Author: John Bosco

  • Kippra Cartels now on the Loose following entry of Ben Sihanya.

    Kippra Cartels now on the Loose following entry of Ben Sihanya.

    Kenya insights investigative team have published series of events as they unfolded from the beginning from inside state parastatal Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis (Kippra).

    Apprently, Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis new board chairman Ben Sihanya has been taken hostage by cartels who are against changes at the trouble- ridden government agency.

    Rose Ngugi

    It is alleged that the cartels led by besieged CEO Rose Ngugi are working in cahoots with rogue suppliers, and have deployed resources to compromise board members perceived to be pushing for professionalism and transparency at the institute.

    This happens amidst clouds of uncertainty surrounding the presence of Ngugi, whose contract expired in January 2022, but has refused to leave the office for reasons known to herself.

    However, the cartels said to be acting on the advice of Ngugi, reportedly engaged the services of a shadowy public relations consultant in their latest attempts to sanitise malpractices and filth at the once respected institution. According to inside sources, this has seen Ngugi engage several media firms in a stagemanaged publicity blitz in a bid to clean the damage that her cartel has caused at the institute.

    The new board chairman, Sihanya was initially concerned that the operations of the cartels made the institution to attract sustained negative media publicity. Sources told Kenya insights that a scheme has been hatched to ensure that the new chairman tones down on his insistence that Kippra should be run in line with the Public Service Commission values and principals Act 2015, human resource planning and succession management strategy for the public service.

    Sihanya also demanded that the agency be operated in accordance with the occupational safety and health Act 2007, among other requirements as spelt out in the constitution of Kenya. Reports indicate that he was appalled at the high staff turnover within the institute over the last four in years.

    Other board members being wooed to join the gravy train include Koitamet Ole Kina, Fatuma Hussein, Phoebe he Ayugi, Chris Ali, Christine Wanjala, Kevin Wangwe and Samuel Gitau.

    The cartels are said to be openly bragging that it is only a matter of time before they silence the entire board members including the perceived hardliners. There are fears among staff that the board could be compromised as the human resource management officer is said to be ceremonial, with no powers to control the operations of the rogue cartels.

    Last month, Ngugi is said to have insulted a senior researcher at the institute after a member of staff showed up at the Kenya Economic Report launch at the Hilton Hotel in the capital. Interns and young professionals present were bewildered at the conduct of their CEO.

    In another meeting with a group of researchers, she is alleged to have Act unexpectedly lashed out at staff without and provocation, reminding them that she knows that Kinnra staff do not like her, but she remains the accounting officer and there is nothing anyone can do to her.

    Those present in the meeting were shocked and wondered why their CEO was addressing them in that manner. A spotcheck by our undercover team at Kippra was treated to an eyesore environment of broken furniture and cartons scattered everywhere on the three floor staff use as their working space.

    This violates the Osha Act 2007 which protects staff in their working environment. Training rooms are full of broken tables which is as a result of procuring substandard furniture.

    Kenya insights established that second floor offices are supposed to be condemned since they pose health risks at their current state. The floor has wide gaping potholes and torn carpets full of dust and mud, and staff working on the floor always complain of respiratory infections.

    But the cry and hue over dilapidated status of the working environment has fallen on deaf ears of Kippra management since Ngugi is law unto herself. It is rumoured that Ngugi has started using a shadowy PR firm to depict her as a reformist, yet she has destroyed the institute.

    Her critics are angered over allegations that she claims to have streamlined operations at the institute when she has basically paralysed operations in the entire institute due to her micromanagement of operations within the institution.

    She is described as a jack of all trades and an expert in every research theme conducted in the institution. It is also alleged that she specialises in bashing what researchers have done and uses her previous short stint at IMF as the justification.

    Insiders told Kenya insights that currently, many papers which have undergone all the stipulated processes of peer review stuck in her office after staff disputed her way of doing things. At the moment, only the Finance Department has a Deputy Director, meaning he is the only one who can act as a CEO in charge of a research institution in case the inevitable comes to pass.

    But for how long will Ben Sihanya hold his integrity ground before giving inn and commence dancing to the cartels tunes.​

  • Newly Elected South Sudan’s Presbyterian church Moderator being Investigated by DCI over Illegal Activities in Kenya.

    Newly Elected South Sudan’s Presbyterian church Moderator being Investigated by DCI over Illegal Activities in Kenya.

    Rev. James Kuong Ninrew Dong, the newly elected moderator of the Presbyterian church in South Sudan is in trouble with Kenyan authorities. Rev. Ninrew was elected as the moderator, deputised by Rev. John Yor Nyikeer and Joseph Maker Gordon Manyiel as the Secretary General. The election was done during a general assembly of the church which brought together 17 representatives from the 8 Presbyterian churches in the country.

    The election was undertaken as a result of dispute of an earlier one in December 2020 in which Rev. James Makuei was elected. Many church members said it was rigged leading to negotiations to reunite the church under the leadership of Bishop Enock Tombe. That still did not work out. South Sudan’s First Vice President Riek Machar initiated another negotiation in 2021 but still failed to unite the leaders.

    As the government continues to crack down on foreign nationals working illegally in Kenya, and their tax evasion tendencies over years and decades, the number of these investigations on foreign nationals by the government continues to soar.

    These include scores of cases of Chinese, Nigerians, and South Sudanese citizens, some claiming refugee status, but whose family members who flash large amounts of cash, exotic cars, and holidays on social media. Authorities continue to investigate these cases, and as the government dragnet grows and investigators are uncovering new methods these criminals are using to support their illegal activities. 

    The Directorate of Criminal Investigation is now investigating suspected human and drug trafficking , illegal business syndicates, many traveling through Jomo Kenyatta International Airport’s VIP lounge. These investigations include rich foreigners entering and exiting Kenya.

    Sources close to the investigation say the cases commenced when it became apparent that unauthorized people were using the VIP rooms at the airport to avoid JKIA’s strict immigration procedures.

    The following cases are likely to rekindle memories of the  infamous 2006 “Artur brothers he saga”, when two Armenian en brothers with connections in the highest levels of government ble used those connections to bypass immigration rules, and were even given police titles, all in an elaborate web of illicit activities.

    Artur Brothers

    Their cases included regular and ly privileged access to the JKIA. VIP lounges to facilitate their illegal businesses, including drug trafficking and firearms possession.

    It is now claimed that some foreigners in 2021 and 2022 have similarly been given unrestricted access to the VIP lounges without following proper clearance channels.

    One case being investigated is South Sudanese national Reverend James Kuong Ninrew. Ninrew— who has close links to Riek Machar-works for multiple unregistered companies in Kenya, air despite being a refugee in for decades.

    In a letter,  the DCI has asked the Director of Immigration for to provide the Reverend’s travel history, to include his alleged gaps in travel documentation, including use of the VIP lounge to enter and exit Kenya without detection and documentation.

     

    Immigration Department services

    The Director,

    P.o Box 30191-00100

    Nairobi

    Nyayo House

    RE: REQUEST FOR DOCUMENTS AND INFORMATION PASSPORT No.R00295119 AND R00268686

    This office is conducting an inquiry an alleged offence of being unlawfully Kenya

    To enable completion of the investigations, kindly provide us with following information:

    1. The travel history of the holder

    2. The purpose of entry(status)

    3. Personal particular of the holder

    Thanks for your continued cooperation and support.

    Mike Muia 

     

    This is not the first time that the reverend has made headlines in Kenya. A few years ago, his daughters posted social media photos posing with stacks of money despite being refugees and not legally working or paying taxes.

    Ninrew again caught in the  KRA’s dragnet against social media posts of unexplained wealth and his family continues to regularly flaunt wealth and luxury on social media, a special focus for KRA investigation for tax evasion.

    In another VIP lounge incident, it is alleged that a Nigerian national, Musa Donija, used a forged passport and the luding lounge to illegally travel to Kenya.

    Donija, a suspected drug dealer, was recently arrested in Kilimani in  a police sting. Police and airport authorities are investigating how he operated in Nairobi and Kiambu, and how he was able being to use the VIP lounge and fake passports for trafficking drugs,  and how many times he has entered Kenya illegally.

    These police investigations are also widening, to include politicians that regularly harass Kenya airport staff, using their status in government to demand VIP letter, treatment, including apparently the illegal activities and accesses for non-VIP businessmen and criminals.

    This includes regular use of VIP parking at the airport, in reserved for the deputy president, but instead being used by rich clients and illicit businessmen. Outside the VIP lounges, and airport officials are similarly making key arrests in months.

    In February, airport police, KRA, and the DCI arrested two Chinese trying to illegally  export 282 boxes of live crabs to China weighing over 5700 kilos without  documentation.

    Still in February, a Portuguese gold smuggler Joao Carlos Ramalho had attempted to sneak 100 kilograms of gold from Congo to Budapest, Hungary through the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport but it hit the wall. It emerged that he was working with a prominent lawyer in Kenya and a Reverend both financial muscles.

    Weeks earlier, KRA arrested a Burundian national carrying over 2 million in the USD in cash through the airport.

  • Why Musalia Mudavadi Might Be banking on DP Ruto’s ICC witness case Breakthrough to be Kenya Kwanza’s Presidential flagbearer.

    Why Musalia Mudavadi Might Be banking on DP Ruto’s ICC witness case Breakthrough to be Kenya Kwanza’s Presidential flagbearer.

    Radarlessness, scepticism, dubiety, bedlam, and hurly-burly have tormented Amani National Congress (ANC) party leader Musalia Mudavadi’s campaign team and presidential secretariat with professionals and managers he had hired unsure on whether ‘his earthquakeness’ will be on the ballot or will opt to be either William Ruto’s running mate or chief minister in his government should the DP former the next government.

    Sabatia MP Alfred Agoi’s recent claims that Mudavadi is too broke to finance his own presidential bid hence need to engage Ruto for his survival in the jungle has spellbind the claim. The Lion has been feeding on grass.

    Workers Union COTU secretary general Francis Atwoli was first to state Mudavadi was facing serious financial troubles and he had personally used his millions to rebrand Mudavadi politically.

    Matters have further been complicated by assertions by some Kenya Kwanza Alliance leaders that they are yet to decide on whom the outfit that brings together Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance, ANC and Moses Wetangula’s Ford-Kenya – presidential candidate will be giving hope the Amani leader stands a chance of being crowned.

    During Ruto – Mudavadi USA, Britain tour, the DP was put to task to step down for Mudavadi since most Kenyans in diaspora are not happy with his questionable past. However Ruto allies claim, since he has served deputy for two terms, the best he can is presidency.

    Mudavadi arrival has also not been received well by UDA Mt. Kenya team who now want Prof Kithure Kindiki be Ruto running mate after foul mouth Rigathi Gachagua opted out the race to defend his Parliamentary seat. Though his move might be chess play to calm the storm. He is definitely the deputy project for running mate.

    Some of Mudavadi’s day dreaming diehard supporters are clinging to the hope that he will be picked as the Kenya Kwanza presidential candidate and in the worst scenario the running mate.

    Now there are reports that professionals and managers at  Mudavadi’s campaign secretariat are more than confused not knowing what their earthquake man’s next step is.

    Mudavadi joined Ruto in a 10-day set tour in the US and UK where they met that a number of politicians, scholars and and Kenyans residing in both countries.

    Before he launched his presidential campaign at Bomas of tion Kenya, various groups had started drumming up support for Mudavadi’s presidential bid including women leaders who launched a nationwide campaign for his bid stating Mudavadi was the best leader for Kenya.

    But the women were left in limbo after Mudavadi launched his presidential bid and days later teamed up with Ruto, with pointers showing be he will neither be the Kenya Kwanza Alliance presidential candidate nor running mate.

    But there was some expectation after Mudavadi and Wetangula started drumming up support for their camp that Ruto might step down put for him in case the International Criminal Court indicts him for the second time following the apparently ongoing Lawyer Gicheru’s witness case solely implicating DP Ruto.

    Lawyer Paul Gicheru at ICC Chambers

    This can arise if lawyer Paul Gicheru is convicted and the judgment used to resurrect Ruto’s case at the ICC. 

    Mr Gicheru surrendered to the ICC in November 2020 in fulfilment of a warrant of arrest against him issued in 2015. The prosecution alleges that he corruptly influenced witnesses who were to testify against DP Ruto to withdraw, thereby scuttling the case the court had against the DP, accusations Mr Gicheru denies.

    So far, five prosecution witnesses have testified known by their pseudonyms as P-0800, P-0341, P-0613, P-0274 and P-0738, the latter having done so in a private session on Thursday.

    Among the evidence the witnesses have presented are call recordings and phone messages with people said to have been acting for Mr Gicheru.

    For three weeks, Kenyan lawyer Paul Gicheru has been in The Hague as his trial for alleged witness tampering proceeds. The buzz that characterised the earlier cases involving President Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto is all but gone.

    Prosecution witnesses who were allegedly being bribed by allies of Deputy President William Ruto regarding the 2007 post-election violence cases at The Hague were instructed to “hide the money under their mattresses”.

