

    “This is a conspiracy between the Majority and Minority leaders,” Omondi said.

    The legislator has been vocal in opposition politics and was recently appointed Secretary General of Azimio La Umoja. He is also aligned with the Linda Mwananchi faction of ODM linked to Senator Edwin Sifuna.

    “He will leave that committee because it should be chaired by a majority side. We are a House that respects political parties. I have already engaged him, and he knows what to do,” Ichung’wah said last week.

    Junet explained that the Selection Committee had reviewed committee compositions following the recent by-elections.

    “When you are being discharged, you are not being taken to a departmental committee. The selection committee sat down, re-looked and made the changes. But the one Mr Caroli is talking about, of being discharged…it’s coming,” he said.

    “I am serving a warning. Anyone who will not adhere to the party position will relinquish their committee positions to lesser ones, so that they know that it is parties which reward people to positions.”

    Other reshuffle changes include newly elected Ugunja MP Moses Omondi replacing Butere MP Tindi Mwale as chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee; Mbeere North MP Leo Wamuthende taking over from West Pokot Woman Representative Rael Chepkemoi on the National Cohesion and Equal Opportunities Committee; and Juja MP George Koimburi moving from Parliamentary Broadcasting and Library to National Cohesion and Equal Opportunities, replacing Nakuru Woman Representative Liza Chelule.

    Malava MP David Ndakwa will also serve on the committee, replacing the late nominated MP Joseph Hamisi Denar.

    Meanwhile, new Magarini MP Harrison Kombe replaces Budalangi MP Raphael Wanjala as chairperson of the Implementation Committee.

    Kisumu Woman Representative Ruth Odinga has been moved from the Agriculture Committee to the less influential Members’ Services and Facilities Committee.

     

    Several allies of former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, including Naivasha MP Jayne Kihara, were also reassigned to less prominent committees.

    Conversely, MPs who returned to UDA regained influential positions. Githunguri MP Gathoni Wamuchomba has returned to the CIOC from the Members’ Services and Facilities Committee.

    Marakwet West MP Timothy Kipchumba, an advocate of the High Court, joins the Justice and Legal Affairs Committee and the Regional Integration Committee, replacing previous members, including Kesses MP Julius Rutto. Juja MP George Koimburi was also handed two powerful committee assignments.

    Further changes are expected in the Senate.

  • “Babu Owino Banged the Table on Raila Odinga After Missing PAC Chair Seat,” Esther Passaris Claims

    “Babu Owino Banged the Table on Raila Odinga After Missing PAC Chair Seat,” Esther Passaris Claims

    Nairobi Woman Representative Esther Passaris has stirred fresh turbulence within the Orange Democratic Movement after alleging that Embakasi East MP Babu Owino angrily banged a table in front of the late party leader Raila Odinga when he missed out on the powerful Public Accounts Committee chairmanship.

    Speaking during a live interview on Radio 47’s Breakfast 47 programme on Tuesday, Passaris claimed the incident occurred after internal parliamentary negotiations denied Mr Owino the PAC seat, a position traditionally reserved for the opposition and regarded as one of the most influential oversight roles in the National Assembly.

    Babu Owino aligongea Raila Odinga meza baada ya kunyimwa the PAC chairmanship,” she said, alleging that the MP also sent strongly worded messages to the veteran opposition leader. “Ndiyo maana hata siku za mwisho za Raila, Babu Owino hakuwa anaonekana kwa meetings za ODM.”

     

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    Her remarks, delivered in a measured but pointed tone, have reopened debate about simmering succession battles within ODM following Mr Odinga’s death.

    The party, which for decades revolved around Mr Odinga’s authority, has been grappling with internal realignments as younger leaders seek to consolidate influence.

    When pressed during the interview on whether she personally witnessed the alleged confrontation, Passaris described the episode as widely known within party ranks and referred to what she termed text exchanges between Mr Owino and Mr Odinga.

    The Public Accounts Committee has historically been a strategic perch for opposition politics.

    Its chairperson scrutinises government spending and tables reports that often shape national accountability debates.

    In past parliaments, ODM has fought fiercely to retain control of the committee, seeing it as a lever against the Executive.

    Mr Owino has previously voiced frustration over what he considers systematic sidelining in party and parliamentary appointments despite his high-profile mobilisation for ODM during the 2017 and 2022 campaigns.

    He has publicly declared his interest in holding senior leadership roles, arguing that generational change within the party is inevitable.

    Kileleshwa MCA Robert Alai weighed in shortly after Passaris’ remarks circulated online, posting on X that Mr Odinga “died cursing Babu” and dismissing the notion that Mr Owino is the natural successor to the former premier.

    The post intensified an already heated online exchange among ODM supporters.

    Political analysts say the timing of the accusations is significant.

    With ODM navigating its place within the evolving “broad-based” government arrangement and recalibrating its opposition strategy, any suggestion of past disrespect towards Mr Odinga carries heavy symbolic weight among the party’s grassroots base.

    Mr Owino has not issued a public response to the claims.

    The clip from Radio 47 has since gone viral, drawing thousands of reactions and exposing deep divisions among ODM loyalists.

    Some have demanded evidence to substantiate the allegations, while others argue that internal disputes should be resolved within party organs rather than through media exchanges.

    For a party built on Mr Odinga’s towering political persona, the unfolding spat underscores the fragile transition from personality-driven politics to a contested post-Raila era. Whether the latest claims harden factional lines or force a public reconciliation remains to be seen.

     

     

  • Russia Restricts Recruitment of Kenyan Mercenaries

    Russia Restricts Recruitment of Kenyan Mercenaries

    Russia has quietly restricted the recruitment of Kenyan nationals into its armed forces, in what appears to be a policy shift following mounting diplomatic pressure and growing outrage over reports of Africans being lured into the war in Ukraine under false pretences.

    Investigations by the Russian independent outlet Important Stories indicate that Moscow has circulated a “stop list” of at least 36 countries whose citizens are now barred from signing contracts with the Russian military.

    Kenya is among the states reportedly included in the blacklist, alongside several African, Asian and Latin American nations previously considered friendly to Russia.

    The list, which began circulating among recruiters in early January, was shared across social media networks and confirmed by a major regional contract recruitment centre in Russia.

    It is not clear which level of the Russian government authorised the restriction, but analysts suggest it may be the result of diplomatic engagements with affected countries.

    Kenya had emerged as a significant source of recruits for Russia’s war effort.

    According to the same investigation, more than 1,000 Kenyans were believed to have joined Russian ranks at the height of recruitment drives in 2025.

    Ukrainian monitoring group “I Want to Live” estimated that by late 2025 Russia had enlisted over 10,000 foreign fighters, with Africans accounting for a sizeable share  .

    The Kenyan government publicly called on Moscow earlier this year to halt the recruitment of its citizens.

    That appeal followed disturbing accounts from families who said their relatives had been promised civilian jobs in Russia, only to find themselves deployed to the front lines in Ukraine.

    One widely reported case involved a Kenyan man allegedly offered work as an electrical engineer before communication with him ceased.

    His family later identified him in a video circulating online showing a dark-skinned fighter in Russian military uniform being forced into a dangerous assault mission  . His fate remains unclear.

    The recruitment controversy has not been confined to Kenya.

    In South Africa, President Cyril Ramaphosa recently thanked Russian leader Vladimir Putin for facilitating the return of 17 South Africans who had allegedly been tricked into joining the conflict.

    The men reportedly believed they were travelling for bodyguard training but instead ended up on the battlefield in Ukraine.

    Working as a mercenary without state authorisation is illegal under South African law, and Kenyan law similarly criminalises enlistment in foreign armed forces without government approval.

    Kenyan officials have repeatedly warned citizens against responding to lucrative overseas job offers that may conceal military recruitment schemes.

    The Russian contract centres contacted by Important Stories did not confirm whether the stop list had been expanded beyond the initial 36 countries.

    Reports from Iraq and Jordan suggest that further diplomatic representations have prompted similar restrictions.

    Despite the blacklist, recruitment networks appear not to have been fully dismantled. Some centres were still reportedly processing applicants from countries not explicitly named in the first list  , raising concerns that enforcement may be uneven.

    For Nairobi, the development signals a partial victory but not closure.

    Human rights groups argue that accountability is still required for recruiters operating locally and for intermediaries accused of misrepresenting military contracts as civilian employment.

    As the war in Ukraine drags into its fifth year, the plight of African recruits has become a diplomatic irritant for governments balancing relations with Moscow against domestic pressure to protect citizens from exploitation.

    Kenya’s inclusion on the recruitment stop list suggests that quiet state-to-state engagement may be reshaping Russia’s foreign enlistment strategy, even as the broader conflict shows no sign of abating.

  • Tracker Identifies Kenyan-Registered Flights Allegedly Running Errands for RSF

    Tracker Identifies Kenyan-Registered Flights Allegedly Running Errands for RSF

    A sophisticated flight tracking probe spanning three East African countries has lifted the lid on what investigators describe as a covert air bridge involving Kenyan-registered aircraft allegedly ferrying mercenaries and military logistics for Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces militia.

    The flights, operated by Nairobi-based charter firms, were traced moving between military airbases in Ethiopia and Chad, with stopovers in the United Arab Emirates, according to flight data reviewed by investigators.

    On three occasions in recent weeks, civilian-registered aircraft departed from Harar Meda Air Base and Bole International Airport in Ethiopia en route to N’Djamena International Airport in Chad.

    On the right: 5Y-FQA parked on the military apron at N’Djamena Airport; on the left: the aircraft at Harar Meda Air Base. Courtesy Afrimoesint X

    Harar Meda is the principal base of the Ethiopian Air Force, raising questions about why civilian charter jets would originate from a restricted military facility.

    Two of the tracked flights were operated by 5Y-FQA, a Boeing 737-400 in passenger configuration owned by Fanjet Express.

    The aircraft flew from Al Reef Air Base in Abu Dhabi to Addis Ababa before continuing onward. Aviation sources describe Al Reef as a military-linked facility used for Emirati operations into Africa.

    The jet operated under callsigns 7F100 and 7F101, identifiers frequently associated with Fanjet services chartered for United Arab Emirates-linked deployments.

    Industry observers say similar callsign patterns have appeared on flights to Bosaso and Berbera, areas known for Emirati military presence.

    On January 30, another aircraft added to the pattern. A Fokker 100 registered 5Y-SKB and operated by Skyward Airlines flew from Harar Meda Air Base to N’Djamena, where it reportedly parked on the military apron. Aviation sources claim Skyward has previously transported injured RSF fighters, though the airline has not publicly addressed the allegation.

    Skyward Airlines Fokker 100 jet flight from Harar Meda Air Base to N’Djamena Airport. Courtesy Afrimeosint X

    The RSF, led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti, is battling the Sudanese Armed Forces for control of Sudan. The militia has been accused by the United Nations and rights groups of atrocities in Darfur.

    The flight data surfaces as international scrutiny intensifies over alleged regional support networks. A recent investigation by Reuters documented what it described as a secret military training camp in Ethiopia’s Benishangul Gumuz region near the Sudan border. Satellite imagery showed hundreds of tents and heavy vehicles, with expansion continuing into January.

    Eight sources cited by the agency alleged the United Arab Emirates financed the camp and provided trainers and logistics.

    Ethiopian officials have not publicly confirmed the claims.

    However, internal security documents reviewed by Reuters indicated the site began operations in October and was training thousands of fighters by early January, including Ethiopians, Sudanese and South Sudanese nationals.

    The aviation trail also echoes findings by the United Nations Security Council, which in a January 2024 report flagged Kenyan airports as possible transit points in the RSF weapons supply chain. The report cited routes from Abu Dhabi through Chad, with stops in several East African states.

    Further controversy erupted after a May 23 video circulated online showing Sudanese soldiers inside a weapons storehouse in Omdurman formerly controlled by RSF. Crates visible in the footage bore markings including “CONTRACT NO.23PTI/KEMOD 01/KENYA” and references to 82mm HE mortar bombs labelled AMI/KEN/099/2023.

    The markings appeared to reference Kenyan defence contracts, although their origin has not been independently verified.

    Kenya’s Ministry of Defence dismissed the claims after reviewing images.

    In a statement, it said it did not recognise the crates or markings and insisted all Kenya Ordnance Factory supplies are audited and logged. The ministry did not directly address the contract numbers visible in the footage.

    Diplomatic tensions have escalated sharply. On May 3 2025, a cargo aircraft allegedly ferrying weapons to RSF was bombed by Sudanese forces at Nyala Airport in Darfur.

    Kenyan pilot Michael George Oluoch Nyamodi was killed in the strike. Sudan’s military has stepped up air raids targeting suspected RSF supply lines.

    At the centre of the diplomatic storm is Nairobi’s hosting of an RSF-linked meeting at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre. During the event, RSF deputy leader Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo met allies to discuss what they termed a transitional administration for Sudan.

    The Sudanese Armed Forces, led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, condemned the gathering and accused Kenya of abetting a rival regime.

    Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs CS Musalia Mudavadi rejected the accusations, stating that hosting the forum did not amount to endorsing its outcomes.

    The United States has also weighed in.

    The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control lists Algoney Hamdan Dagalo Musa, Hemedti’s younger brother and alleged head of RSF weapons procurement, as operating with a Kenyan passport alongside Sudanese and Emirati documents. Washington sanctioned him in October 2024 for allegedly facilitating arms supplies to the militia.

    US senators have since called for investigations into his travel and possible engagements with American entities. The African Union has urged member states not to recognise any parallel Sudanese government, warning of further fragmentation.

    Sudan responded by recalling its envoy from Nairobi and imposing restrictions on Kenyan tea imports, signalling a diplomatic rift that could deepen if the allegations persist.

    For Kenya, long regarded as a regional mediator, the convergence of flight paths, sanctioned individuals holding Kenyan documents and disputed weapons markings threatens to tarnish its peacemaker credentials. As Sudan’s war grinds on, displacing millions and claiming thousands of lives, the spotlight on Nairobi’s role is unlikely to fade.

  • Baraton College Russia Labour Programme Accused of Recruiting Kenyans into Ukraine War

    Baraton College Russia Labour Programme Accused of Recruiting Kenyans into Ukraine War

    A private college in Kenya’s Rift Valley has come under sharp scrutiny after launching a labour export programme to Russia, with fears growing that desperate young jobseekers from communities already scarred by migration scams could be walking into a war zone without knowing it.

    Activist and 2027 presidential aspirant Boniface Mwangi ignited the debate on Monday with a post on social media.

    Mwangi accused Baraton College, run by Director Bethwel Kimutai, of operating as a recruitment agency funnelling youths from Nandi and Uasin Gishu counties to Russia.

    These are the same communities where residents lost an estimated Sh1.1 billion in a botched government-linked scheme that promised work and study placements in Finland and Canada that never materialised.

    “Either the parents don’t know their children are being sent to a war zone, or they are simply desperate,” Mwangi wrote. “This Kasongo policy of sending our sons and daughters to slave-like jobs abroad must stop.”

    Baraton College, which operates campuses in Eldoret and Kapsabet, openly promotes its “MAJUU” or “Twende Majuu” (Let’s Go Abroad) labour programme on Facebook, TikTok and its dedicated website.

    The college has held prayer and dedication services for at least 14 documented cohorts departing for Russia.

    It advertises roles as meat processors, packaging operators and livestock workers on two-year contracts that include food, accommodation and transport.

    For those without qualifications, it offers a one-month Certificate in Meat Processing. Advertised salaries range from approximately Sh77,000 to Sh79,000 per month.

    Screenshot

    The college frames the programme in unambiguously glowing terms. One post declares: “Through our exclusive Russia Work Program, students and staff now have the opportunity to work, grow, and thrive beyond borders.” Videos show smiling candidates receiving blessings before departure.

    The timing could not be more alarming.

    Just days before Mwangi’s post, Kenya’s National Intelligence Service briefed Parliament that more than 1,000 Kenyans had been recruited to fight on Russia’s side in Ukraine, five times the government’s previous estimate.

    Of those, 89 were confirmed on the frontline as of this month, 39 had been hospitalised and 28 were missing in action.

    The NIS found that recruitment agencies had colluded with rogue Kenyan airport staff, immigration officials and personnel at both the Russian Embassy in Nairobi and the Kenyan Embassy in Moscow to facilitate travel.

    Recruits left on tourist visas and transited through Turkey or the UAE. After Kenya tightened surveillance at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, traffickers rerouted them through Uganda, South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    The anatomy of Russia’s recruitment machine targeting Africans has been laid bare in a series of international investigations.

    Moscow has deployed an elaborate web of tactics that security analysts say are specifically designed to exploit economic desperation.

    The Russian Ministry of Defence has contracted informal recruiters across Africa who are paid per head: according to BBC investigations, handlers receive up to 150,000 roubles for every foreigner signed up, compared to 50,000 for a Russian national.

    A website called “Fight for Russia,” launched in January 2025 and hosted in Russia, carries an online application form for any foreigner wishing to join the war.

    Fake Facebook pages, Telegram channels, WhatsApp groups and even gaming apps such as Discord carry offers promising high salaries, visas, housing and eventual Russian citizenship.

    Investigators from the International Network of Private and Advanced Civilian Technology, known as INPACT, found that Russian Federal Security Service-linked shell companies coordinated much of the operation, using travel agencies as logistical cover, local pro-Russian influencers as recruitment ambassadors and former recruits to lure their own communities.

    One of the most documented recruiters, a former Russian teacher named Polina Alexandrovna Azarnykh, ran a Facebook group that once helped Arab students study in Moscow. She now runs a Telegram channel through which she has posted hundreds of invitations to men from Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Morocco and Nigeria to join the Russian army.

    The playbook applied to Kenyans is almost always the same. Promises of work as security guards, warehouse staff or logistics personnel are made with salaries of up to Sh3 million as a signing bonus.

    Recruits enter Russia on tourist visas, and their passports are confiscated on arrival.

    They are given weeks, sometimes just three, of basic military training before being deployed to frontline positions in Ukraine.

    Military contracts, written entirely in Cyrillic, are signed by men who cannot read them. Ukrainian officials have described those contracts as “equivalent to signing a death sentence.” One Kenyan who spoke to CNN recalled that a Russian soldier forced him at gunpoint to hand over his bank card and PIN, draining nearly Sh2 million from his bonus account.

    Kenyan carpenter Patrick Kwoba, who paid a local agent Sh80,000 on the promise of a Sh3 million signing bonus, told CNN he survived four months of combat in Ukraine before escaping to St. Petersburg and making it to the Kenyan Embassy in Moscow.

    He still needs surgery to remove shrapnel fragments from his body.

    For those who try to escape, or fall wounded, the prognosis is grim.