    Should Gicheru be found guilty of having tamperes with witness for DP Ruto then second chapter will be rekindled for trial of Mr.Ruto.

    Before Mudavadi teamed up with Ruto, his earthquakeness Mudavadi had ordered brand new campaign Land Rover vehicles, set up a presidential secretariat and appointed Nairobi senator Johnson Sakaja as his chief campaigner for the presidency.

    Senator Johnson Sakaja

    He had also hired top avadi consultants to help set up a 24-hour 1 or call centre in a secret and secure location. The call centre was to be used at to conduct a parallel tallying of his 200,000 presidential votes.

    In his secret plan, Mudavadi intended to deploy up to 50,000 polling station agents across the country.

    Washed version of Mike Sonko Senator Sakaja had even started setting up presidential campaign structures  and recruiting staff.

    Those who touted to lead the various dockets included businessman Brown Ondego who was to lead the crucial resource mobilisation docket. The membership in the docket included Mudavadi’s close friends and businessmen.

    Even at home, Mudavadi is now under siege with leaders such as Vihiga senator George Khaniri telling him the region will not support Ruto. Already in parts of Kakamega and Vihiga constituencies, no aspirants have indicated interest to vie on UDA and ANC ticket complicating matters.

    Besides being ditched by Peter Nabulindo (Matugu), Christopher Aseka (Khwisero), Titus Khamala (Lurambi), Tindi Mwale (Butere), Ayub Savula (Lugari) and Oku Kaunya posed (Teso North), Mudavadi’s co-principal in Kenya Kwanza, Wetangu’la, is also witnessing mass defections from his part mostly in Western Kenya.

    Like ANC, Ford-Kenya is witnessing defections to both ODM and Defence cabinet secretary Eugene Wamalwa-led Democratic Action Party of Kenya. The two parties have been receiving tens of defectors from ANC and Ford Kenya from across the four counties of Western Kenya. Dap-K is affiliated to Raila’s Azimio la Umoja movement.

    Mudavadi is watching helplessly as the region slips away because he left a vacuum after he was crowned as Western spokesperson major by elders on December 31 2016 at Bukhungu Stadium only to five years later decide to team up with Ruto as a junior partner in Kenya Kwanza Alliance. Atwoli was behind Mudavadi crowning as the community leader. 

    Mudavadi political tremor has always been and is still below sea level and he found a shadow in Ruto’s UDA. Being that one man’s meat is another man’s poison, Ruto’s poison (ICC case revival) is Mudavadi’s Nyamakima meat and his team might be working to secure him his meat and serve Ruto his poison.

  • EACC Backing Up Sports CS Amina Mohammed In the Sports Fund Scandal?

    EACC Backing Up Sports CS Amina Mohammed In the Sports Fund Scandal?

    Following last article published on this site, Pressure is mounting on Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to instigate investigations over reported runaway corruption said to have rocked the Sports, Arts and Social Development Fund whereby Amina had earlier admitted that the Sports, Arts and Social Development Fund had collected a whopping Sh30.3 billion since it was operationalised in February 2019 of which can’t be accounted for.

    The National Sports Fund was established through the enactment of the Sports Act Section 12 of part 111. The fund is under Amina’s ministry of sports, culture and the arts and its main goal is to raise funds to facilitate growth and development of the sports industry in the country.

    In addition, the funds are to be used in the necessary sports personnel and support the cash award scheme for the purpose of enhancing competitiveness among the country’s men and women.

    Fresh details have emerged how cartels in charge of the fund looted millions of shillings through kickbacks from Sasdef Plaza tenders and other shoddy deals.

    The cartels also hijacked the tender  process for supply of various goods, works and services for the financial years 2020-2022.

    Consequently, Amina and PS Joe N Okudo were summoned to shed light on how billions of shillings channeled to the docket have been spent, as a matter of clearing their names of the raging corruption woes in the unit, created to facilitate growth and development of the sports industry in the country.

    An insider commented that Amina boasts of deep state connection and does not lose any sleep over revelations that scandals under her watch have been brought to the attention of the EACC for possible prosecution.

    Those at the Sports Fund and the ministry say the CS has good relationship with EACC CEO Twalib Barak and hence it’s business as usual. To corroborate fears of being linked to more graft scandals, it appears the EACC has opted to go slow on the matter despite the fact that letters have been written to the effect.

    There was drama when a scheduled consultative meeting between the national assembly committee on sports and the two officers in charge of the sports docket was deferred after they failed to show up at the eleventh hour.

    They feared, after getting wind of a plan by the committee members to put them into a rigorous grilling season over the rampant looting of the National Sports Fund. Whereas Amina was strategically out of the country on the material day, PS Okudo tabled excuses that he was sick, and therefore, was not in the right position to appear before the MPs.

    The two, and other cartels mentioned in the looting, are not off the hook based on the fact that the irate MPs vowed to issue fresh and authoritative summons that would compel Amina and Okudo to appear before the house team and offer explanation surrounding the allegations.

    Luanda MP Chris Omulele had earlier demanded on the floor of the house an explanation on the status of utilisation of sports funds and even questioned the rationale of planting someone with questionable academic background to be the CEO of such a vital docket.

    In 2018, Uhuru Kenyatta appointed former vice president Moody Awori as one of the board members of the now troubled Sports, Arts and Social Development Fund.

    Aside from the former VP, the board comprises five principal secretaries from the ministries of Education, Arts, Health, National Treasury and Sports as well as Athletics Kenya boss Jackson Tuwei.

    It has emerged that the brazen cartels under protection of powerful advantage of Awori’s nature and his advanced age to execute their dirty deals.

    For now, Football Kenya Caretaker Committee is also being used by the cartel to loot millions of shillings from the fund while it lasts- following sanctions by FIFA.

  • Eyes On Two Mombasa based Crooked KBC Employees on Payroll in VoK land scandal.

    Eyes On Two Mombasa based Crooked KBC Employees on Payroll in VoK land scandal.

    Snakes in the grass.

    Wrangles over a 22-acre piece of land hosting national broadcaster KBC transmitters in Mombasa might not end soon following revelations that rogue brown envelope employees of the state parastatal are working aggressively in cahoots with a cartel of land grabbers to see their employer KBC lose the prime property to a private developer for personal gain.

    The cartel involving a prominent Mombasa businessman has  pocketed two senior KBC employees regularly used as point men to frustrate the corporation’s efforts to reclaim the prime land already turned into a dumpsite at VoK area in Mombasa.

    Suspected employees based at KBC Mombasa offices have the tendency of bragging that they are untouchable since they enjoy protection from the powerful businessman who is known to use his strong influence in the corridors of power to frustrate anybody trying to stand against his way.

    Several attempts to solve the land ownership puzzle have for many times hit a snag due to the intense frustrations and pressure meted out on the corporation through the two rogie employees.

    The tycoon known to be a close relative of Mombasa outgoing governor Ali Hassan Joho have allegedly been spotted inspecting the land at night while accompanied by the two employees, a senior accountant and an engineer, all based in Mombasa.

    Sources privy to the land scandal claim the two senior employees managed also to use their strong influence in the management of KBC Mombasa to steal the land for ownership documents including and the mother title deed, which has mysteriously disappeared from the offices without a trace.

    The rogue accountant and engineer are known to be reluctant to allow their top managers including KBC managing director Bilal Naim formerly Makau Nikko, tackle the land saga once and for once and for all.

    Sources privy to the employees  fraudulent activities claim that Naim and his management have been kept in the dark about the stolen land he documents as the suspected employees continue to play hide for and seek games.

    They would be seen strolling around the businessman’s offices and mostly Mombasa governor’s offices in pursuit of their weekly handouts. At one time, the two colluded with the businessman through the county executive under Governor Joho where they managed to frustrate the work of a team of KBC staff sent from Nairobi to come to Mombasa to investigate and find a best solution to the matter, especially those concerning the at outcry against the illegal VoK he dumpsite.

    The businessman through support of the administration is known to be using the dumpsite as an excuse to deny KBC their right to fence and develop the land. The dumpsite which was closed of and relocated to Mwakerunge and for the last six years efforts to close and relocate the dumpsite which has turned to be a serious health hazard both to local residents and tourists have been frustrated.

    The suspects are known to encourage illegal dumping of waste at the VoK site despite complaints from environmentalists and locals currently being faced with unhygienic smells currently from the ungazzeted dumpsite.

    The locals through community based organisations, including Clean Mombasa CBO have made several attempts to petition both the county and national government, and including the senate over the dumpsite, but all has ended up on deaf ear.

    Other sources said the the businessman, through the of governor’s office, had wanted KBC to allocate him three acres of the public land before he could submit to their demands for closure and relocation of the dumpsite.

    Instead, the KBC boss declined forcing the businessman to declare that he would frustrate the corporation’s his demands. The problems surrounding inc the ownership of the land started way back in early 1990s when former Mombasa mayor Taib Ali Taib according to reports seen by Kenya insights.

    The former mayor was accused of colluding with certain senior government officials at the Lands ministry to axe almost six acres of the land.

    The defunct Mombasa OD municipal council currently Mombasa county government, KBC wanted the land for construction of a bus park which never came to see the end of the day to date.

  • How Ministry of Sports Cartels Looted Funds – But with the aid of CS Amina?

    How Ministry of Sports Cartels Looted Funds – But with the aid of CS Amina?

    Sports CS Amina Mohammed is under fire over fears of uncontrolled corruption involving billions of shillings at the Sports, Arts and Social Development Fund.

    The troubled CS had earlier admitted that the Sports, Arts and Social Development Fund had collected a whopping Sh30.3 billion since it was operationalised in February 2019.

    Interestingly, in March 2019 just a month after the formation of the kitty, Uhuru Kenyatta moved Amina to the ministry of Sports where she replaced Rashid Echesa who was kicked out.

    The fund whose main source of revenue are proceeds from betting, gaming and lotteries was established to offer support to sports federations, training and technical initially collected Sh8.1 billion between February and June 2019.

    The figure drastically rose to Sh10billion in the 2019/20 financial year and facilitating Team Kenya for their under the but suspiciously dipped to a paltry Sh6.8 billion in the 2020/21 financial year.It is imperative to note that sportsmen in the country expressed hopes when in 2018 before money started trickling into the kitty, Uhuru appointed a seven-member oversight board to manage the fund, formerly the National Sports Fund formerly the National Sports Fund.

    The board is made up of five principal secretaries from the ministries of Education, Health, in National Treasury and Sports which is also the funds administrator.

    The docket came into limelight following the controversial appointment of former vice president Moody Awori as its chairman. Awori shared the same position with athletics Kenya boss Jackson Tuwei.

    Awori and Tuwei, together with other players involved, are charged with the key roles of managing the fund, preparing and submitting quarterly reports to the Finance CS. Some of the functions of the board include, developing infrastructure and facilitating Team Kenya for their national assignment.

    Standard procedure dictates that allocation federations should be accountable to impleme ning and be able to give full disclosure to the the secretariat which is monitoring the funds to avoid double payment sports, art from the fund and their international federations.

    All unutilised monies for specific functions are set out by federations the for the purposes of remitting back to  the fund, under stewardship of the board. Also, the board is to monitor and evaluate the activities and programmes heir under the fund as well as review guidelines, priorities and criteria for allocation and disbursement of funds to implementing agencies.

    The seven-member board approves a limit for funding under sports, art and culture development annually. Its other mandate is to review the annual revenue and expenditure of the fund and recommend them to the Sports CS before handing it to the Finance CS.

    But there seems to be trouble regarding accountability of billions of shillings already channeled into the docket and the board appears to be helplessly watching from a safe distance or is part of the alleged dirty deals. Recently, eyebrows were raised when a consultative meeting that was to be held last month, between the national assembly committee on sports and Amina was deferred to this month.

    The meeting was to deliberate on the operations and management of the sports fund and it emerged that the CS was out of the country on the date that she was scheduled to face specific erations of the the national assembly committee utilising members.

    However trouble started when the committee chairman Patrick Makau revealed to the committee that PS Joe Okudo had also skipped the important meeting on allegations that he was unwell.

    The irate MPs vowed to issue a summons compelling Amina and Okudo to appear before the house team and explain how billions of review shillings have been spent.

    Consequently, Luanda MP Chris Omulele tabled a question on the floor of the house inquiring on the status of utilisation of sports fund. He sought to know from Amina whether the sports fund CEO is qualified for the job or is a crook used to facilitate looting.

    It appears that billions of shillings that were meant for construction of new stadiums had been hijacked. As a highlight of possible looting of the fund, a concerned Kenyan whose stand is shared with many shocked the perceived looters when he demanded CS Amina to share a breakdown of the allocation and expenditure by the ministry and the sports, arts and development fund.

    In a letter addressed to CS Amina, Anthony Mwangi demanded for the audit following conflicting reports on the same in the mainstream media which also appears to be beneficiaries of such money in one way or another.