    A security analyst quoted by Al Jazeera was blunt: “What the Russian military is looking for are bodies, just bodies to fill holes in the ranks and keep the war going.” Ukrainian commanders on the front have said African recruits are sent on “meat assaults,” hurled at fortified positions so that more experienced Russian troops can advance behind them.

    No evidence has emerged directly linking Baraton College participants to combat.

    Defenders of the programme online argue that similar agriculture and livestock placements reportedly existed before Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. Yet the parallels with the methods used to lure other Kenyans are glaring.

    The agriculture and food processing sectors being targeted by Baraton’s programme are the same sectors that intelligence reports say Russia has strained through military mobilisation, and the same sectors used to justify tourist-visa travel before recruits are coerced into signing military contracts.

    The earlier Rift Valley scandal that Mwangi references involved former Uasin Gishu Governor, now Senator, Jackson Mandago and associates, who allegedly collected millions from parents for nonexistent placements in Europe. Court proceedings are ongoing.

    Neither Baraton College nor Director Kimutai had issued any public response to the allegations as of Tuesday.

    The college’s website continues to list its MAJUU portal prominently.

    Families of Kenyans already on the front lines have staged protests in Nairobi demanding repatriation. Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi has said the government had facilitated the return of 27 Kenyans from the front and would raise the issue of fraudulent recruitment at a planned meeting with Russian officials.

    President William Ruto has personally spoken with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and asked for the release of any Kenyan in Ukrainian custody. The Russian Embassy in Nairobi insists that no illegal recruitment has taken place and that the reports amount to a “coordinated propaganda campaign.”

    Kenya’s youth unemployment rate remains one of the highest in the region, making overseas job offers, however dubious, almost impossible to resist for many families.

    As fresh cohorts prepare to fly out from the Rift Valley with prayers and blessings, the question hanging over Baraton College and every other institution operating in this space is the same one Mwangi posed: do the parents know where their children are really going?

  • ‘Raila Warned Me About Babu Owino’s Bloody Hands,’ Says Gaucho in Explosive Tell-All

    ‘Raila Warned Me About Babu Owino’s Bloody Hands,’ Says Gaucho in Explosive Tell-All

    In what is shaping up to be one of the most damaging insider exposés to rock the Orange Democratic Movement’s fractured grassroots, Calvince Okoth, better known as “Ghetto President” Gaucho, has publicly and permanently cut ties with Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, accusing him of orchestrating staged arrests, inciting violence against allies and weaponising grief in a community still reeling from the death of Raila Odinga.

    In a tell-all video that has since gone viral, Gaucho, once described as Babu’s most loyal soldier and self-proclaimed “cell mate,” delivers a string of allegations so grave they threaten to upend the MP’s carefully curated image as a street-level champion of the Luo poor.

    The Dead Man’s Warning

    The most devastating claim in Gaucho’s video centres on a private conversation he says he held with the late ODM leader Raila Odinga before his passing in October 2025.

    When Gaucho sought Odinga’s counsel over growing friction with Babu Owino, he says the veteran politician was blunt and final in his verdict.

    Raila Odinga.
    Raila Odinga.

    “Raila told me to avoid that boy completely,” Gaucho says in the recording. “He told me his hands are full of blood. He warned me that Babu is a person who can plan your downfall while smiling with you.”

    The allegation is explosive precisely because it invokes a voice that can no longer respond.

    Raila Odinga’s death has left the Luo community deeply divided, with factions fighting for legitimacy in his name. Gaucho’s invocation of a deathbed-style warning from the patriarch himself is calculated to land like a thunderclap.

    A 2022 Arrest ‘Scripted Like a Drama’

    Gaucho’s second major allegation takes aim at one of the defining moments of Babu Owino’s political mythology, his arrest during 2022 anti-government protests, widely celebrated as proof of his commitment to the streets.

    Gaucho says the arrest was theatre.

    “He knew people were turning against him for not voting on the Finance Bill. So he coordinated with someone in the government to ensure he was arrested. He wanted to look like a hero again,” Gaucho claims.

    More chillingly, he alleges that while both men were in custody, Babu arranged for hired goons to assault Gaucho inside the police cells, specifically to deepen the narrative of state persecution, while the MP himself remained safe in a separate cell.

    Babu Owino has not responded directly to these specific allegations. His office did not issue a statement before publication.

    A Community on Edge

    Gaucho’s exposé lands at a moment of acute pressure within the Luo community and within ODM itself.

    The party is already riven by a bitter internal dispute, with the Political Parties Disputes Tribunal recently reinstating Secretary General Edwin Sifuna after the ODM National Executive Committee moved to have him ousted in February.

    Babu Owino and Sifuna lead the rival “Linda Mwananchi” faction, which has positioned itself squarely against the broad-based government and the pro-Ruto wing of ODM associated with Raila’s brother, Oburu Odinga.

    The blood price of that political battle is now impossible to ignore.

    An autopsy on George Olande Otobe, killed during the Linda Mwananchi rally in Vihiga County on February 21, established that he died from multiple severe head injuries consistent with mob violence after allegedly stabbing a fellow attendee, Hussein Hassan, during an altercation.

    The DCI confirmed the death and, in a statement, accused the rally organisers of allowing their supporters to carry weapons into the venue, contrary to constitutional requirements.

    It was the second fatality linked to the Linda Mwananchi tour: on February 15, 28-year-old Vincent Ayomo was shot dead by police in Kitengela during a separate rally.

    Gaucho has placed himself firmly on the other side of this divide.

    He has come out publicly in defence of Interior PS Raymond Omollo, the very official Babu Owino accuses of orchestrating the alleged abduction of his brother-in-law, Geoffrey Ajiki, days before the Kakamega rally.

    Ajiki was eventually released in the early hours of the morning and found in Machakos County, with no formal charges disclosed and no official statement issued by the DCI or Interior Ministry.

    Gaucho dismisses the entire episode as a sympathy hunt, arguing that Babu manufactures victimhood to consolidate his grip on the ODM youth base.

    ‘Stop Dragging PS Omollo Into Your Political Battles’

    Going further in a separate public statement, Gaucho trained his fire on what he describes as Babu’s insatiable appetite for political dominance and his reckless use of tragedy as a campaign tool.

    “Hon. Babu Owino should stop seeking relevance by constantly dragging the name of PS Dr Raymond Omollo into his political battles,” Gaucho declared. “Leadership is built on ideas and solutions, not noise and personal attacks.”

    Gaucho reserved particular contempt for what he sees as Babu’s simultaneous war on multiple fronts, against ODM’s Oburu Odinga-led faction, against the Nairobi county government, and against the national administration.

    “His open hostility toward Party Leader Dr Oburu exposes a deeper struggle for control, wanting to be party leader, kingpin, and governor all at once, while opposing cooperation between the Nairobi Governor and the National Government. You cannot fight all crowns at the same time and still claim to serve the people. Attempting to dominate every political space only exposes insecurities, not strength,” Gaucho said.

    The statement cuts to the heart of Babu’s current political positioning.

    The MP has in recent weeks declared his candidacy for the Nairobi gubernatorial seat in 2027, using high-profile press conferences to accuse Governor Johnson Sakaja of corruption while simultaneously keeping his foot in the Linda Mwananchi camp.

    Gaucho’s charge, that Babu is running too many races at once, echoes a concern whispered in ODM corridors for months.

    “Kenyans need solutions, not endless political drama. They deserve jobs, education, and platforms for growth, not slogans, incitement, and street politics,” Gaucho continued. “Using their frustrations as political fuel is not leadership; it is betrayal.”

    The Kingpin Nobody Can Surpass

    Gaucho’s most pointed warning, directed at university students and young men with political ambition, strikes at the core of Babu’s brand.

    “If you are a smart young man with influence, you are in danger around him,” he says. “He doesn’t want anyone else to rise. He will either link you to a crime or ensure you are frustrated so he remains the only kingpin.”

    In his separate statement, Gaucho broadened that indictment to the entire Luo generation. “Most worrying is the continued use of Luo youth as tools for personal ambition. Our young people deserve empowerment, not manipulation for political mileage.”

    The language of “victim politics” runs through the entire exposé. Gaucho’s central charge, that Babu Owino views the youth not as partners but as props, is a direct assault on the MP’s brand as a grassroots reformer.

    The Machine Begins to Crack

    Gaucho’s defection represents something more than a personal feud. He was, by his own account, an enforcer for the ODM youth wing, a man embedded in the machinery that mobilised crowds, managed optics and kept the grassroots loyal.

    His pivot towards the broad-based government camp and his defence of PS Omollo signal that the infrastructure Babu Owino has long relied upon is beginning to fracture, and that the fracture is being exploited by his political opponents with surgical precision.

    “Babu, I was your friend. I know how you play,” Gaucho says in his closing salvo. “But the people are waking up. You can’t use our blood to climb the ladder anymore.”

    In a final gesture that carried its own political sting, Gaucho closed his statement not with a rallying cry but with a condolence. “I send heartfelt condolences to the family that lost their loved one in Kakamega. May God grant them strength and comfort during this difficult time. May the departed soul rest in peace.”

    It was a message aimed squarely at the same crowd Babu Owino was hoping to command, and Gaucho delivered it first.

    Babu Owino had not publicly addressed the video at the time of publication. He remained focused on his Linda Mwananchi movement, demanding the release of his security officers detained in Kisumu following the Kakamega rally, saying they had been held without charge or explanation.

    https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1C6hMsWKBS/?mibextid=wwXIfr

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  • Talanta Stadium Construction Cost Inflated By Sh11 Billion, Audit Reveals

    Talanta Stadium Construction Cost Inflated By Sh11 Billion, Audit Reveals

    Kenya’s most expensive sporting infrastructure project has been shaken to its foundations after Auditor-General Nancy Gathungu tore open the books of the Talanta Sports City Stadium and found a jaw-dropping Sh10.85 billion gap that nobody in government can explain.

    In a damning new audit of the Ministry of Defence accounts for the 2024/25 financial year, Gathungu reveals that while the National Treasury had approved Sh35 billion for the 60,000-seater stadium in Nairobi, the contract that was quietly signed with a foreign contractor on May 26, 2024, stood at a colossal Sh45.85 billion. That is Sh10.85 billion more than what Parliament was told the project would cost, and not a shilling of that difference has been accounted for.

    “This is against a contract amount of Sh45.85 billion, resulting in an unsupported price variation of Sh10.85 billion,” the audit states, in language that is measured but devastating.

    “Talanta Sports City contracting is one of those greatest heists to ever happen under the Kenya Kwanza regime.” –Justin Muturi, former Attorney-General

    The scale of the scandal becomes even clearer when placed in context. The Sh10.85 billion that has apparently evaporated into thin air is enough to build 9.5 kilometres of the Rironi-Mau Summit dual carriageway. It could fund the primary school education of 4.8 million Kenyan children for an entire year, or keep 487,000 secondary school students in class over the same period. The Kenya Kwanza administration has spent years telling Kenyans it has no money for classrooms and textbooks, yet here, buried in a stadium contract, is enough to educate nearly five million children.

    AG Kept in the Dark

    What makes the scandal all the more explosive is what the auditor found missing from the contract file: any sign that then-Attorney-General Justin Muturi had ever been asked to clear the deal. Section 134 of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act is unambiguous. Every government contract worth more than Sh5 billion must pass through the AG’s office before it is signed. The Talanta contract, at Sh45.85 billion, was nearly ten times that threshold.

    Muturi told reporters this was no accident. “Clearance was never sought from me,” he said bluntly. “Talanta Sports City contracting is one of those greatest heists to ever happen under the Kenya Kwanza regime.”

    Muturi said he had raised alarm when he noticed that the Ministry of Sports had been stripped of its procuring role in favour of the Ministry of Defence, a move that looked, from the outside, like deliberate bureaucratic maneuvering to sidestep normal oversight channels. “I told them that this is against the procurement law, which requires the clearance of the Attorney-General for any contract above Sh5 billion,” he said. No one listened.

    Procurement Laws Ripped Apart

    The illegality does not end with the missing AG clearance. The Auditor-General found that the contract was awarded through a direct procurement method, bypassing competitive tendering entirely. Kenya’s procurement law demands that open tendering be the default. Direct procurement is only permitted under a narrow set of exceptional circumstances, such as war, a natural disaster, or when a supplier holds exclusive rights over the goods or services required.

    None of those conditions applied to a football stadium. “The contract was awarded through a direct procurement method which did not meet competitive procurement and direct procurement criteria demanded by the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act of 2015,” the audit report states. The contract was handed to China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC), a subsidiary of the majority state-owned China Communications Construction Company (CCCC), without Kenya going to the open market.

    Half Built, Barely Paid

    As of June 1, 2025, the Talanta Sports City was only 44.54 percent complete, with 15 months still to run before the expected completion date. Yet, of the Sh45.85 billion contract, only Sh2 billion had been paid to the contractor, a mere 4.5 percent of the total sum.

    Talanta Stadium.
    Talanta Stadium.

    Under the contract terms, Kenya will be charged interest at three percentage points above the Central Bank of Kenya’s average base lending rate on any payments that fall overdue. The meter is already running.

    To manage the mounting payment obligations, the government on July 22, 2025, signed a deed of assumption of payment obligations.

    Under the arrangement, Defence Principal Secretary Patrick Mariru, Sports Kenya and a Trustee effectively transferred the duty of making future payments to the Trustee.

    The project is being financed through a bond listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange, backed by the Sports and Arts Social Development Fund (SASDF), with repayments estimated at Sh3.4 billion every six months. Mariru did not respond to requests for comment by press time.

    Sh100 Billion by the Time It Is Done?

    The audit findings arrive hard on the heels of warnings from Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro, a former chair of the National Assembly’s Budget and Appropriations Committee, who has claimed that by the time the interest costs, penalties and bond servicing are fully settled, Kenya could end up paying in excess of Sh100 billion for a stadium whose contract value is Sh45.85 billion.

    Nyoro was removed from the powerful budget committee following political friction with President William Ruto.

    Gathungu has warned that only a special audit will be able to determine the true value for money from the project, as the full details of the funding model were never provided to her office.

    “The full details of the model have not been provided, hence the need for a special audit to determine the true value for money in the achievement of the project,” the audit states.

    The 60,000-seat Talanta Sports City was groundbroken on March 1, 2024, at the Jamhuri Grounds along Ngong Road in Nairobi.

    It is one of the key venues Kenya is preparing for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, which the country will co-host with Uganda and Tanzania. President Ruto has promised the stadium would be renamed the Raila Odinga International Stadium upon completion.

    With CAF already issuing urgent safety upgrade directives and giving Kenya a three-month deadline to address critical infrastructure concerns at its AFCON venues, the political and financial scandal now engulfing the country’s flagship stadium project could not have come at a worse time.

  • ‪Passaris Declares Bid For Makadara MP Seat in 2027‬

    ‪Passaris Declares Bid For Makadara MP Seat in 2027‬

    Nairobi Women Representative Esther Passaris has declared she will contest for the Makadara Member of Parliament seat in the 2027 General Election.

    Speaking on Monday, February 23, Passaris said she has picked Makadara because she believes she can contribute significantly to the constituency’s development.

    “I want to run in Makadara, I can see I can contribute a lot in terms of development in that area,” Passaris announced.

    The Nairobi Women Representative noted that she had been considering both Westlands and Makadara but decided on Makadara after incumbent MP George Aladwa informed her that he would be contesting the Nairobi gubernatorial seat in next year’s election.

    “There were vacancies in Westlands and Makadara. Aladwa was going to Vihiga, but he changed his mind. When I asked him, he said he is now going to Nairobi County,” she added.

    Passaris’ remarks come months after she announced that she would not seek re-election as Nairobi Women Representative.

    In a statement on November 22, 2025, Passaris said that after serving two terms, it was time for another woman to take over the role.

    “By 2027, God willing, I will have completed two full terms as Nairobi Woman Rep. This is an affirmative action seat, and I believe it is time for another woman to lead,” she explained.

    However, Passaris denied endorsing any politician to be her successor in the position.

    “To be clear, I have not endorsed anyone for the seat. It is far too early for that, and I will not be drawn into political games, misinterpretations, or manipulated graphics,” she stated.

    Passaris was first elected as the Nairobi Women Representative during the 2017 General election under an ODM ticket.

    She was re-elected in the 2022 General Election under ODM, defeating Millicent Omanga, who was running on a UDA ticket.

  • Garissa MCA Arrested in Ksh51 Million Fraud Probe

    Garissa MCA Arrested in Ksh51 Million Fraud Probe

    A sitting Member of County Assembly in Garissa has been arrested over an alleged Ksh51.4 million fraud linked to irregular payments for emergency relief supplies that were never delivered.

    The arrest was carried out by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, which said the lawmaker is among three senior county officials implicated in what investigators describe as a coordinated scheme to siphon public funds through a private company.

    The MCA, Abdi Ibrahim Daar, who represents Balambala Ward, is accused of benefiting from payments made to Qorjarey Enterprise and General Supplies Limited, a company where he is listed as the sole director and bank signatory.

    At the time the payments were processed, he had served as a Social Development Officer in the Garissa County Government before later being elected to the county assembly.

    According to investigators, between August 2021 and September 2022, the Garissa County Government paid out Ksh51,495,516 to the firm for the purported supply of emergency relief food items and water trucking services.

    Detectives allege that the goods and services were never delivered.

    Two former senior county officials have also been arrested in connection with the payments. They are Mohamud Dubow Korane, the former Director of Accounting Services, and Yussuf Bethe Ali, a former Senior Principal Economist.

    The anti-graft agency claims the duo processed and approved the payments without any lawful procurement process and despite the absence of an approved budgetary provision.

    Investigators further allege that the company was not among the prequalified suppliers for the financial years in question and that supporting documents were forged to facilitate the disbursement of funds.

    Following the conclusion of investigations, the case file was forwarded to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, which approved charges against the three suspects.

    They are expected to face counts including conspiracy to commit an offence of corruption, abuse of office, forgery, and fraudulent acquisition of public property under the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act and the Penal Code.

    The suspects were arrested on Sunday and are scheduled to appear before the Garissa Law Courts for plea taking.

    In addition to the criminal proceedings, the anti-corruption commission indicated it will pursue civil action to recover the alleged loss of public funds.

    The arrests are likely to intensify scrutiny of procurement practices within county governments, particularly on the handling of emergency funds, which have repeatedly come under audit queries in recent years.

  • Calls Mount For EACC To Probe Nyandarua Governor Badilisha Over Brazen Corruption Crippling the County

    Calls Mount For EACC To Probe Nyandarua Governor Badilisha Over Brazen Corruption Crippling the County

     

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission is facing mounting pressure to launch a comprehensive investigation into the Nyandarua county government after residents filed a detailed petition accusing Governor Moses Kiarie Badilisha of running a sophisticated looting cartel that has brought the county to the edge of financial ruin.