    “There is a general outcry and complaints by sports persons that federations have not been optimally funds received from government and other sponsors and upon inquiry federations have likewise complained and faulted the ministry of Sports together with the administrator of the sports, arts and Fund for lack of accountability,” argues Mwangi.

    Irate Mwangi particularly asked Amina, PS Okudo and the commissioner of sports to make public the amount of money deposited in the sports fund in 2020 alone.

  • Who owns Swing Investment Limited, a Local Real Estate, Property Developers company Trying to Grab Again Embattled Kenya Meteorological Dpt’s 21.04ha Land.

    Who owns Swing Investment Limited, a Local Real Estate, Property Developers company Trying to Grab Again Embattled Kenya Meteorological Dpt’s 21.04ha Land.

    Puzzles behind grabbed KMD land

    The 21.04 hectares located in Nairobi’s Industrial Area on Road B, off Enterprise Road, belong to the Kenya Meteorological Department (KMD). The land houses a meteorological station with a transmitter, generator rooms and staff quarters.

    The irregular allocation is the subject of an audit query by Auditor-General Nancy Gathungu on the accounts of the ministry for the 2019/20 financial year.

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) revoked titles for the 21.04 hectares prime land block/209/24794/81, located in the city’s industrial area on road B off Enterprise Road.

    Despite High Court revoking the land in 2020, another company, Swing Investment Company sued the Meteorological Department seeking a portion of the 21.04-hectare land.

    PAC recently summoned five companies that had earlier grabbed the land but lost it through the EACC court action.

    They had also secured title deeds. Hillbrow Properties Limited allocated itself 3.998 hectares, Brentwood Traders Limited 3.656 hectares and Pamba Properties Limited 2.968 hectares. Varun Industrial Credit Limited had 6.259 hectares while Beacon Towers Limited got 4.731 hectares.

    Hillbrow was incorporated on November 13,1995, Varun on May 11, 1995 and Pamba on January 15, 1996. Brentwood was incorporated on September 1, 1997 and Beacon on September 10, 1997.

    PAC also established that, at the incorporation of the five companies, there were two shareholders, Kantibhai Maganbhai and Harish Ashabhai Patel.

    EACC went to court in 2009 and on August 3, 2020, Environment and Land Court Judge E.O Obaga revoked the five title deeds after it established that they were fraudulently obtained. There was no appeal.

    Who could be the owner of the backing dog?

    PAC said its preliminary investigations reveal that the five companies are owned by one individual. Hillbrow Properties limited, Brentwood Traders limited, Pamba Properties limited, Varun Industrial Credit limited and Beacon Towers limited. The five private companies subdivided the 21.04-hectare land into equal portions and allocated it to themselves.

    Documents tabled before Parliament show that the five companies are owned by two individuals, Kantibhai Maganbhai and Harish Ashabhai Patel who owned 99 shares and one share respectively.

    At the incorporation of the five companies in the late 1990s, Mr Maganbhai owned majority shareholding before his death in December 2007. A third director in all the five companies Pritibala Shah, the daughter of Maganbhai, was appointed on June 15, 2007, but without any share according to the judgment.

    Despite grabbing a government land. No civil lawsuit has been taken against the musketeers. Either Untouchable or the same Government officials in the relevant institutions are cahoots. 

    Director of Meteorological Department Stella Aura and the Environment ministry legal officer Annie Syombua confirmed there have not been any criminal proceedings against Mr Maganbhai and Harish Ashabhai after they lost a bid to fraudulently claim ownership of the 21.04 hectares.

    MPs claimed there might be a wider plot by some ministry officials to collude with the owners of the companies to grab the land.

    Kenya insights can’t acertain but believe that the aforementioned campany swing ltd might be a shell of the busted landgrabbers to again grab the land. Perhaps, army barracks should be camped at the site of dispute if that’s what it takes to tame these landgrabbers. If you know you know.

    President Kenyatta had issued an executive order that the land be handed over to the housing department for the Mukuru slum upgrading project but some few moles in government agencies in cahoot with the Patels are still battling for a portion of the land.

     

  • The Mysterious Return of Energy CS Monica Juma’s Sister Rose Mkalama to Rerec Management Despite being ousted.

    The Mysterious Return of Energy CS Monica Juma’s Sister Rose Mkalama to Rerec Management Despite being ousted.

    Rose Mkalama whose first husband committed suicide under mysterious circumstances of which erupted to be as a result of domestic woes and her bitter feminism believes to be the right person for Rerec CEO and a thorn in the flesh for the current acting CEO Mbugua.

    According to our source, it’s believed that her arrogant appetite for power escalated when her sister CS Monica Juma was reshuffled from Defense ministry to Energy ministry replacing Charles Keter whom CEO Mbugua fell out with and who led to the ouster of Mkalama (then company secretary) alongside Joan Riitho (then audit manager) and Elizabeth Onoka (HR Manager) on audit reporr grounds that found them culprits of embezzlement of funds and corruption at the ministry. CEO Mbugua survived.

    Arrival of Monica Juma, her sister through backdoor brought her back to life and now on a full throttle mission to fulfil her CEO dream at Rerec despite Mbugua occupying the position.

    She feels entitled to the position at all cost with the help of her sister.

    Mkalama’s CEO Position ambitions began back when Energy CAS Zachariah Ayieko then CEO of Rerec retired and left – Ng’ang’a Munyu then rook over in acting capacity before he was confirmed. She then worked under Munyu. Later on, Munyu fell out with then CS Charles Keter, Keter in retaliation ordered for an audit of the corporation ending up suspending senior managers for the proceaa to kick off without interference eithee internal or external.

    Mkalama was among the top officials suspended. The audit had to do with schools supplied with power between 2015-2017.

    The audit report unearthed the following offences; abuse of office by the senior managers, incompetence, intimidation and gagging of staff misleading of board by management through misinformation and manipulation of data and deliberate sabotage of systems and processes, poor planning of authority projects and activities by management and loss of resources of the authority due to deliberate actions of management and /of incompetence.

    The report recommended action on CEO, Manager, internal auditor and procurement, authority secretary, ICT Manager and HR and Admin Manager. Both were expelled as named before. It’s still a mystery under what circumstance Mkalama found her way back to Rerec but the circumstance is crystal clear, nepotism. Influence of her sister, Energy CS Monica Juma.

    She has plans in place to initiate removal of CEO Mbugua and his Allies through the board of which she has  brought in Everlyne Koech Korir from State Inspectorate. Korir is also serving as Human Resource Manager at Rerec apparently.

    Koech Korir is the enstranged wife of Devolution Principal Secretary Julius Korir who came to limelight in 2020 September 17 after claims of assaults on his wife at Ndalat Road, Karen Nairobi. The PS was recently directed to appear to face charges of assault of his pregnant wife.

    At Rerec her other Allie is the finance manager David Cheruiyot who is a known sex pest at Rerec.

    Apparently the three musketeers Mkalama, Cheruiyot and Koech according to our source are frustrating the ongoing new recruitment process. Rerec has been out to fill up a number of positions being held in acting capacity.

    The three musketeers went ahead to inform EACC in a letter dated June 1, 2021 on what they term the exercise as irregular and unlawful recruitment of 248 staff. Mission is to keep the devils she knows than new angels she doesn’t know to fuel her plum CEO dream through insider coup.

    Her plan is to have puppet board members who through consensus can oust the sitting CEO for her to occupy.

    However, Mr Mbugua is not a saint as records from previous firms he has held leadership position shows. One of those struggling after Mbugua’s banditry is Unga Limited.

  • Mombasa Tycoon Fronting UDA aspirants in the Coast region.

    Mombasa Tycoon Fronting UDA aspirants in the Coast region.

    Mombasa Cement founder and Chief Executive Officer Hasmukh Patel, popularly known as Hasu Patel, is with no doubt a hero who has won many hearts through his countless philanthropic deeds for the good of the general public and the underprivileged in Mombasa county.

    The billionaire philanthropist, who is also a director at Corrugated Sheets Limited, is well known for his close relationship with locals and the needy in the society and his kindness towards the less fortunate. 

    Tycoon Hasu Bhai of Mombasa cement is behind several UDA aspirants eyeing seats in the region. Among the aspirants is Mohammed Amir, Governor Hassan Joho’s cousing who is eyeing Mombasa Senatorial position in UDA ticket.

    Hasu is said to be fronting Sanjeev Agarwal- Eye specialist and the proprietor of Mombasa Eye Hospital and Laser Centre.

    Bhai has been the one behind renovation and beautification of Mombasa round-abouts and putting up of perimeter walls around government installations and schools free of charge.

    A philanthropic act that at some point have been used by county public coffers to loot county funds.

    At the moment, Gubernatorial race is a two-horse race between Mvita MP Nassir who is Governor John’s preferred successor and two time contestant Shahbal who will battle it out for ODM Nomination. Literally who wins the ODM Nomination is entitled to win it the August polls being that Mombasa is a ODM stronghold.

  • DEC-Hanhe Consortium- The Firm Ketraco secretly awarded Ksh 1.9 billion Tender That Will cost Kenyans excess of Sh403 million.

    DEC-Hanhe Consortium- The Firm Ketraco secretly awarded Ksh 1.9 billion Tender That Will cost Kenyans excess of Sh403 million.

    A Chinese firm – China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd  has moved to court to stop a Power State agency KETRACO from proceeding with an award of Sh1.9 billion tender to a rival firm for the erection of underground power transmission cables.

    China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd says in court documents that unless the court intervenes and stops the contract, Kenyans will lose in excess of Sh403 million.

    It is not by surprise that in a similar scenario of the recent pylons sabotage that caused power outage in all parts of the country was intentional by the cartels in Ketraco and Kenya power to reap big in the tender process of new pylons procurement. Why Ketraco decided to award a firm a tender that would have been Sh. 403 million less when both the firms have the same caliber and of the same origin only means that the excess 403 million is kickback pocketed by Ketraco officials and the power cartels.

    The company says the tender price quoted by the rival firm is very high and against the principle of prudent use of public funds.

    Kenya Electricity Transmission Company (Ketraco) awarded the tender to DEC-Hanhe Consortium for Sh1.94 in contravention of clause 28 and 35 of the tender document and the constitution.

    Justice Jairus Ngaah has certified the case as urgent and the matter to be mentioned on January 25 for directions.

    Court documents show that the Chinese company offered to carry the works for Sh1.5 billion but its bid was rejected on grounds that it was non-responsive at the preliminary evaluation stage.

    The tender for the procurement of 132 KV underground cable for the Nanyuki-Rumuruti transmission line, was announced in March last year 2021. The Chinese firm says Ketraco introduced and applied an evaluation criteria not set out in the tender document.

    “The 2nd respondent (Ketraco) took into account irrelevant considerations because there was no requirement under one of the clause of the tender document that all the projects previously done by us should have been executed using the XLPE technology-a form of cable technology,” read the documents.

    The firm’s project manager Gao Li says Ketraco failed to take into account relevant considerations with respect to the tender’s technical requirements and in particular in its proposal indicating that the proposed project would be executed using the XLPE technology as the requirements in the tender document.

    He says the decision to award the tender at a much higher tender price is in violation of the constitution and “prejudices the legitimate expectations of the Kenyan taxpayers for prudent utilisation of the meagre resources and to achieve value for public funds.”

     

    Ketraco den of corruption

    Peter Maina

    Ketraco has been den of corruption with many of  its officials being prosecuted over graft every now and then. It’s not long when a top procurement executive Peter Maina Njehia at the Kenya Electricity Transmission Company (Ketraco) risked losing 40 developed properties, eight cars and millions of shillings in bank accounts linked to bribes and kickbacks for State tenders.

    The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) said the multi-million shilling assets acquired by Peter Maina Njehia in the 11 years to 2021 were the proceeds of crime and do not match his known income.

    The EACC however did not disclose the value of the real estate empire that includes rental apartments, farms for commercial agriculture and townhouses spread in Nairobi, Nakuru and Nyandarua counties. About Sh58.5 million held in several SACCO accounts under Mr Njehia’s name and that of his spouse were frozen.

    The money frozen includes Sh25.4 million worth of shares in two accounts at Stima Sacco, Sh10 million shares in Unaitas, another Sh8.2 million shares in a different account at Unaitas and Sh930,000 in a dividend account at Unaitas.

    Bruno Fernandez

    Not forgetting former MD/CEO Fernandes Barasa who is now Kakamega County gubernatorial candidate. He looted the state agency to the brink of collapse, opened a charity foundation with the wife to launder the stolen funds from Ketraco dealings and now is vying for political seat to protect his ill acquired wealth. ​

    And many more 

    Ketraco executive office​ needs whole overhaul, everyone of them should be grilled, guilty prosecuted and the innocent go home .

  • State Now Accuses Rubis Energy and Oil Marketers Association of Kenya (OMAK) for Smuggling Inn Of the 30,000MT of Oil.

    State Now Accuses Rubis Energy and Oil Marketers Association of Kenya (OMAK) for Smuggling Inn Of the 30,000MT of Oil.

    A foreplay game that elite group of oil smugglers in Rubis Energy Ltd fraternity earlier on directed their gun towards their clande Gulf-energy Ltd of which Rubis owns the subsidiary Gulf-Energy Holdings Ltd.

    Rubis Energy used Gulf energy Ltd as an escape goat for a deal gone sour and now some state officials involved are now distancing themselves to save their lucrative jobs. In a case of rumbling accomplices – friends in crime are turning enemies.

    According to insider sources, the officials at the Ministry of Petroleum and Mining offered a safe veil of shield to invisible but well-connected team code-named “elite group” to facilitate clearance of the consignment at the Port of Mombasa.

    Our sources also intimated the timing was also conducive to evade possible detection. Records show that the vessel, M/T Jag Prerana, was allowed to offload the fuel, worth billions of shillings, by officials from the Ministry of Petroleum following a request from oil marketer Gulf Energy despite the fact that it was not among the firms prequalified to bring in the commodity.

    Joseph Wafula, Chief Economist at the Ministry of Petroleum directed clearance of the consignment upon payment of the requisite levies and taxes on December 30, 2021.Charles Nyakundi, Supply and Trading Manager at Gulf Energy had written to the ministry and the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) seeking clearance for the cargo to be offloaded.

    Earlier on, 

    Appearing to be defending the cartels, Petroleum Principal Secretary Andrew Kamau said the petroleum products had been imported within the provisions of OTS.

    He added that the issues that could have arisen may be due to misunderstanding of how the OTS works among some players or even differences among themselves.He explained that the cargo in dispute was part of a tender that Gulf Energy had won earlier.

    The firm had requested the industry to allow it import in different batches.The 30,000 metric tonnes of super petrol was the second cargo.

    “Once they have been awarded the OTS tender, the modalities of delivering the products is up to the marketer. It might be through one ship or multiple ships as long as the other oil markers are in agreement. A request to deliver in more than one batches is made during the vessel scheduling meeting (VSM), which in this case was done and approval given. The quantity and price however do not change,” he said, adding that the oil marketers – including members of Omak – had representation at the VSM meeting that gave the vessel Jag Prerana the go-ahead to discharge ahead of the others.

    “I fail to understand the issues they are raising in the letter. Is it that they wanted to buy the fuel but denied the opportunity or that they did not want Gulf Energy to import?”

    He said at the OTS, the government acts as the referee in overseeing the tendering process, adding that everything else is in the hands of the oil marketers. Omak also noted that the vessel that brought the fuel displaced other ships that should be discharging petroleum products at the Kipevu Oil Terminal. This could result in supply hiccups over the coming weeks.

    Already there are reports of fuel shortage in the country. At the government-run oil facility, only one tanker can discharge at a time, and whenever vessels are waiting to discharge products, they penalise Kenyans by charging demurrage fees.

    The Kenya Ports Authority is in the final stages of building a Sh40 billion floating terminal that will allow four vessels to discharge at a go, cutting demurrage charges.

    “The vessel that should be discharging currently is the MT Sloane Square delivering gasoil and is now sitting outside while demurrage is accumulating, who will pay for this demurrage?” poses the association in the letter to PS Petroleum. It added that “Epra should not allow demurrage related to the next four vessels that have already arrived at the port of Mombasa be passed to the Kenyan consumers”.

    Sloane Square, which has been waiting to discharge since December 13, is bringing in 86,000 metric tonnes of diesel. Other vessels that are queuing to offload are MT Front Future that has 85,000 metric tonnes of super petrol, MT Alpine Confidence (78,000 metric tonnes of jet fuel) and MT Apostolos II (86,000 metric tonnes of diesel).

    Status Quo

    The controversy over the importation of some 30,000 tonnes of petrol into the country over the festive season has escalated, with the State now accusing Rubis Energy and an oil marketers’ lobby of seeking to create an artificial shortage.

    Making them the musketeers of this whole drama. Rubis Energy CEO Christian Bergeron and the Oil Marketers Association of Kenya (Omak) chairman Abdi Salaad last month wrote a protest letter to the Petroleum Ministry and the Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (Epra) saying that importation and offloading of cargo was illegal having been done outside the Open Tender System (OTS).

    But Principal Secretary for Petroleum Andrew Kamau dismissed their claims, saying they made the allegations in a bid to create an artificial shortage and trigger a security scare as motorists scampered for the limited supply of super, enough to last the anticipated outage.

    “We are therefore surprised that even after attending the Vessel Scheduling Meeting (VSM) you chose to go public alleging that this was a private cargo/illegal cargo. This kind of insincerity is not only unfair but unacceptable,” Mr Kamau said in the letter.

    “You alluded that the country was to face a stock out, which is dangerous and would cause panic buying and cause an artificial shortage.”

    VSM are meetings where industry players and the regulator plan how different ships ferrying petroleum products are lined up at the port and allowed to discharge their cargo.Gulf Energy imported the 37.5 million litres of super petrol aboard vessel MT Jag Prarena.

    The ministry says players had agreed on an emergency stock to avoid supply hitches due to increased demand over the Christmas and New Year festivities.

    Rubis Energy and Omak said that the scheduling of the vessel delayed other ships that had been lined up to offload fuel and also led to an additional Sh100 million in demurrage costs — waiting fees for delayed ships.

    Minutes of a Zoom meeting held on November 30, 2021 show that Rubis Energy attended the session where importation of the emergency stock of super petrol was part of the agenda.

    The letter is also copied to Petroleum Secretary John Munyes, Epra, Kenya Pipeline Company, the Director of Criminal Investigations and the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission. Rubis Energy had said that importation of super petrol contravened the terms and conditions of the OTS, a position that mirrored that of Omak.

    “We therefore wish to express our dissatisfaction in the way the import was planned to give undue advantage to a few OMCs (oil marketing companies) which is contrary to the OTS terms and conditions,” Mr Bergerone said in the protest letter.

    Kenya Pipeline Company, the State agency in charge of storing and distributing fuel, had last month warned of an erratic supply of super petrol in Nairobi and western Kenya due to a spike in demand over the festive period and power-related challenges on all its main lines.

    Mr Kamau defended the decision to import the cargo, saying it was meant to avoid a similar incident in 2013 when an OMC tasked with importing jet fuel failed to ship in the product, a move that exposed the country’s air transport sector.

    “The interest of the Kenyan people come first. It therefore requires a high degree of soberness to manage the oil industry today,” Mr Kamau added in the letter.

    The Petroleum Act of 2009 outlaws private imports for refined petroleum products into the country and gives powers to the Ministry of Petroleum and Epra to oversee the importation of petroleum products through the OTS.

    The system allows the lowest bidder on any given product to import on behalf of all the other oil marketing companies. The tiff pitting the ministry on one side against the French-owned Rubis Energy and Omak comes on the back of an industry meeting held last month where Total Energies, Vivo, Ola and Rubis Energy had reportedly requested additional stocks to meet a spike in demand during the festivities.

    The letter looks set to put Rubis and Omak on a collision course with the State ahead of a planned industry meeting set for Tuesday and Wednesday next week where a review of the current OTS is top on the agenda.

    “The ministry has scheduled a two days’ workshop for CEOs to be held on 25th to 26th January 2022 to review the current status of the Open Tender System (OTS) terms and conditions. This is therefore to invite you for this meeting,” Mr Kamau said in the letter.

    Who are/were the owners of Gulf Energy and their Connection Political affiliation.

    Suleiman Shahbal (right) with Raila Odinga (left)
    Suleiman Shahbal (left) with President Uhuru Kenyatta (right)

    In the takeover of Gulf Energy Holding Ltd. At least five Kenyans earned over one billion shillings in the total takeover of the Gulf Energy Holding company by the French multinational Rubis Energie .

    Rubis disclosed in its 2019 annual financial results that it spent Sh9.72 billion in acquiring Gulf Energy Holdings Limited Kenya a subsidiary of Gulf Energy.

    Mombasa Gubernatorial aspirant Suleiman Shabal was the CEO of Gulf Energy and the Founder Chairman of the Gulf African Bank earned an estimated Sh2.4 billion from the deal. Shahbal had a 25% stake in the Gulf Energy through his company, Monte Carlo Investments Limited, records from the Registrar of Companies shows.

    Francis Koome Njogu, was the Managing Director of Gulf Energy is estimated to have earned Sh1.9 billion from his 20% stake in the company. Njogu is a businessman and owner of Alba Hotel, in Meru town. Duncan King’ori Mukira who earned Sh1.2 billion from his 12.5% stake and Paul Kiprotich Limoh, a similar amount from a similar shareholding.

    The rest of the 25% stake in Gulf Energy Holdings which also earned an estimated Sh2.4 billion was owned through a company called Nama Kenya Limited, a U.K registered company that is a minority (20%) owned by a Kenyan named Ahmed Said Bajaber, who is a director at the Gulf African Bank.

    Gulf Energy is a diversified energy company in East Africa. On its website, it notes the following.

    “We source, charter, export, retail and store quality petroleum products from all over the world to various destinations in East Africa.”

    The deal was first announced in November 2019 but was given final approval on February 25th by the Competition Authority .

  • How the Seven Referral Hospitals Misappropriated Covid19 Funds – Audit Report Shows.

    How the Seven Referral Hospitals Misappropriated Covid19 Funds – Audit Report Shows.

    The country’s seven referral hospitals are on the spot for failing to properly use Sh4.6 billion to contain the spread of Covid-19.

    This comes as a special audit into the utilisation of the Covid-19 funds for the period March 13, 2020 to July 31, 2020, established irregularities in the expenditure by the referral hospitals. The irregularities include having the Covid-19 funds pay for procurements that were not related to the pandemic.

    Others had Covid funds expended on procurements made before the pandemic was first reported in the country on March 13, 2020.

    The seven referral hospitals that received the money are Kenyatta University Research and Referral Hospital (KUTRH), which received Sh1.28 billion, Kenyatta National Hospital (KNH), Sh1.26 billion, and Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital (MTRH), Sh549.5 million.

    The others are Coast General Hospital (CGH) Sh500 million, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching Referral Hospital (JOOTRH) Sh400 million, Kitui Referral Hospital Sh300 million and Mandera Referral Hospital Sh300 million.

    At KUTRH, a review of the related payment vouchers revealed that the institution had reallocated Sh12.39 million to commitments made before Covid-19 was declared in Kenya on March 13, 2020.

    “The authority to reallocate from the Covid-19 funds for these payments was not available to the special audit,” the audit says.

    Procurement

    The audit gives details of the payments and expenditure whose procurement had commenced and, in some cases, goods delivered before Covid-19 was found in the country.

    But still, payments were made using the conditional Covid grants. For instance, Sh3.3 million was used to pay for the supply and installation of the AC system at the main pharmacy store.

    This is notwithstanding that the request for the delivery was made on February 15, 2020.

    There is also Sh1.9 million that was paid from the Covid-19 fund for the supply and delivery of fridge and freezer for food storage despite the request for the supply being made on March 4, 2020 through an internal memo.

    About Sh431,500 was paid from the Covid-19 fund for desktop computers for the hospital’s CEO and board chairperson.

    The request for these goods was made on January 23, 2020 through an internal memo.

    Further, Sh408,900 was used for the installation of an AC for a clinical laboratory that was completed on January 31, 2020.

    The audit shows that Sh594,000 was spent from the kitty for the supply of iPad leather cases for the request for quotation that was done on February 5, 2020, with Sh1.9 million paid for the supply and delivery of pharmacy store racks for a request that was done on October 24, 2019.

    KUTRH is also in the soup for incurring Sh3.9 million for supply and fixing of non-slip mats despite the approval for the requisition being dated October 14, 2019.

    The bid opening and professional opinion for the supply were done on January 22, 2020.

    The document notes that the management of Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital did not provide documents to support expenditures of Sh85 million incurred in the financial year 2019/20 and Sh30 million for 2020/21.

    Special audit

    “Under the circumstances, the special audit could not confirm the lawfulness and effectiveness of an amount of Sh115 million from Own Source funds.”

    The special audit established that the hospital had only the annual work plan, procurement plan, training plan and budget for its normal hospital operations.

    On the contrary, there was no evidence of existence of approved budget, procurement plan and training plan specific to Covid-19 funds utilisation for any of their sources of the Covid-19 funds.

    KNH did not have work plans to guide the use of Sh740 million Covid funds.

    The funds include Sh490 million for Covid-19 emergency response and Sh140 million for conversion of a day-care centre to a ward for Covid-19 health workers.

    “Absence of work plans on utilisation of Covid-19 funds implies inadequate programme planning that may have resulted in inefficient and ineffective utilisation of funds resulting in value-for-money risks,” says the audit.

    The audit notes that although KNH was allocated Sh244.66 million for compensation of temporary employees engaged in Covid-19 prevention and mitigation activities, payment vouchers show that Sh263.67 million was spent, resulting in an over expenditure of Sh19.02 million.