    The petition, addressed to EACC chief executive Abdi Mohamud, contains explosive allegations of nepotism, conflict of interest, ghost payments and the systematic recycling of old procurement files to generate fraudulent new payments, with the roads department described as the principal conduit of graft.

    The residents allege that in a single payment cycle in June 2025, thirteen firms shared a cumulative Sh40 million for work never done.

    The firms named are Francsoft Constructions, Cuza Ways, Zecko, Moellux, Peonim, Wikagi Contractors and Firm Machinery, Denfraj Building Contractors, Tamena Enterprises, Kester Construction, Chesuwa Africa, Gringo Ventures, Miwanjos and Zorlu Enterprise. The petition also claims that between May and June 2025, the same companies and others shared the lion’s share of a staggering Sh395,293,251 in county payments.

    Most explosive of all is the allegation that Vijay Limited, which carries an Indian-sounding name but is allegedly owned by the governor’s son, was paid Sh22,857,860 for works not done. Residents say other firms allegedly linked to Badilisha’s relatives, friends and crooked ward representatives also collected tens of millions in fictitious payments during the same period.

    This is not the first time the county has found itself at the centre of financial controversy. The Senate County Public Accounts Committee summoned Badilisha in early February this year after the county’s own financial statements showed pending bills of Sh5.1 billion against total revenue of Sh6.3 billion for the 2024/25 financial year. CPAC chairman Homa Bay Senator Moses Kajwang delivered an unsparing verdict during the session, declaring: “Nyandarua is technically insolvent.”

    The governor disputed the Sh5.1 billion figure during the Senate session, insisting the actual pending bills stood at Sh1.4 billion and attributing the higher number to delayed salary disbursements that were later settled. But senators were unmoved, pointedly reminding Badilisha that the figures had appeared in financial statements prepared and submitted by his own administration.

    The Senate’s interest in the county’s finances is not new. Back in October 2023, the Senate County Public Accounts Committee referred Nyandarua to the EACC for investigation over questionable expenditure of at least Sh785 million, covering unsupported hospital allocations of Sh275.9 million, Sh306.4 million in uncleared imprests, Sh30 million paid to a construction company without procurement records and Sh27.2 million spent on projects not included in the approved budget.

    The residents’ petition goes beyond ghost payments. They accuse Badilisha of causing the county to lose over Sh3.4 million by leasing a Nairobi residence at Twiga Hill Park through his brother-in-law Bernard Mburu’s firm, Peeves Suppliers, using county resources to fund a private arrangement. They further allege that the governor’s hotel, Holiday Premier Hotels Limited, has been used to siphon funds since the day he was sworn in, with the hotel receiving Sh12 million for hosting county functions even before it had been prequalified as a county vendor.

    Between May and June 2025 alone, the residents say Holiday Premier Hotels pocketed Sh3,978,300. They claim the governor deliberately steers all county functions to his Nakuru hotel, deliberately shutting out local hoteliers from county business.

    The allegations do not end there. The petition claims Badilisha recently opened Erait Pension Hotel in Lodwar using county funds and expanded his private school, Erait Academy, to Lodwar using public resources. The governor is also accused of purchasing land in Narok which was registered under his wife’s name.

    EACC’s own June 2025 quarterly report exposed a Nyandarua branding scandal in which a Sh13.5 million tender was allegedly fraudulently awarded to a company linked to a family member of a senior county official, adding yet another layer to the county’s deepening graft crisis.

    The financial rot runs alongside a governance crisis that is now spilling into open warfare between the governor and elected representatives. Woman Representative Faith Gitau, a UDA colleague of the governor, has become his most vocal critic. She has publicly accused his administration of attempting to poach credit for milk coolers provided by the national government, going so far as to claim the county deployed goons to heckle her during a handover ceremony at Ol Joroorok stadium. She has also accused Badilisha of disconnecting water to the Mairo Inya public market serving 450 traders despite an earlier agreement that the county would foot those bills, and of failing to replace burnt-out floodlights that his predecessor had installed, allowing insecurity to fester in market centres.

    Ol Kalou MP David Kiaraho has been equally damning, accusing the governor of falsely claiming credit for the construction of Mashujaa Hospital in Ol Kalou and the Ol Kalou stadium, both of which the MP says are national government projects being built by the Kenya Defence Forces. Kiaraho further dismissed Badilisha’s flagship Nyandarua University College as a “gift” from the national government approved through a gazette notice two years ago, not an achievement of the county administration.

    The Mirangine MCA Samuel Mathu’s impeachment motion filed in November 2024 documented some of the most visceral accusations yet. Mathu claimed the governor habitually demanded a ten per cent kickback from county suppliers and service providers in exchange for payment, a practice that if true would constitute criminal extortion. The MCA also accused Badilisha of authorising payment to a company he had personally owned for a packhouse built in 2015 that had failed to meet Kenya Building Code and Standards and had never been certified for payment, doing so the moment he assumed the governorship.

    Nyandarua Senator John Methu also took his battle to the High Court in April 2025, seeking to halt a Sh51 million payment to Kenya Alliance Insurance Limited, which he described as “a dirty scheme to misappropriate public funds” built on a mediation agreement he branded illegal and fraudulent. The court struck out his application on procedural grounds, but the episode further underlined the climate of suspicion surrounding county procurement.

    Gitau has publicly hinted that she is considering a run for the governorship in 2027, a prospect that has sharpened the political battle and given the governor’s critics an incentive to keep the pressure relentless ahead of the election season. Disillusioned residents who voted overwhelmingly for Badilisha in 2022 say the UDA administration has not delivered on the sweeping promises that propelled him to power.

    KEY FIGURES IN THE PETITION

    Sh395,293,251 Total paid to firms between May and June 2025

    Sh40m Paid to 13 firms for alleged ghost work in June 2025 alone

    Sh22.8m Allegedly paid to Vijay Limited, said to be owned by governor’s son, for work not done

    Sh5.1bn Pending bills at end of 2024/25 financial year; Senate CPAC declares county ‘technically insolvent’

    Sh785m Questionable expenditure referred to EACC by Senate CPAC in 2023

    Sh51m Insurance payment contested in court by Senator John Methu as fraudulent procurement

  • Babu Owino Accuses Interior PS Omollo of Sponsoring Goons in Kisumu Airport Attack That Left One Dead

    Babu Owino Accuses Interior PS Omollo of Sponsoring Goons in Kisumu Airport Attack That Left One Dead

    Embakasi East MP Babu Owino has accused Interior Principal Secretary Raymond Omollo of orchestrating a violent attack targeting him and Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna at Kisumu International Airport.

    Speaking on Citizen TV’s Sunday Live programme, Owino claimed that more than 200 armed goons were mobilised to ambush the two leaders as they prepared to transit to Kakamega for a political event. He alleged the group lay in wait at the airport, armed with crude weapons including pangas and knives, with the intent to cause harm and disrupt their travel.

    The MP stated that one person, identified as George Olwandi, was killed during the ensuing chaos. Owino added that the victim’s family has since held a press conference addressing the media about the incident.

    Embakasi East MP Babu Owino
    Embakasi East MP Babu Owino

    Owino further revealed that he personally texted PS Omollo to warn him against employing what he described as “immature” political tactics. He accused the Principal Secretary of exploiting unemployed youths to instigate destruction for political gain.

    The lawmaker questioned how civilians could gain access to tear gas canisters during the confrontation. He suggested that rogue police officers may have supplied them.

    Owino also linked the incident to the recent arrest and subsequent release of his brother-in-law. He claimed the relative was arrested in Kilimani, but after public outcry, authorities released him and dropped him off in Machakos at around 4 a.m.

    No immediate response was available from PS Omollo or the Ministry of Interior regarding the allegations. The incident occurred amid heightened political tensions ahead of opposition-led rallies in the region.

  • Joncil Enterprises Director Jonathan Ngenga, Partner Charged in Sh106 Million Fraud

    Joncil Enterprises Director Jonathan Ngenga, Partner Charged in Sh106 Million Fraud

    The Milimani Law Courts on Friday adjourned a fraud case involving businessman Jonathan Ngenga Ndisya and co-accused Peter Kamau after the defence requested more time due to the absence of counsel.

    Ngenga, who is a director of Joncil Enterprises, appeared before Chief Magistrate Lucas Onyina together with Kamau. The session was scheduled for hearing of the matter but did not proceed with substantive proceedings.

    Ngenga told the court that his lawyer Joe Mwangi had travelled upcountry to attend to an emergency and could not appear for the hearing.

    “Your Honour, my advocate has not been able to attend today’s court after he got an emergency from his upcountry and had to rush home to attend to it. It is my prayer we postpone the hearing to another date,” Ngenga said.

    The prosecution did not oppose the application. Magistrate Onyina allowed the request and directed that the case be mentioned virtually on March 2, 2026.

    The accused persons face multiple charges related to an alleged scheme to defraud Agro Irrigation and Pump Services Limited of Ksh106,822,690 between July 1, 2018 and March 31, 2020.

    Prosecutors say Ngenga and Kamau, who worked as an accountant at Agro Irrigation and Pump Services Limited, conspired to defraud the company contrary to Section 317 of the Penal Code. They allegedly pretended that Joncil Enterprises had deposited the money into the firm’s bank account for goods supplied.

    Ngenga faces a separate count of obtaining money by false pretences contrary to Section 313 of the Penal Code. The charge sheet states that he misled Agro Irrigation and Pump Services Limited by claiming the funds had been credited to the company account between July 1, 2018 and March 12, 2020.