    Mandera Referral Hospital has been fingered by the auditor-general for Sh228.91 million procurements that lacked professional opinions, contrary to the law.

    The audit established that procurements of Sh272.53 million were undertaken through Requests for Quotations (RFQs) and did not meet the threshold set under the regulations.

    The audit notes that these procurements should have been done through open tender since the amounts involved were above the RFQ threshold.

    It was also established that expenditures of Sh39.86 million was incurred.

    However, the procurement procedures had the evaluations done before opening of quotations.

    Missing documents

    The audit notes that there were missing documents like tender opening and evaluation meeting minutes and missing letters of appointments for the tender opening and evaluation committees.

    At the Coast General Hospital, the procurement file did not have evidence to show that the medical equipment supplied and delivered by M/s Surgipham Ltd at a cost of Sh11.6 million was duly inspected.

    The Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act requires an accounting officer of a procuring entity to establish an ad hoc committee — the inspection and acceptance committee to test the quality and quantity of goods delivered to confirm compliance with specifications.

    “Therefore, the special audit could not confirm whether the right quality and quantity of supplies were delivered,” reads the audit report.

    The transfer of Sh300 million from the Kitui General Hospital account to the Kitui County Government Special Purpose Account (SPA) for Covid-19 has been flagged by the special audit as irregular.

    The funds had been budgeted for under the County Supplementary II budget. According to the budget, the funds were earmarked for spending in four departments — Health, Trade, Agriculture and Education, and ICT and Youth Development.

    Source

  • Mystery Behind Rubis Energy Cartels and their Local Kenyan Elite Class Accomplices Who smuggled Inn 30,000MT of Oil into Mombasa Port.

    Mystery Behind Rubis Energy Cartels and their Local Kenyan Elite Class Accomplices Who smuggled Inn 30,000MT of Oil into Mombasa Port.

    Just like Covid19 Sputnik-V was smuggled into the country by the Healthcare sector Cabals, —Gulf Energy Ltd is reported to had sneaked inn 30,000 MT  of Oil, with the knowledge of the ‘big boys’ and  deliberately creating fuel crisis to hike prices as a ‘retaliation’ to ‘market demand’  —maximizing profit and minimizing losses but unfortunately their 40 days was long overdue before executing the plan of which would have been the biggest exploitation heist in the Petroleum industry history in Kenya and perhaps the whole world.

    The cargo —30,000 MT of oil, which was shipped in during the festive season last year 2021, was to see other marketers run out of stock leading to higher fuel prices once Sh100 million ($1 million) in additional charges incurred is passed over to Kenyans. The oil marketing companies (OMCs) who whistle blown the heist, accused the ‘big boys’ of bypassing a legal requirement that tenders for importation of refined petroleum products must be publicly advertised of which in this case wasn’t done.

    The ship carrying the product was reported to have docked at the port of Mombasa on December 30 and offloaded until Sunday, January 2, while four vessels that had reportedly gone through legal importation process were kept waiting, incurring about Sh100 million in demurrage charges.

    In protest letters to Petroleum and Mining Principal Secretary Andrew Kamau, Rubis Energy and Oil Marketers Association of Kenya (Omak) said the private importation was made by Gulf Energy on behalf of a few other marketers. Of which poses the question as to Why is Rubis Energie the complainant when it acquired Kenol Kobil which had acquired Gulf Energy? Is it to hoodwink the public?

    From insights, Gulf Energy was not acquired by Rubis Energy Ltd. They bought assets (stations & depots) from Gulf Energy. These were put under Gulf Energy Holdings Ltd. Gulf Energy Ltd continues operating independently. But this is simple “distancing”..

    Rubis abnormally continues to sell fuel at lower price than even the Government’s subsidised National oil. It goes without saying that the idea is to shut up other dealers in the country hence creating a monopoly the Kenyatta family’s milk business, known LPG Cartel, Rai family in the sugar market.

    The December 31st letter, also copied to Cabinet Secretary John Munyes, Director of Criminal Investigations George Kinoti, Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission CEO Twalib Mbarak and Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (Epra) Director-General Daniel Kiptoo, said the conduct risked sowing acrimony in the oil industry.

    The demurrage charges accumulated with regard to the delayed vessels would likely be passed over to consumers, adding onto the already high fuel prices.

    In his letter, Rubis CEO Jean-Christian Bergerone hypocritically indicated that the “illegal” importation had affected the petroleum industry. He also proposed that the cargo be shared by all the marketers.

    Since 2020, what used to be Gulf Energy and Kenol Kobil have been trading under the brand of Rubis Energy, following an acquisition that left Rubis controlling 20 per cent of Kenya’s oil market, effectively becoming the largest oil marketer.

    Rubis spent about Sh2.4 billion to rebrand Kenol Kobil and Gulf Energy. Mr Bergerone back then indicated that the marketer aimed to have rebranded a total of 250 outlets by this year.

    Rubis Energy plans to be a fully stand-alone brand in Kenya by end of this year 2022. It began rebranding 190 KenolKobil outlets and Gulf Energy’s 46 petrol stations in the country.

    The combined share now puts Rubis ahead of another French owned oil and gas brand Total, which has a 16.3 per cent share, and Vivo Energy, which enjoys a 16.1 markets share.

    Meanwhile, the global firm is counting on its strengths in the aviation industry, LPG combined with petroleum products to cement its position in Kenya.

    Rubis enjoys the lion share of JetA1 (Jet fuel) sales in Kenya, fuelling 50 per cent of airlines landing at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and the Moi International Airport in Mombasa. The country’s petroleum industry is among the most competitive in the region, with about 62 established oil marketing companies having presence in Kenya, mainly urban areas.

    There are also hundreds of independent oil dealers across the country, mainly served by the major OMCs who import bulk fuel products through the Port of Mombasa.

    The big players work closely with Kenya Pipeline Company for hullage to Nairobi and distribution to their respective storage facilities around the Industrial Area, before serving their respective service stations.

    French oil firm Rubis Energy said it had to contend with a major loss of aviation business following the near shutdown of the industry between March and August. This followed the outbreak of Covid-19. In what we believe could have been a retaliatory act of smuggling inn the oil to compensate for the loss.

    Before the acquisition, KenolKobil accounted for 15.4 per cent market share in the country, while Gulf had a 5.8 per cent share. The company said it has so far rebranded 30 of the 230 outlets to Rubis. It expects to complete the process in 2022. After the acquisition, Rubis market share as of December last year went up to 21 per cent in comparison to the then market leader, Total, which had 16.4 per cent followed by Vivo (16.2 per cent).

    KenolKobil was dominant in the jet fuel market, controlling about 68 per cent of the market then, which was pushed to about 71 per cent after merging its operations with those of Gulf Energy.

    Who owns Rubis?

    It is known, Rubis Energy is a French company but it’s not known who in Kenya is the dirty deal controller of the company.

    From this article, you’ll have to connect the dots as we cannot ascertain but we have the lead.

    Smuggling inn 30000MT of oil into the country without local authority under payroll as accomplices of the giant international company  is mission impossible. Rubis seems to be an international shell company for money laundering. Publicized Board of Management might just be tip of the Iceberg and Money laundering series Ozark can attest to that by the way.

    The cartel Accomplices can however be traced in Kenya from the operators of the Kenolkobil and Gulf energy in lias with Kenya Ports Authority officials, Petroleum and Mining ministry, Kenya Pipeline Company, Epra and Politicians.

    In their website it states, “Founded in 1990, Rubis is an independent French operator specializing in three business areas: The distribution of petroleum products (service station networks, commercial fuel oil, aviation fuel, LPG, bitumens, etc.), with operations in Europe, the Caribbean and Africa through our subsidiary Rubis Énergie; Support and services, alongside our downstream petroleum products distribution activity, with a midstream position, grouping together refining, trading-supply and shipping operations; Storage through our subsidiary Rubis Terminal, providing storage of liquid products for our customers (petroleum, chemical and agri-food products). Rubis Terminal is a leader in France and also holds operations in the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey. Since 2000, Rubis has expanded its presence across three regions, (Africa, Europe and the Caribbean) through direct investments and acquisitions. The Group has enjoyed strong, regular progress driven by organic growth, new sites and acquisitions, while also constantly improving its productivity. Rubis is now a major player in the fuels distribution business in Kenya. In March 2019, the company acquired the assets owned and operated by KenolKobil PLC, and later Gulf Energy Holdings in November 2019. The acquisitions meant that Rubis becomes a formidable competitor in the regional downstream business. Rubis Energy Kenya runs a strong network of over 230 strategically and conveniently located service stations countrywide under the Gulf Energy, Kenol, Kobil and Rubis brands. Our stations are designed for maximum convenience and safety, with focus on value-added service at the forecourt.”

    Who are/were the owners of Gulf Energy and their Connection Political affiliation.

    In the takeover of Gulf Energy Holding Ltd. At least five Kenyans earned over one billion shillings in the total takeover of the Gulf Energy Holding company by the French multinational Rubis Energie .

    Rubis disclosed in its 2019 annual financial results that it spent Sh9.72 billion in acquiring Gulf Energy Holdings Limited Kenya a subsidiary of Gulf Energy.

    Mombasa Gubernatorial aspirant Suleiman Shabal was the CEO of Gulf Energy and the Founder Chairman of the Gulf African Bank earned an estimated Sh2.4 billion from the deal. Shahbal had a 25% stake in the Gulf Energy through his company, Monte Carlo Investments Limited, records from the Registrar of Companies shows.

    Suleiman Shahbal (right) with Raila Odinga (left)
    Suleiman Shahbal (left) with President Uhuru Kenyatta (right)

    Francis Koome Njogu, was the Managing Director of Gulf Energy is estimated to have earned Sh1.9 billion from his 20% stake in the company. Njogu is a businessman and owner of Alba Hotel, in Meru town.

    Duncan King’ori Mukira who earned Sh1.2 billion from his 12.5% stake and Paul Kiprotich Limoh, a similar amount from a similar shareholding. The rest of the 25% stake in Gulf Energy Holdings which also earned an estimated Sh2.4 billion was owned through a company called Nama Kenya Limited, a U.K registered company that is a minority (20%) owned by a Kenyan named Ahmed Said Bajaber, who is a director at the Gulf African Bank.

    Gulf Energy is a diversified energy company in East Africa. On its website, it notes the following.

    “We source, charter, export, retail and store quality petroleum products from all over the world to various destinations in East Africa. The deal was first announced in November 2019 but was given final approval on February 25th by the Competition Authority of Kenya.

    There could a possibility that Gulf-energy being the victim of the expose was a shell of Rubis in this case. Gulf energy Might have been an escape goat plan should the heist go sour as it has.

    Rubis is an International brand and cant afford to be mud-slang in any way hence getting vulnarable to their enemies like Total Energy and Vivo Energy in Kenya and the international market at large. 

  • How Former Vision 2030 CEO Mugo Kibati Might Have Colluded With Officials in Ministry of Energy In Lake Turkana Wind Power Project Tender Under Investigation.

    How Former Vision 2030 CEO Mugo Kibati Might Have Colluded With Officials in Ministry of Energy In Lake Turkana Wind Power Project Tender Under Investigation.

    Mugo Kibati was director general for Vision 2030 secretariat from 2009 and 2013. This was the same time Lake Turkana Wind Power (LTWP) was incorporated as a Vision 2030 flagship project. Apparently, documents being reviewed by Parliamentary Public Investment Committee indicate that Mr Kibati is a chairman of the company’s board – LTWP and also Telco giant Telkom CEO.

    A special audit report done by deputy auditor general Fredrick Odhiambo revealed that the lease agreement was given to the Lake Turkana Wind Power before the company was incorporated while Mr. Kibati was in charge. It buffles how the Energy ministry granted the private investor exclusive rights to survey the project area before the lease agreement.

    The payments for the multi-billion-shillings project were made in four tranches from June to September, last year, but the firm’s directors before the PIC told the MPs they have waited for one year for bank account details to deposit the refund to the Kenya government of which there’s a suspicion of possible collision – accomplice between Energy ministry and Kenya Power officials who could be pocketing interest earned on the cash, if all the money is still available.

    According to documents seen by Kenya Insights, the company that implemented the Wind Farm located in Loiyangalani was supposed to be paid 39.826 million Euros but it received 45 million Euros.

    There is ongoing probe into the overpayment, massive conflict of interest on the part of government officials led by Mugo Kibati who were linked to the project that comprises 365 wind turbines each with a capacity of 850kW and a high voltage substation.

    It is to be establish who authorised the excess payments and why the company has refused to refund the money to Kenya Power one year later. Reason as to why they have not wired the money despite getting details of the account to deposit the cash and why it took the Ministry of Energy and the management of KPLC one year to provide details of the account to deposit the refund raises alarm.

    This article will be updated as more information continue to trickle inn.​

  • Mysteries of McKinsey & Company, the firm Kenya Power Intended to Hire as Management Consultant and why it flopped.

    Mysteries of McKinsey & Company, the firm Kenya Power Intended to Hire as Management Consultant and why it flopped.

    The government shot down a proposal by Kenya Power to single-source three international legal and consultancy firms the utility company had picked to review expensive power purchase agreements (PPAs) blamed for high consumer bills.

    Government’s reason for the red flag on McKinsey might have just been lame from the bull’s eye target shot.

    Members of the Energy committee, who probed the PPAs, questioned why KPLC wanted to bring in the international experts at the time the taskforce was conducting a invetigations into the PPAs. That was so lame, having conducted indepth analysis and research of the international firm which has left dirty tracable marks in every job done and it’s not like Kenya power did not do background check when proposing and settling on McKinsey and Company management consultancy firm. Seems Kenya Power cartels are still full throtle in control and McKinsey was to be their milking cow once again should it have been green-lighted.

    Kenya Power’s decision to seek the services of the experts followed the March 21 decision by President Uhuru Kenyatta to appoint a taskforce to review PPAs signed between Kenya Power and all electricity generators with a goal of renegotiating the energy prices and other terms downwards. The 15-member team, chaired by boardroom veteran John Ngumi recommended a number of reforms including renegotiation of all PPA’s contracts that Kenya Power has signed with electricity producers that also dictate modes of engagement, including payment.

    John Ngumi’s influence.

    For introduction, John Ngumi is a persona- non-granta in Tanzania following CFC Stanbic Bank’s East Africa investment Sh600million bribery scandal. Attempted to launder Sh.11billion from Kenya Pipeline Cooperation in lias with KPC CEO Joe Sang using a company called Zakhem International. Next sucessful loot attempt at KPC as he was the Chair was Sh.1billion which he allegedly used  Aero Dispensers Limited and Thermo Dynamic General Supplies shell companies.

    In 2018, this fellow airlifted a bevy of beauties to Mombasa on taxpayers money. Instead of being sacked, he was given another term. He turned KPC  a den of corruption and looting.

    Being President’s favourite, got appointed to chair the taskforce to review IPP’s contracts and the crumbling Kenya power, Kenya insights is convinced that he is the force behind lobby for McKinsey and Company firm.

    Meanwhile, the proposals that are expected to reduce the cost of power by 33 percent – from Sh24 per unit of electricity to Sh16 per unit by December this year. Kenya Power signed contracts committing it to take more electricity than it can sell, leaving it to pay onerous capacity charges to energy producers even when their plants are idle. Mr Howard Barrie and Mr Jude Kearney were to be hired to advise KPLC and the Presidential Taskforce on the review of the PPAs and the renegotiation strategy. PWC was to undertake financial analysis of PPAs, McKinsey was to be hired as management consultant while Boston Consulting Group was to offer the taskforce “a wealth of cross-cultural experience.”

    List of Scandals that McKinley have been involved in.

    1. Enron scandal

    Enron was the creation of Jeff Skilling, a McKinsey consultant of 21 years, who was jailed after Enron reportedly used McKinsey on 20 different projects, and McKinsey consultants had “used Enron as their sandbox

    2. Valeant

    Valeant, a Canadian pharmaceutical company investigated by the SEC in 2015, has been accused of improper accounting, and that it used predatory price hikes to boost growth. The Financial Times states that “Valeant’s downfall is not exactly McKinsey’s fault but its fingerprints are everywhere.” Three out of six senior executives were recent ex-McKinsey employees, as well as the chair of the ‘talent and compensation’ committee.

    3. Rikers Island jail complex

    New York City paid McKinsey $27.5 million between 2014 and 2017 to reduce prison assaults in Rikers Island; but the violence grew and the city abandoned many of the firm’s recommendations.

    The consultancy’s alleged failings included not soliciting the views of inmates or clinic staff; using an encrypted messaging app that deletes messages, allegedly to avoid transparency; initiatives involving the expanded use of Tasers, shotguns and K9 patrol dogs; replacing troublesome inmates with more accommodating ones in the test area, which skewed the data in favor of the project; the use of ineffective data-analytics software; and spreadsheet errors that inflated the baseline rate of violence, against which the project was measured

    4. Role in opioid epidemic

    McKinsey advised opioid makers on how to “turbocharge” sales of OxyContin, propose strategies to counter the emotional messages from mothers with teenagers that overdosed on OxyContin, and help opioid makers circumvent regulation.

    The firm also advised Purdue Pharma to offer pharmacies rebates based on the number of overdoses and addictions they caused. In February 2021, McKinsey reached agreements with attorneys general in 49 states, five U.S. territories, and the District of Columbia. Across the settlements, the firm agreed to pay nearly $600 million to settle investigations into its role in promoting sales of OxyContin

    Controversial clients and association with authoritarian regimes

    1. Role in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)

    McKinsey stopped working for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)after it was disclosed that the firm had done more than $20 million in consulting work for the agency. McKinsey managing partner Kevin Sneader said the contract, not widely known within the company until The New York Times reported it, had “rightly raised” concerns. In 2019, The New York Times and ProPublica reported on newly uncovered documents which showed that McKinsey, as part of its work with ICE, proposed cuts in spending on food and medical care for migrants.

    McKinsey also advocated for an acceleration of the deportation process, causing concerns among ICE staff that the due process rights of the migrants would be violated. Previously, McKinsey managing partner, Kevin Sneader, had claimed that McKinsey had done no work for ICE in terms of developing and implementing immigration policy; the uncovered documents showed that to be false.

    2. Role in Saudi clampdown on dissidents

    In October 2018, in the wake of the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi dissident and journalist, The New York Timesreported that McKinsey had identified the most prominent Saudi dissidents on Twitter and that the Saudi government subsequently repressed the dissidents and their families. One of the dissidents was arrested. Another dissident’s family members were arrested, and the cell phone of the dissident was hacked.

    McKinsey issued a statement, saying “We are horrified by the possibility, however remote, that [the report] could have been misused. We have seen no evidence to suggest that it was misused, but we are urgently investigating how and with whom the document was shared.” In December 2018, The New York Timesreported that “the kingdom is a such a vital client for the firm — the source of nearly 600 projects from 2011 to 2016 alone — that McKinsey chose to participate in a major Saudi investment conference in October 2018 even after the killing and dismemberment of a Washington Post columnist by Saudi agents.”

    On February 12, 2019, the European Parliament Greens/EFA group presented a motion for a resolution on the situation on women’s rights defenders in Saudi Arabia denouncing the involvement of foreign public relations companies in representing Saudi Arabia and handling its public image, particularly McKinsey & Company.

    3. Support of authoritarian regimes

    McKinsey’s business and policy support for authoritarian regimes came under scrutiny in December 2018, in the wake of a lavish company retreat in China held adjacent to Chinese government internment camps where thousands of Uyghurs were being detained without cause. In the preceding few years, McKinsey’s clients included Saudi Arabia’s absolute monarchy,Turkey’s autocratic leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, ousted former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, and several Chinese and Russian companies under sanctions.

    4. South African corruption scandal

    The Gupta family had strategically placed corrupted individuals in various South African government, utilities and infrastructure sectors. It is alleged that McKinsey was complicit in this corruption by using the Guptas to obtain consulting contracts from certain state-owned enterprises, including Eskom and Transnet.

    Working with Trillian Capital Partners (a consultancy which was owned by a Gupta associate),they provided services to the value of R1 billion ($75 million) annually. Trillian was paid a commission for facilitating the business for McKinsey.

    McKinsey hired law firm Norton Rose Fulbright to carry out an internal investigation over the allegations. McKinsey’s then Managing Partner, Dominic Barton, issued a statement following an internal investigation, in which the firm “admitted that it found violations of its professional standards but denied any acts of bribery, corruption, and payments to Trillian.” Corruption Watch, a South African non-governmental organization, filed a complaint about the controversial contract to the US Department of Justice, alleging that there was a criminal conspiracy between McKinsey, Trillian and Eskom in contravention of US and South African law.

    It was revealed in January 2018 that criminal complaints were filed against McKinsey & Company by the South African Companies and Intellectual Property Commission. South African prosecutors confirmed that they would enforce the seizing of assets from McKinsey.

    South Africa’s National Prosecuting Authority concluded in early 2018 that the payments to McKinsey and its local business partner, Trillian, were illegal, involving crimes such as fraud, theft, corruption and money laundering. McKinsey had subsequently been in discussion with Eskom and the National Prosecuting Authority’s Asset Forfeiture Unit to agree on a transparent, legally appropriate process for returning the R1-billion (US$74m) it had been paid – it was confirmed on 6 July 2018 that this had been concluded.Eskom confirmed it received R99.5 million in interest from McKinsey on July 23, 2018.

    The interest payment covers the two years since McKinsey was paid almost R1-billion in 2016. Information relating to allegedly corrupt practices by McKinsey at Transnet in 2011 and 2012 came to light in late July 2018. The weekly Mail & Guardian newspaper reported that a “…new forensic treasury report shows how controversial former Transnet and Eskom chief financial officer Anoj Singh enjoyed overseas trips at the expense of international consulting firm McKinsey, which scored multi-billion rand contracts at the state owned entities.” The “…report reiterates treasury’s recommendations that Singh’s conduct with regards to McKinsey should be referred to the elite crime-fighting unit, the Hawks, for investigations under the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act (Precca).

    Under Precca, Singh would be investigated for allegations of corruption as payment for the overseas trips alone would constitute a form of gratification, which is illegal.” The Sunday City Press reported that the forensic report in turn reported that “multinational advisory firm McKinsey paid for Singh to go on lavish international trips to Dubai, Russia, Germany and the UK, after which their contract with Transnet was massively extended.” McKinsey issued a statement that the allegations were incorrect. McKinsey stated that “based on an extensive review encompassing interviews, email records and expense documents, our understanding is that McKinsey did not pay for Mr. Singh’s airfare and hotel lodgings in connection with the CFO Forum and the meetings that took place around the CFO Forum in London and elsewhere in 2012 and 2013.”

    On 11 October 2019 the United States Treasury department announced that it had imposed wide-ranging financial sanctions on three Gupta brothers, Ajay, Atul and Rajesh (aka Tony) and their business associate Salim Essa under the United States Magnitsky Act.

    The Economist reported in November 2019, that McKinsey’s scandals, such as the 2016 South Africa scandal and the allegations of conflict of interest tied to its $12.7bn investment affiliate, McKinsey Investment Office (MIO), are relatively recent in terms of its long history.

    The article said that McKinsey’s legal challenges facing McKinsey’s new global managing partner, Kevin Sneader, may be related to the company’s fast-paced growth with an increase of 2,200 partners compared to 2009. During that same time period, the number of employees increased to 30,000 worldwide from 17,000.

    In 2020 McKinsey representatives giving testimony to the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into State Capture placed blame for the firm’s involvement in the corruption scandal on former McKinsey partner, Vikas Sagar.

  • Did CBK’s Ex-Governor Prof. Njuguna Ndung’u Aid Shah Brothers Of The Fallen Charterhouse Bank In Money Laundering And Tax Evasion?

    Did CBK’s Ex-Governor Prof. Njuguna Ndung’u Aid Shah Brothers Of The Fallen Charterhouse Bank In Money Laundering And Tax Evasion?

    Peter George Odhiambo, the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) spy who disguised as internal auditor revealed tax evasion and money laundering of at least $573 million (Sh64.2 billion) through the Charterhouse bank.

    In his affidavit supporting the claim, former managing director of the collapsed Charterhouse Bank, Sanjay Shah claimed that during an inspection of Charterhouse Bank’s operations, inspectors suggested that the lender hires an internal auditor, before recommending Mr Odhiambo.

    As managing director, Sanjay asked Mr Odhiambo to formally apply for the job and not only became the lender’s internal auditor, but also wound up blowing the whistle on a tax evasion and money laundering network at the bank. Among Mr Odhiambo’s referees was Titus Mwirigi, a CBK investigator who would assist him reveal one of the biggest money laundering and tax evasion networks in Kenya’s history. Mr Odhiambo in 2005 handed over information on at least 85 accounts at Charterhouse Bank whose owners were suspected to have been involved in evading taxes worth billions, while anonymously laundering illicit funds.

    Among the clients that moved large sums of money were retailers Nakumatt and Tuskys. Tuskys moved Sh4.3 billion through its accounts at Charterhouse Bank until 2003. The money was undeclared in Tuskys’ books of accounts, indicating possible money laundering and tax evasion.

    By the time Charterhouse Bank was closed, Tuskys had Sh66 million left in its accounts. The investigations would reveal that the retailer’s directors ran 75 undeclared accounts at Charterhouse Bank. Nakumatt stashed Sh33.3 billion at Charterhouse Bank, mostly undeclared sales. By the time the CBK struck, Nakumatt only had Sh108 million in its accounts.

    When the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) announced on May 7 that it was liquidating Charterhouse Bank, a nexus for many of the country’s biggest financial sins and sinners, many thought that the regulator had written the final chapter in the lender’s controversy-ridden book.