    Jonathan Ngenga (Standing) and Peter Kamau appear before Milimani Chief Magistrate Lucas Onyina on Friday, February 20, 2026.
    Jonathan Ngenga (Standing) and Peter Kamau appear before Milimani Chief Magistrate Lucas Onyina on Friday, February 20, 2026.

    Kamau faces additional counts of stealing by agent. Prosecutors allege that between January 1, 2015 and December 31, 2019, he fraudulently transferred Ksh4,777,094 from Agro Irrigation and Pump Services Limited to his personal account.

    In another count, Kamau is accused of stealing Ksh3,500,000 from Desire Flora (K) Limited, where he also served as an accountant, by transferring the money to his personal account without authority.

    He further faces a charge of fraudulent false accounting for allegedly preparing records to show that Joncil Enterprises had paid Ksh106,822,690 to Agro Irrigation and Pump Services Limited.

    The case is expected to depend on bank statements, transaction records, forensic audit reports and evidence from company officials as well as financial experts.

    Both accused remain on bail. The next virtual mention is set for March 2, 2026.

  • Funyula MP Aspirant Boris Owiye Agonga Charged in High-End Car Theft Case

    Funyula MP Aspirant Boris Owiye Agonga Charged in High-End Car Theft Case

    Nairobi, February 21, 2026 – Boris Owiye Agonga, a director at Digitalent Systems Limited and an aspiring United Democratic Alliance (UDA) candidate for the Funyula parliamentary seat in the 2027 elections, has been charged with stealing a high-end Land Rover Discovery belonging to the company he co-owns.

    Agonga appeared before Milimani Magistrate Teresa Nyangena, where he denied the allegations. The charge sheet accuses him of fraudulently transferring ownership of the vehicle, registration number KDL 560Z, valued at Sh6,820,000, on June 12, 2025, in Nairobi.

    The prosecution stated that the Land Rover Discovery came into Agonga’s possession by virtue of his directorship at Digitalent Systems Limited, a startup firm involved in digital solutions.

    According to court documents and police investigations, Agonga allegedly used forged documents to transfer ownership of not only the Land Rover but also a Nissan Sylphy (valued at approximately Sh1.2 million in related reports) into his personal name. The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) Serious Crime Unit recovered the Land Rover Discovery, which is now held as an exhibit.

    Boris Owiye Agonga
    Boris Owiye Agonga

    Agonga was arrested by DCI detectives on February 13, 2026, following weeks of investigations into the fraudulent transfers.

    The court granted him lenient bail of Sh20,000 cash, which he paid before being released. The case is set for further mention on March 3, 2026.

    Agonga, who has been positioning himself as a contender for the Funyula MP seat under the UDA ticket ahead of the 2027 general election, faces potential political fallout from the charges. Sources close to his campaign have described the matter as stemming from an internal company dispute with a co-director.

    The DCI has urged members of the public to report similar fraud cases anonymously via toll-free line 0800 722 203 or WhatsApp at 0709 570 000.

    This development comes amid heightened scrutiny of aspirants in the run-up to the 2027 polls, where integrity and clean records are increasingly under the spotlight.

  • Railways Boss Philip Mainga Faces The Axe After Scaling Down His Bribe Protection Racket

    Railways Boss Philip Mainga Faces The Axe After Scaling Down His Bribe Protection Racket

    The walls are finally closing in on Kenya Railways Corporation Managing Director Philip Mainga, and those in the know say the man has only himself to blame.

    Word reaching this desk from the upper corridors of power is that the veteran parastatal boss, who has clung to his plum office long after his tenure expired on January 3, 2026, is now staring down the barrel of a very real sack — and the reason is as scandalous as the man’s entire reign at the state corporation.

    Sources close to the matter say Mainga has for years bankrolled a sophisticated protection network, quietly dispatching envelopes to board members, politicians of consequence, and influential scribes who might otherwise have raised uncomfortable questions about his extraordinary overstay at Nairobi’s iconic railway headquarters.

    The man, it is alleged, was generous to a fault when it served his interests — and for a long time, the system worked like a well-oiled locomotive.

    But something has changed.

    And those who watch these things very carefully say the man has recently begun tightening the purse strings. The handouts that once flowed so freely have dried up considerably. And in the transactional world of Nairobi’s parastatal politics, cutting the supply is the one unforgivable sin.

    “He used to take care of people,” a well-placed source tells Kenya Insights in hushed tones. “Now that he feels the end is near, he’s stopped. And those same people are now talking. Loudly.”

    The timing could not be more catastrophic for Mainga. The transport sector is currently in the full grip of a sweeping leadership reshuffle.

    Just days ago, the Kenya Rural Roads Authority named Engineer Jackson Karubiu Magondu as its new Director General, effective February 17, 2026, while the Kenya Roads Board simultaneously unveiled Judith Otsyula as its first-ever female Director General.

    These back-to-back appointments follow the twin resignations of the KeNHA and KeRRA bosses on the same dramatic day of July 11, 2025.

    The message is thunderously clear: the old guard is being swept out, and the powers-that-be are in no mood to grandfather in anyone who has outlived his welcome.

    And Mainga, by any honest reckoning, has more than outlived his.

    The man first took the Kenya Railways managing director’s seat in acting capacity in August 2018, after his predecessor Atanas Maina was suspended over corruption allegations — a particularly rich irony given what would follow. He was confirmed substantively in January 2020.

    His contract was supposed to expire in January 2023, but the board, in a move that the Public Service Commission would later investigate, quietly handed him a second three-year term in a clandestine arrangement struck in the dying days of the Jubilee administration. That extension kept him in office until January 3, 2026.

    That date has long since passed. Mainga, now 60, has crossed the mandatory public service retirement age.

    He has served beyond two full three-year terms, spent nearly two years acting before being confirmed, and is now a squatter in an office the law says he has no business occupying. Yet there he sits.

    The Consumers Federation of Kenya has had enough.

    COFEK has instructed its lawyers to seek court intervention over what it describes as Mainga’s flagrant disregard for tenure limits and retirement age regulations.

    The organisation argues that where previous petitions stumbled on jurisdictional grounds, this one cuts straight to the bone: no corruption determination is needed, just a plain reading of the law that says this man should have been gone before the new year’s champagne was uncorked.

    And the law has a great deal to say about this particular man.

    During his years at the helm, Mainga presided over what critics describe as one of the most expensive institutional failures in Kenya’s post-independence history.

    The Auditor-General revealed in her report for the year ended June 2024 that Kenya Railways Corporation owes a staggering 737.5 billion shillings to China Exim Bank for the Standard Gauge Railway, a figure that has ballooned from the original 539 billion shillings borrowed, with avoidable penalties and interest of 34.1 billion shillings accumulating because the corporation could not service the debt on time.

    On average, Kenya bleeds more than one billion United States dollars every single year servicing that SGR loan alone.

    That is before one gets to the land scandals.

    Three prime parcels in Mombasa’s Shimanzi area, reserved for railway expansion and valued at over 100 million shillings, were allegedly grabbed and transferred to private developers through forged documents during his watch.

    A parcel in that batch reportedly sold for 58.2 million shillings.

    At Makongeni in Nairobi, Mainga allegedly leased container yards and buildings unilaterally for a decade without board approval, a move that reportedly cost Kenya Railways over 400 million shillings in lost storage and transport revenue.

    Then there is the 88.2 million shilling tender that a legislative committee questioned vigorously: the contract allegedly awarded to First Choice General Supplies, a business said to be controlled by Mainga’s long-term fiancée Peninah Patricks, with allegations that the paperwork was backdated and payments hurried through in contravention of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act.

    The courts have not been a comfortable arena for the man either.

    Milimani Commercial Court’s Chief Magistrate Wendy Micheni ordered his arrest in March 2024 for defying a court order that restrained Kenya Railways from evicting a tenant at a Lavington property.

    A Nakuru High Court judge found him in contempt for failing to pay Monica Macharia 45.5 million shillings following the illegal demolition of her business premises.

    He eventually agreed to pay in instalments, the last due July 2026 — payment defaults would see the matter revert to a civil jail show-cause hearing.

    With a court case from COFEK bearing down, a mandatory retirement age already breached, a transport ministry broom sweeping clean, and a protection network that insiders say has started to fray because the money stopped flowing, those in the know say it is simply a matter of time before this particular train pulls into its final station.

    The man, those in the know say, is deeply worried.

    He had calculated that the recent High Court ruling that struck out a petition seeking his removal — on the procedural basis that the court lacked jurisdiction to interfere in statutory bodies — would buy him enough cover to weather the storm.

    The board, buoyed by that ruling, has maintained a thunderous silence, issuing no competitive recruitment notice, no contract renewal, and no succession announcement.

    But the gossip from those who matter says the mathematics have changed.

    The handouts that kept mouths shut have stopped. The shakeup in the transport sector is too visible and too loud to ignore.

    And senior officers inside the corporation — at least one of whom is said to be heavily favoured by the powers-that-be for the top seat — are now positioning themselves openly.

    As one seasoned Nairobi insider put it with characteristic bluntness: “You can survive a scandal. You can survive a court case. But you cannot survive stopping to pay people who know where all the bodies are buried.”

    Philip Mainga, Kenya Insights has reason to believe, has stopped paying.

    The clock, unlike the SGR trains, appears to be running exactly on schedule.

  • A UN Director Based in Nairobi Was Deep in an Intimate Friendship With Epstein — He Even Sent Her a Sex Toy

    A UN Director Based in Nairobi Was Deep in an Intimate Friendship With Epstein — He Even Sent Her a Sex Toy

    She ran the United Nations’ ocean conservation programme from a prestigious office inside the fortified UN complex in Gigiri, Nairobi. She held the rank of Director.

    She was a Swedish diplomat with a PhD, a LinkedIn profile full of accolades, and a mandate to protect the world’s seas.

    She also, according to newly released US government files, maintained a years-long intimate friendship with Jeffrey Epstein — a convicted paedophile — during which he sent her a sex toy, she invited him to move to Kenya with her, and she advised him to flee the United States as a sexual assault case mounted against him.

    The woman is Lisa Emelia Svensson. And what the files reveal about her relationship with the world’s most notorious sex offender is now sending shockwaves through the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), whose gleaming Nairobi headquarters was apparently oblivious — or chose to remain oblivious — to what one of its most senior directors was doing on her personal time.

    “Come and Visit”

    The story begins not in Nairobi, but in Washington DC, where Svensson served as Sweden’s Ambassador for Oceans, Seas and Fresh Water. It was 2012, four years after Epstein had already been convicted and registered as a sex offender for procuring a minor for prostitution in Florida.

    Despite knowing this, Svensson wrote to Epstein in August that year asking him to use his connections to get her a prestigious academic fellowship. “Hi Jeff, my dream is to spend some time in the fall/winter at an inspiring university doing a post-doc,” she wrote. “So I need your advice and help! Would you take up the challenge?”

    Epstein, ever the predator who wore the costume of a philanthropist, replied that he would send her a plane ticket. She responded by asking for his phone number.

    Within months, the correspondence had turned unmistakably personal. By October 2012, Epstein was sending her messages about their availability to meet.

    Then, in November of the same year, he sent her what the court documents describe as an adult toy. Her response, preserved now in federal files for the world to read, was not one of shock or disgust. “Thanks for your gift,” she wrote. “Always wanted one. Hilarious, so kind of you.”

    The exchange did not read like one between two strangers. It read like one between two people who were entirely comfortable with each other — even as Epstein’s crimes against girls were already a matter of public record.

    Nairobi, and a Lie That Unravelled

    In August 2016, Svensson arrived in Nairobi to take up her position at UNEP as Chief of the Marine Branch at Director/Coordinator (D1) level, reporting to Executive Director Erik Solheim, a Norwegian diplomat who had taken over just two months earlier.

    On paper, it looked like a prestigious appointment. Behind the scenes, however, Svensson had brought her Epstein relationship with her — intact, and in full bloom.

    Just one month after arriving in Kenya, she wrote to Epstein: “Gave up on Swedish men, moved to Kenya. Wish me good luck. Come and visit.”

    When Epstein’s name surfaced in connection with hers during the 2020 trial of his associate Ghislaine Maxwell, UNEP issued a carefully worded statement to a Norwegian newspaper that had come asking questions.

    The organisation insisted that any interaction between Svensson and Epstein “happened when she was with the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs” — that is, before she joined UNEP. It directed the reporters to the Swedish embassy for further comment.

    That statement, it now turns out, was flatly wrong.

    The newly released tranche of Epstein files, disclosed by the US government in late 2025 and early 2026, shows that Svensson was in active and personal contact with Epstein throughout her entire Nairobi tenure, from 2016 right up until July 2019 — the month he was arrested on federal sex trafficking charges.

    UNEP has not issued any fresh public statement addressing this discrepancy.

    “You Need to Evacuate”

    In September 2016, as a civil lawsuit accusing Epstein of sexually abusing a minor was filed in New York, Svensson’s response was not to distance herself from the man. It was to protect him.

    Writing to Epstein from her UN office in Nairobi, she advised him to prepare to flee the country. “If any presidential candidates win, you need to evacuate,” she told him, using the US election as her reference point for when it might be time for a convicted sex offender, then facing fresh accusations, to run.

    The following February, she flew to meet him. According to Epstein’s appointment diary — now part of the publicly released files — she was the last person he saw on Valentine’s Day eve, February 13, 2017. The entry recorded the meeting beginning at 6.30pm.

    The Paris Escape, Enabled by the UN

    By March 2017, barely seven months into her UN posting, Svensson had already decided that Nairobi was not where she wanted to be. She told Epstein in an email that she had informed her boss, Solheim, that she intended to relocate to Paris.

    Solheim approved the arrangement, allowing her to lead the UNEP marine team remotely from France, purportedly on the grounds of “family considerations.”

    The arrangement caused an uproar inside UNEP. A furious internal complaint, later published by the media outlet PassBlue and copied to UN Secretary-General António Guterres, named Svensson directly.

    “In contrast, you, sir, have approved that your friend, a D1, Lisa Svensson, can work from Europe because, for personal reasons, she does not wish to work in Nairobi,” the complaint read. “She leads the marine team remotely, while the rest of the staff under her responsibility are in Nairobi. Her big office in Nairobi remains vacant with her name and organisational equipment.”

    By April 2017, Svensson had updated Epstein on her plans to spend the summer finding an apartment in Paris and refreshing her French. She also asked whether she could stay in his Paris flat.

    The UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services later confirmed in an official report that the telecommuting arrangement for two senior managers — widely understood to include Svensson — was not in compliance with UN regulations.

    Solheim, whose tenure had been marked by nearly $500,000 in irregular travel and hotel expenses and a pattern of bestowing favours on selected staff, was asked to resign by Guterres in November 2018. His departure was extraordinary: it is exceptionally rare for a UN Under-Secretary-General to be pushed out.

    The Final Ask

    Even as Solheim was forced out and the internal affairs of UNEP unravelled, Svensson continued her correspondence with Epstein. On March 30, 2019, she wrote him an email with the subject line “pick ur brain.”

    In it, she told him she was “still looking for a way out of Nairobi” and that she had secured funding from a philanthropist for 18 months of ocean work. She needed, she told him, an organisation in Paris that could receive private money and employ her. She asked if he had any useful contacts.

    Four months later, on July 6, 2019, Jeffrey Epstein was arrested in New Jersey on federal charges of sex trafficking dozens of minors. He died by apparent suicide in his Manhattan federal jail cell one month later, on August 10, 2019.

    Svensson, according to her LinkedIn profile, continued in her UNEP role until September 2021. She then moved to the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs as Deputy Director for Global Cyber and Digital Affairs. She currently serves at the Swedish Permanent Mission to the United Nations in Geneva.

    What UNEP Must Now Answer

    The question of what UNEP knew, and when it knew it, is no longer abstract. The UN’s own ethics framework demands the highest standards of conduct from its staff, and the organisation has in the past year declared that Epstein’s documented pattern of abuse may amount to crimes against humanity.

    Yet here, running one of its senior directorates in Nairobi, was a woman who was advising the same Epstein to flee the United States as fresh abuse allegations were filed against him, who was meeting him on Valentine’s eve, and who was asking to stay in his Paris apartment.

    All while drawing a UN salary, holding a diplomatic passport, and presiding over a vacant director’s office in Gigiri.

    UNEP has not commented publicly on the newly released files. The Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Svensson’s current employer through her posting in Geneva, has also remained silent.

    Svensson herself has previously denied the substance of Epstein’s claims about their relationship, calling an earlier email from Epstein to Maxwell — in which he mentioned her — “completely incorrect.” She has stated that she distances herself from everything Epstein and Maxwell were proven to be involved in.

    Whether those denials are sustainable in the face of documents written in her own hand, from her own Nairobi office, is now a matter for the public record.

    The files do not accuse Svensson of any crime. But they raise pointed questions about the moral judgment of someone entrusted with senior UN leadership, the due diligence of an organisation that waved away media queries with a statement now shown to be false, and the culture of impunity that allowed a director to abandon her post in Nairobi, move to Paris on irregular grounds, and continue a relationship with a convicted paedophile — all without consequence.

    The Epstein saga has a long history of swallowing reputations whole. Nairobi’s chapter, it appears, is only just beginning to be read.

  • Ruto Announces Thika Expressway Construction To Begin September 2026

    Ruto Announces Thika Expressway Construction To Begin September 2026

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Feb 22 – President William Ruto has announced that construction of the long-awaited Thika Expressway will begin in September 2026, in a move aimed at tackling chronic congestion along the busy corridor.

    Speaking during a church service at Jesus Compassion Ministry in Ruiru on Sunday, February 22, the President said the new expressway would provide a lasting solution to persistent traffic snarl-ups along Thika Road.

    “This traffic jam, after Githurai, causes disruption all the way to Museum Hill. I have a plan. Just as we constructed the expressway from JKIA to Westlands, I will return here in September to begin construction of the expressway from Thika,” Ruto said.

    The Head of State explained that the planned expressway will stretch from Thika to Museum Hill, significantly easing pressure on the heavily used highway that links Kiambu County to Nairobi’s central business district.

    Last year in December, President William Ruto announced plans to construct a new expressway linking Thika to Museum Hill in Nairobi, aiming to ease traffic congestion and improve access to the capital.

    Speaking during the 62nd Jamhuri Day celebrations at Nyayo Stadium, President Ruto highlighted the growing population in Thika and the heavy traffic along Thika Road, which he noted has become increasingly congested with frequent snarl-ups.

    “I know that many Kenyans reside in Thika, and Thika Road has become congested and crowded, with constant traffic snarl-ups,” he said.