    Status Quo

    Apparently, Sanjay Shah and his brother Monaj, half of the collapsed lender’s board of directors, have forced in a final chapter by suing the government investigative and regulatory bodies for closure of the bank 15 years ago. The Shah brothers hope that the extra chapter in Charterhouse Bank’s story will lead to a sequel, as they want the courts to give them control of the collapsed lender alongside a taxpayer-funded Sh89.3 billion compensation package for what they term an irregular and unfair closure of their controversial outfit.

    The Shahs have claimed Sh3.07 billion in customer deposits stuck at the lender when it shut operations and Sh3.7 billion in loss of expected income. They claim that the bank is valued at Sh82 billion and want compensation to that effect.

    The CBK, Kenya Deposit Insurance Corporation (KDIC), National Police Service, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and Attorney-General Paul Kihara Kariuki have asked the courts to hand the Charterhouse story an codicil by dismissing the case, insisting that the lender was rightly shut down.

    Sanjay and Monaj do not indicate why their brothers Artur and Manish, who were also directors of Charterhouse Bank, have not joined the suit as co-plaintiffs. They, however, argue that the suit has been filed on behalf of all directors.

    The Four Shah brothers

    The four Shah brothers owned 43.8 per cent of the bank through their Liechtenstein-registered Ram Trust. They held another 21.7 per cent through Proudview Investments, a shell company registered in the British Virgin Islands.

    Another of their shell corporations registered in Belize, Foreman Corporation, owned 21.7 per cent. Nakumatt Supermarkets also owned an undisclosed number of shares at Charterhouse Bank. The Shah brothers also owned the Kingsway Group, a business they inherited from their father Ramniklal Shah. This means that the Shah brothers owned at least 87 per cent of Charterhouse Bank, despite Kenyan laws limiting individual ownership of lenders to 25 per cent.

    Link with Former CBK Governor Njuguna Ndung’u

    The Shah brothers have in the case dropped a bombshell by claiming that former CBK governor Njuguna Ndung’u had agreed to reopen Charterhouse Bank and hand its control back to the Shah family.

    The brothers argue that CBK’s move to liquidate the bank, announced in May this year is a violation of a valid and legally enforceable agreement for reopening of the collapsed lender.

    Prof Ndung’u served as CBK governor between 2007 and 2015 and evaded Graft charges and public prosecution several times with one being a Sh1.2 billion tender for security surveillance at CBK—a case that took 3 years to be acquitted off the charges for irregular malpractises by the appelate court after tug of war in the Judiciary with colluding orders out of conflict of interests.

    Under the agreement signed on August 31, 2009, the CBK agreed to grant Charterhouse Bank an operation licence, notify the Kenya Bankers Association of the move, issue a press release on the reopening and give the maximum possible regulatory support to the lender’s operations.

    “During the term of Prof Njuguna Ndung’u as the governor and chief executive officer of the CBK, faced with the circumstances upon which the manager was appointed, he found injustice and decided that the appropriate manner to resolve the matter was to reopen the bank under a restructured management and that it be handed over to its lawful directors,” Sanjay says in court papers.

    “It is unjust and unfair for the CBK to be allowed to depart, renege and resile from its previous formal position, obligations and undertakings to the detriment of Charterhouse Bank Limited, its directors and depositors more so where Charterhouse Bank Limited and its directors have complied with their obligations under the restructuring agreement dated August 31, 2009,” Sanjay adds.

    In seeking reopening of the bank, the Shah brothers claim that the KDIC, which inherited the Deposit Protection Fund’s mandate in line with the 2010 constitution, has illegally managed Charterhouse Bank since 2008.

    The CBK placed Charterhouse Bank under statutory management on June 23, 2006 for a period of a year. At the end of the period, the Deposit Protection Fund successfully sought a one-year extension of its term from the courts.

    The Shah brothers say that no other extension has ever been sought or granted in court, hence the DPF and KDIC have been illegally managing the collapsed lender’s affairs since 2008.

    Rose Detho, the former CBK director who managed Charterhouse Bank on behalf of the regulator and the DPF, says that the lender was shut down to protect the interests of depositors and avoid panic withdrawals by depositors. Ms Detho says that after being given control of Charterhouse Bank’s affairs, she ordered for an audit of the lender’s operations, which revealed several violations of the Banking Act related to defying of KYC policies, aiding of money laundering and tax evasion.

    The Shah brothers have not denied the existence of the Banking Act violations, Ms Detho adds. Ms Detho insists that the 2009 restructuring agreement that could have revived Charterhouse Bank had an arbitration clause for resolution of any disputes, and that any claims from the deal are outside the 12-year window provided by law.

    “This honourable court lacks jurisdiction to hear, determine or entertain any issues arising from the restructuring agreement since the same are subject to an arbitration clause. The matters relating to the restructuring agreement are in the event, time barred. Notwithstanding the foregoing, and without prejudice threreto, I verily believe that the plaintiff and the directors of the bank failed to perform their obligations under the restructuring agreement,” Ms Detho says.

    “In particular, pursuant to clause 4.0 of the restructuring agreement, the plaintiffs were required to withdraw all the pending court cases that had been filed against the CBK and I, but to date they have failed to do so. Further, a banking licence was never issued to the bank, with the result that the restructuring agreement was not capable of being implemented,” Ms Detho says.

    CBK Cartels

    So entrenched and powerful were the cartels within the bank that Parliament was later told that the new CBK Governor, Dr Andrew Mullei, was thrown out in 2006 for recommending  the closure of the bank for allegedly helping some companies evade taxes amounting to Sh18 billion.

    Interestingly, it was Dr Mullei who was charged with abuse of office and suspended from office over irregular hiring of a task force which the Minister for Finance, Mr Amos Kimunya, said was a “coincidence”.

    “This is a very serious matter. I sympathise with my friend the minister for Finance. If you look back to determine the time which the Governor was suspended, it is very suspicious…”

    Initially, Charterhouse bank was started as a family business, sharing directors with Kingsway Group via holding company Ram Trust. The directors were Manish Shah, Manoj Shah, Artur Shah and Sanjah Shah.

    Ram Trust  was named after the father of Kingsway Tyres, the late Ramniklal P. Shah – commonly known as Ram – who in 1962 opened a small shop along the then Kings Way (now University Way) to sell tyres.

    By the time the bank was closed, Ram Trust was thought to own 43.8 per cent of Charterhouse Bank but further investigations found that Manoj Shah and his brothers owned over 54 per cent shareholding. This was in violation of the Banking Act, which restricts ownerships by a party to a maximum of 25 per cent.

    Registered offshore in the billionaire tax haven of Liechtenstein, which is favoured by billionaires thanks to banking secrecy and security, Ram Trust was used by Sanjay, Manoj and Manish to hide their loot.

    They had also registered another shell company in British Virginia, Proudview Investments, which owned 21.7 per cent of Chaterhouse Bank. Another company, Foreman Corporation, was registered in the Caribbean nation of Belize, and owned 21.74 per cent shareholding in Charterhouse Bank. As such, Charterhouse would normally transfer huge amounts to these perceived owners while also witnessing large inward and outward telegraphic transfers.

    Money laundering suspicion

    In 2001, the bank had been involved in the controversial Sh2 billion transfer that was credited to Crucial Properties Limited, associated with a Nairobi businessman, Mr Humphrey Kariuki.

    The transfer had grabbed the attention of the local police and the US Federal Bureau of Investigations after the money was wired from Liechtenstein. But when Central Bank froze Crucial Properties’ accounts, Mr Kariuki went to the High Court and was allowed to withdraw Sh300 million. He later fought the money laundering suspicion and on May 10, Justice Samuel Oguk lifted the freezing orders, allowing Mr Kariuki to withdraw the money.  Within hours, and before the Attorney-General could appeal the order, Mr Kariuki had withdrawn Sh1.6 billion.

    Later, Justice Oguk refused to order investigations into the withdrawal, blaming Attorney-General Amos Wako for the delay in presenting his application to the court. With the closure of the bank, a few years later, the Departmental Committee on Finance, Planning, Trade and Tourism chaired by then Finance assistant minister Oburu Oginga recommended the opening of the bank and threatened to censure the CBK Governor.

    There were many attempts from the floor of the House, and from interested parties, to try and force CBK to reopen the bank as it was the medium of money laundering and tax evasion.

    Then CBK Governor Njuguna Ndung’u seems to had a lucrative deal with the Shah brothers but deal went sour as perhaps Njuguna’s hands got tied as he was on the spot over alot of other irregularities and malpractices that could’ve easily pinned him down.

    Impeccable sources say the deep state and state operatives threatened to revive Ndungu’s corrupt past when he was the CBK boss between 2007 and 2015.

    Ndungu’s corruption history is as long as ancient Egyptian history and that is why State operatives threatened to revive the cases and send him to Kamiti Maximum Prison.

    One of the cases that state operatives threatened to revive is a Sh1.2 billion controversial security tender that Ndung’u awarded to Horsebridge Network Systems in 2012.

    The other case is where Ndungu’s wife, Wanjiru, was among the suspects who played a big role in the multi-billion shilling accounting fraud that felled Imperial Bank.

    Sanjay Shah played a crucial role in the collapse and voting to dissolve Nakumatt Supermarket. He, Sanjay Shah, no matter how ‘clean’ he pretends to be currently, the mention of Nakumatt should not leave out his name in the USD1.5 billion (Sh153 billion) Charterhouse bank collapse.
    It is now common knowledge that Charterhouse Bank allegedly aided Nakumatt, to evade tax and to launder money.

    According to Wikileaks, estimates are that the country lost approximately US$240 million (sh24 Billion) in taxes over a period of five years. Nakumatt is alleged to have under-declared sales to report trading losses for years. Curiously, in spite of the losses, the supermarket chain expanded, opening numerous new stores countrywide.

    Charterhouse Bank is alleged to have flouted know-your-customer principles by allowing the supermarket chain to open accounts under fictitious names, which were then used to launder receipts. Other companies linked to Nakumatt as well as its lawyers, are said to have been some of the bank’s biggest depositors, according to ISS Cape Town.

    Inside the world of Sanjay Shah, everybody was corrupted including the defunct Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (precursor to EACC); it took the intervention of then US Ambassador Michael Ranneberger in 2011.
    KACC (now EACC) issued a clean bill of health to the bank on numerous occasions.

    In its report, Africa Centre for Open Governance also hit out at the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK), the financial services sector regulator, for failing to detect Charterhouse’s dubious operations for more than seven years ending 2004.

    Huge sums of money were being transacted inside Charterhouse bank enough to catch the attention of CBK, but the regulator seems to have turned a blind eye on it.

    It is not rocket science that then CBK Governor Prof. Njuguna Ndung’u faced corruption charges over his alleged role in the award of a Sh1.2 billion tender to a private company and in which the Kenyan public lost Sh400 million.

    The greed for money by CBK governors was a clear sign why Charterhouse bank succeeded to run a scam for far too long, Though Prof. Ndung’u was not in the eye of the Charthouse Bank storm, his predecessor Anrew Mullei was.

    Dr Mullei left the position entangled in the web of controversy involving procurement of forensic services to investigate alleged crimes at Charterhouse Bank. He had appointed four people to the forensic investigations, one of whom was his son.

    Reformed Sanjay Shah?

    In the Charterhouse Bank money laundering scheme, the crooks led by Sanjay Shah exploited the loopholes that were there in the law. Before 2009, Kenya didn’t have Anti-Money Laundering (AML) laws, however, tax evasion laws were in place.

    Tax Evasion, money laundering of proceeds of drug business and possible terrorist links apart from creative accounting were some of the sins of Sanjay Shah led Charterhouse bank.

    Initially, we had mentioned a company by the name W. E. Tilley as one of the tax evasion and money laundering sister-firms to Charterhouse Bank, see how it was used in Nakumatt.

    According to an expose’ in September 2007, the criminal enterprise of Sanjay Shah not only included Supermarket chain Nakumatt, it also had Tusker Mattresses, John Harun Group, Kingsway Tyres, W.E Tilley (Muthaiga) Ltd, Creative Innovations, and Kariuki Maigua and Company Advocates.

    In 2006, then shadow Finance Minister Billow Kerrow, now retired from politics, tabled documents in parliament that showed blatant and widespread tax evasion by the above mentioned companies over a period of six years.

    All these companies were found to be linked to Nakumatt Holdings. “This is an extension group of allied accounts that were identified but not fully examined. They are undoubtedly involved in significant tax evasion if not other economic crimes,” the report said.

    The report pointed out that Nakumatt supermarkets, for instance, was performing 20 times better than Uchumi Supermarkets – that collapsed around 2006 – yet paid less taxes than Uchumi. While Uchumi was paying between sh500 million and Ksh600 million per annum in VAT Nakumatt was only paying between sh33 million and Ksh85 million per annum.