    “I take this opportunity to announce that next year, just as we have the Expressway from Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, we will also construct an Expressway from Thika to Museum Hill so that citizens who are struggling with heavy traffic can finally get some relief.”

    The stretch between Thika and Nairobi’s Central Business District covers approximately 45 kilometres.

    The proposed expressway is expected to significantly reduce travel time and enhance mobility for thousands of daily commuters.

  • Jesus Compassion Ministry U.S. Pastor Resigns After Bishop Kiengei Hosted Ruto in Church

    Jesus Compassion Ministry U.S. Pastor Resigns After Bishop Kiengei Hosted Ruto in Church

    NAIROBI, Kenya, Feb 22 – A simmering row over the intersection of faith and politics has emerged within Jesus Compassion Ministry (JCM) after the head of its United States branch resigned in protest over the church’s decision to host President William Ruto during its anniversary celebrations.

    Pastor Charles Wachira stepped down from his position shortly after the ministry’s Nairobi headquarters announced that the President had been invited to attend a special service marking the church’s third anniversary at its main sanctuary in Ruiru, Kiambu County.

    The event, scheduled for Sunday, February 22, was billed as a milestone celebration for the fast-growing ministry.

    However, Wachira said the invitation raised profound moral and leadership concerns at a time when sections of the public, particularly young Kenyans, have voiced anger over alleged excesses by state operatives and are calling for justice, accountability and institutional reform.

    In a detailed statement announcing his resignation, the pastor said recent public engagements by the church leadership had deeply disturbed many believers, especially members of Generation Z who, he noted, are seeking moral clarity from religious institutions during what he described as a sensitive national moment.

    He maintained that spiritual leadership must remain firmly grounded in truth, righteousness and the defense of innocent life, arguing that the church should not appear indifferent to the suffering or grievances of the wider population.

    “When leadership actions create confusion, division or moral discomfort among believers, it becomes necessary to take a principled stand,” the statement read.

    Wachira further referenced biblical teachings that caution against justifying wrongdoing and call on leaders to defend the oppressed, saying clergy have a responsibility to speak for those who cannot speak for themselves.

    He emphasized that his decision to resign was guided by conviction rather than rebellion, adding that he would offer further clarification in due course.

    JCM, led by Bishop Ben Kiengei, has grown rapidly in recent years and now operates dozens of branches locally and internationally, including in the United States, where Wachira had overseen its activities.

  • Uhuru Declines Youth Visit To Ichaweri Home

    Uhuru Declines Youth Visit To Ichaweri Home

    NAIROBI, Kenya Feb 22 – Former President Uhuru Kenyatta on Sunday issued a clarification after reports that a group of young people planned to visit his Ichaweri home.

    In a statement released by his office and signed by Communication Secretary Kanze Dena Mararo, Uhuru confirmed that there were reports of an intended youth visit to his private residence in Ichaweri, Gatundu.

    However, the former president said he is currently not in a position to host the group.

    “We encourage organizers of such initiatives to formally communicate with the Office in advance so that arrangements can be made for structured, peaceful, and meaningful dialogue,” Dena said.

    The Office of the former president did not name the group and no formal request had been submitted to Uhuru Kenyatta’s office at the time.

    “Former President Kenyatta remains open to meeting and exchanging views in a dignified manner that fosters unity and mutual respect,” Dena said.

    The statement praised Kenyan youth for their energy, ideas, and patriotism, saying Uhuru strongly believes young people must be part of national conversations.

    His office stressed that while he values dialogue, any engagement must be properly organised, peaceful, and formally communicated in advance.

    “Kenya belongs to all of us. Let us always choose dialogue over disruption and engagement over division,” the statement said.

  • Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Diverting All Development To Nyanza, Neglecting Kalenjins

    Gachagua Accuses Ruto of Diverting All Development To Nyanza, Neglecting Kalenjins

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has sharply criticised President William Ruto, accusing him of sidelining the Kalenjin community in favour of development projects in Nyanza as he hunts for votes ahead of the 2027 General Election.

    Gachagua, now leader of the Democracy for Citizens Party (DCP), made the claims during a joint interview with Kalenjin-language radio stations on Friday evening.

    He reminded the President that the Kalenjin and Mt Kenya votes were decisive in Ruto’s 2022 victory, yet the Rift Valley — the community’s heartland — now feels abandoned.

    “Rais alipitishwa na kura ya Mlima na ya Wakalenjin… sasa nikamwuliza rais, kama tumesahau hawa Wakalenjin, walikuvumilia miaka tano, wewe umechukua kila kitu ukapelekea Nyanza, hutembelei hawa watu… ukija Kericho, Bomet, unakuja interdenomination… mbona hukuji kufungua project? Mimi nilimwuliza,” Gachagua said.

    (The President was elected with votes from Mt Kenya and the Kalenjins… so I asked the President, if we have forgotten these Kalenjins who stood with you for five years, you have taken everything to Nyanza, you don’t visit these people… when you come to Kericho and Bomet, you only come for interdenominational prayers… why don’t you come to open projects? I asked him.)

    The DCP chief said the Kalenjin community, despite producing the sitting President, now lacks champions in Parliament.

    “Hawa wakalenjin hawana mtetezi; wabunge wamenyamaza, masenator pia wamenyamaza, nani atatetea hao?” he posed.

    (These Kalenjins have no defender; their MPs have gone silent, senators too — who will speak for them?)

    Gachagua moved quickly to calm fears that his bitter fallout with Ruto — which led to his impeachment in October 2024 — would translate into revenge against the wider community if the opposition takes power.

    “There is no one who will discriminate against the Kalenjins. They have not wronged anyone. We have a problem with one person, whom we will remove from power when the time comes. Kalenjins are good people. They have worked and developed this country. Just because Ruto has wronged us, it doesn’t mean the whole Kalenjin community has done it,” he said.

    He contrasted Ruto’s frequent development visits to Nyanza — a region that largely voted against him in 2022 — with what he described as ceremonial church stops in Bomet and Kericho, where no major projects are commissioned.

    Gachagua said he will personally tour Kalenjin areas next week, holding meet-the-people rallies in Mulot, Bomet town, Longisa and Sotik before proceeding to United Opposition engagements in Kisii and Nyamira.

    The remarks are part of a broader push by Gachagua and the opposition alliance to peel support away from Ruto in the vote-rich Rift Valley, which delivered a massive bloc for the President in 2022.

    State House had not responded to the accusations by the time of going to press.

    Gachagua’s interview, which aired live across stations including Emoo FM, Chamgei and others, drew mixed reactions online, with some Kalenjin listeners praising his defence of the community while others questioned his motives given his own political battles.

    The DCP leader has been intensifying outreach beyond Mt Kenya, positioning himself as a national figure in the United Opposition’s quest to oust Ruto through the ballot in 2027.

  • Kitale Woman Freed After Detention Over Social Media Post

    Kitale Woman Freed After Detention Over Social Media Post

    A 33-year-old woman who had been arrested by police over claims linked to a social media post has finally been released following an ordeal that also saw her mother allegedly harassed and briefly detained by officers in Nakuru.

    May Jerono took to her social media in the wee hours of Sunday and confirmed that she was safe after she was arrested on Saturday.

    “Thank you, I am safe. Shout out to all my Facebook friends, nawashukuru sana. To my enemies, I’m loved bana si mliona chesaa. I’m so overwhelmed, I just wanted to say thank you. I’m at home, I’m safe. I just want to rest, then tomorrow I will tell you all what really happened. Everything that you need to know,” she said.

    She added that authorities had confiscated her phone, which delayed updates about her whereabouts.

    “They took my phone, which is why I was unable to update anything from yesterday. But I was released very early, around 10:00 am, but they had some other things they were dealing with, so I had to wait. The rest I had to travel from Kitale to Nakuru its five hours. That is why I took long,” she said.

    Jerono also assured the public that she would provide a full account of the events once she rested.

    “Tomorrow I’ll tell you everything that you need to know. I’ll also be getting another phone tomorrow, so even if they return the other one, I won’t use it,” she added.

    Her assurance comes amid public attention over her arrest, with calls for investigations into the conduct of officers involved and the alleged harassment of her mother.

    The arrest sparked condemnation from political leaders, including People’s Liberation Party leader Martha Karua, who criticised the police for allegedly targeting Jerono’s mother to pressure her daughter.

    “The arrest of a mother to coerce her daughter to show up at the police station is totally unacceptable and criminal,” Karua said.

    Police in Nakuru came under scrutiny over their handling of the incident. Jerono’s mother, Census Ruto, a primary school teacher, recounted being humiliated at Athinai Primary School when officers allegedly stormed her classroom, forcing her to sit on the floor in front of students and colleagues.

    “Walikuja ndani ya shule na kuni harass vibaya mbele ya wanafunzi wangu na walimu… walininyanganya ata simu nilikuwa nayo kwa nguvu… I was just shocked and asked why all these wanasema nitajulia mbele,” Ms Ruto said.

    The ordeal extended beyond the school, with Ruto alleging that officers took her to Kaptembwo Police Station for charges she did not understand.

    “Kufika police station, kidogo msichana wangu akaingia, wakaanza kukataa ata tusiongee na msichana… ata kwa nyumba yake waliransack kila mahali,” she said.

    Speaking through her lawyer, Jerono explained that plain-clothed officers had picked her up without a clear reason and later went to her family home, where her mother was allegedly harassed. Her lawyer described the arrest as unprocedural and intended to intimidate Jerono over her freedom of expression, emphasising that the social media post in question did not constitute a criminal offence.