    “It should be noted that Nakumatt has never shown a profit to date; always loses. Its VAT payments are between Sh33 and sh85 million per annum. Uchumi pays sh500 to sh600 million per annum. As Nakumatt’s turnover is much higher than Uchumi, you would expect corporation tax and VAT to be in the range of Ksh1.8 to sh2.5 billion per annum,” said a report that CBK governor then, Dr. Andrew Mullei sent to finance minister then David Mwiraria.

    Former Finance minister David Mwiraria in 2004 formed a task force with officers from the EACC, the CBK, the Kenya Revenue Authority and the Department of Governance and Ethics from the Office of the President, which authored an interim report implicating the bank and Mr Shah in the scam.

    This chain of the scam did not leave behind Businessmen Shailesh Prajapati and Paolo Sattanino and the now Advocate for Nakumatt, lawyer Kariuki Muigua, through his company Kariuki Muigua & company Advocates if the recent report by independent auditor Parker Randall is anything to go by.

    Sanjay Shah led CharterHouse Bank, the report said, abated the questionable activities of the suspect firms. The bank, the report points out, operated multiple accounts for some of its clients, an alarm bell sign for money laundering and tax evasion. Some of these accounts had been opened without signing of opening forms, the report says.

    According to Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) report, Charterhouse Bank was closely linked with Nakumatt and its branches were located inside the supermarket’s stores. Nakumatt had a common shareholding with the bank.

    Remember, Nakumatt Holdings had Sh123 million in accounts at Charterhouse Bank at the time it collapsed over claims of money laundering.

    The loot

    Atul Shah, his son Ankoor Shah and Sanjay Shah are directly involved in the Nakumatt’s collapse. While Atul and son Ankoor are accused of writing off stock worth Sh18 billion in May 2018, just weeks before the company ground to a halt; accessing and failing to refund interest-free loans amounting to Sh1 billion from the retail chain at a time when the stores were struggling to repay its suppliers, landlords and other creditors, Mr Sanjay Shah ensured that their investments such as a Sh2 billion property in Nairobi owned by Collogne, Park View Shopping Arcade (Sh600 million), a Sh220 million plot in Westland under Nakumatt Investments, an office block valued at Sh350 million in Mombasa and River View Plaza, which is worth Sh200 million blossoms.

    This investment happened at a time Nakumatt owed DTB Sh3.6 billion, Standard Chartered Sh900 million, KCB Sh1.9 billion, Bank of Africa Sh328 million, UBA Sh126 million and GT Bank Sh104 million.

    The assets are in no doubt linked to Atul Shah and other related entities such as Collogne Investment Limited, Nakumatt Investment Ltd, River View Plaza and Park View Shopping Arcade among others as indicated in a report by Nakumatt administrator Peter Kahi.

  • Sh.165million Legal Fees That’s Endangering Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC).

    Sh.165million Legal Fees That’s Endangering Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC).

    Payment of Sh165 million to lawyers handling several cases relating to the new Sh48 billion oil pipeline has put KPC on the PIC spotlight. 

    The KPC has paid four top law firms the money to represent it in a case involving Sh4.4 billion that a Lebanese contractor is demanding for operational delays in the building of the Mombasa-Nairobi pipeline.

    Zakhem International Construction (ZIC) filed a case in the High Court in 2019 against KPC following a dispute that arose on the contract signed between the two parties. The case was initially progressed by a consortium of two firms, Robson Harris & Munga Kibanga but the High Court issued a partial award to ZIC in June 2020 for $44 million (Sh4.4 billion) for four extensions of time (EOT) claims. As a result of the court award of Sh4.4 billion to Zakhem, KPC hired legal services to mount a stay of execution pending appeal and subsequently engaged senior lawyers to strengthen its case against the Sh4.4 billion award.

    According to documents tabled before PIC by Alex Gitari, the KPC managing director shows that the State Corporation hired Ngatia and Associates, Kihara and Wyne Advocates and MMA Advocates LLP to back up the consortium of Robson Harris and Munga Kibanga.

    The consortium had filed three cases against the Zakhem award. As a result, KPC has so far paid the consortium of Robson Harris and Munga Kibanga Sh128.4 million while Ngatia and Associates has pocketed Sh15.98 million.

    Kihara and Wyne Advocates has received Sh20.5 million while MMA Advocates LLP has so far been paid Sh45 million. KPA owes MMA advocates a balance of Sh45 million.

    The law firms filed three applications at the High Court to stay the execution pending appeal and subsequently, the filling of a substantive Appeal against the precipitate award.

    “The company in a bid to strengthen its legal representation engaged a Senior Counsel (Bobson Harris & Munga Kibanga) who took over the cases but left in January 2021 forcing KPC to engage another firm, M/s Kihara & Wayne who are currently on record for KPC for all ZIC matters that stemmed from the initial suit filed by ZIC,” Mr Gitari said.

     

  • Diamond Trust Bank Defies NEMA order to discontinue construction on a Riparian land.

    Diamond Trust Bank Defies NEMA order to discontinue construction on a Riparian land.

    Despite an order by National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) on 6/09/2021 to stop Diamond Trust Bank (DTB) from constructing its perimeter wall along a riparian area in Limuru Road, Nairobi- DTB is on course in full throttle. Begging the questions as to whose powerful upper hand do they have in NEMA that’s protect them from jaws of justice after defying laws of the land.

    According to observations done by NEMA on the site of construction which is considered Riparian;

    1. There’s no evidence of environmental impact assessment license for the wall

    2. There’s no evidence of riparian pegging from WRA

    3. The workers at the site, twenty three in number had no Personal Protective Gears (PPEs).

    DTB Ltd was ordered with immediate effect on 6/09/2021 to stop construction at the site and report the following day to NEMA office with necessary compliance documents for review and further instructions and only continue when they obtain the environmental impact assessment license.

    It turns out, according to our source that the construction at the site is ongoing despite jeopardizing ecosystem.
    They must be stopped.

  • Despite Delinking From Harun Aydin, Equity Bank Loaned A Renowned Ugandan Charlatan In Vaccine Deal.

    Despite Delinking From Harun Aydin, Equity Bank Loaned A Renowned Ugandan Charlatan In Vaccine Deal.

    Ugandan tycoon Matthias Magoola of Dei Pharmaceuticals Company is the businessman who Deputy President William Ruto negotiated a Sh15 billion loan from Equity Bank using the single phone call to the bank’s managers in Nairobi, as lightly approved by the CEO during interrogations by the parliamentary committee.

    What passed many in the whole saga as the bank fought relentlessly to distance themselves from Turkish citizen, a suspected terrorist and declared money launderer Harun Aydin, is yet another well documented money launderer and fraud Ugandan businessman, Matthias Magoola, who had seen the chance given Ruto’s links and good relations with Uganda’s dictator Museveni to strike a money laundering deal using the COVID-19 vaccination plant, a project that was hurriedly launched without any feasibility study done. It wasn’t meant to materialize, it was meant purely to launder cash before the Kenyan intelligence agencies got ahead of the deal and put a stop to it. So…

    Who is Matthias Magoola?

    Matthias

    At some point in time in 2020 -Ugandans bayed for blood of Ugandan man who was filmed convincing President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni along with Speaker Rebecca Kadaga that Uganda will in the next two weeks (after first corona virus case was reported in the country) begin producing a spray that will kill Coronavirus.

    An excited Speaker would later update parliament with conviction that a Ugandan (Matthias Magoola) and more so from Busoga region was behind the invention of this super sanitizer.

    Mathias Magoola in his charlatan character duped Museveni that this ‘miraculous’ disinfectant would kill any bacteria and other virus that emerge in future. He said he had teamed up with an alleged American professor Safraz Njaz who was also available in the clip trying to explain to the President Museveni.

    But it was fishy how timely the two scientists planned to ‘invent’ the drug in the shortest time possible, how possible the disinfectant which had not been approved by the United States of America or anywhere, where the said professor came from could and only be launched in Uganda without recognition from CDC or even WHO and why would the US give the patent of a potential cure to the country with no single case when it had several thousand cases? Fundamental questions that were overlooked intentionally because a few people wanted to rip off the vulnerable citizens.

    According to Magoola (who’s not a scientist) the sanitizer was to be co-produced by his company DEI GROUP which runs over 10 subsidiaries; Dei Industries International Limited, Dei Natural Products International Limited, Dei Minerals International Limited, Dei Tech LLC, USA, Dei Technologies International Limited, Dei Farms International Limited, Dei Pharmaceuticals, Dei Import and Export International Limited and Dei Investments International Limited.

    According to Wikipedia, Sarfaraz Khan Niazi was born in Lucknow, India in 1949; he migrated to Karachi, Pakistan in 1962 and to the United States in 1970. He is an expert in biopharmaceutical manufacturing and has worked in academia and in industry, and as an entrepreneur. He has written books in the field of pharmaceutical sciences, biotechnology, consumer healthcare and poetry. Niazi earned a Bachelor of Science degree in pharmacy from the University of Karachi in 1969. In 1970 he moved to the United States. He obtained his Master of Science degree in pharmaceutical sciences in 1971 from Washington State University in Pullman, WA, and then moved to Illinois. In 1974, he obtained his doctorate in pharmaceutical sciences from the University Of Illinois At Chicago. Prof Niazi was in the country and met President Museveni.

    At the immediate right hand side of President Museveni in white shirt.

    During the meeting, attended by Kadaga, one of Niazi’s associates tells Museveni that “it is only this product in the world that kills the virus including Sars.” The President then asked in case Coronavirus is contained would the chemical be able to fight other viruses, to which the associate stammers, ‘Including bacteria.’ 

    Seven years prior, local media published stories about the arrest of Minister Isaac Musumba and Ugandan MP Micheal Mawanda who were held in India on charges of fraud. But the arrest involved in a third party- little Matthias Magoola a businessman who turned to be a mastermind of the game.

    The fraud involved shs 50 billion which he sought from Videocon an Indian firm.Magoola had allegedly wanted to sell ghost minerals to these Indians. Whereas Magoola had been placed under investigations by Indian police, he later switched the version of his story saying he had been fleeced of his mining licence by Videocon.

    It all began in September 2006, according to documents seen by our source. Magoola, working as a proxy for some powerful officials in the ministry of Energy, got the largest wolfram mine in the country, located on 600 acres of land in the western district of Kisoro.

    Currently China is the largest consumer of wolfram, which is used in the manufacture of engines for planes and bombs, among other uses. Under the trading name of Dei Minerals International, Magoola was given a licence barely 10 days after applying for it.  He was also given prospecting rights to produce an acceptable feasibility study to develop the mine.

    He, however, failed to avail the feasibility study, although records show that Magoola had previously worked in the department of Mines and Geological Survey and Mines.On August 21, 2008, Magoola sold 60 per cent majority shareholding to the Indian firm, Videocon Natural Resources PLC, whose chairman, Martin X. Fernandes, got him arrested in India.

    After selling a snake oil in the name of ‘super sanitizer’ which really didn’t even take off, the charlatan moved to another dream project of a Covid-19 vaccine producing plant, with full knowledge that the country doesn’t have the capacity, but given his connection to Museveni and with free money from foreigners, liaised with Kenya’s DP Ruto to launch the vaccine project which was clothed as having been financed by Equity Bank in the tune of Sh15B, a farce and a nut on the face for a national bank.

    ………………….

    Speaking during an interview with a local radio station, DP Ruto claimed he had helped Aydin which later turned out to had been Uganda Tycoon Mathias Magoola —acquire a Sh15 billion loan from Equity Bank to set up a vaccine processing factory in Uganda, which he (Ruto) and three other businessmen alongside his close allies were scheduled to commission. “I helped him on one phone call. He said the benefits Ugandans will get are the same that Kenyans will get.”

    Link between Equity bank​ DP Ruto, Equity bank and Matthias Magoola 

    August 25th, Equity Bank officials appeared before a parliamentary committee on to testify on allegations made by Deputy President William Ruto that it had advanced Sh15 billion loan to a Turkish national Aydin Harun who was deported to Istanbul in a dramatic turn of events that saw DP Ruto barred from traveling to Uganda by the authorities.

    Through its chief executive officer James Mwangi, who was represented by the managing director Gerald Warui, the lender told members of Parliament that it has no customer by the name Harun Aydin.

    The bank also denied advancing a Sh15 billion loan to Mr Aydin, who is linked to DP Ruto. Mr Warui also told MPs that Equity Bank has never received any phone calls from anyone to advance a loan to Mr Aydin.

    The bank, however, admitted it has a banking relationship with Dei Group of Companies, associated with Aydin, which was setting up the said medical factory that Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni described as world-class and which would produce enough medicine, including Covid-19 vaccines.

    “The relationship between Equity bank and Dei Group in Uganda dates back to 2014. It’s an old relationship and the directors of Dei Group are Matthias Magoola and Kellen Kamurungi. Those are the shareholders according to the records of the bank,” Equity told the committee.

    The relationship between Equity bank, Dei group owned by Mathias Magoola was similarly confirmed by Museveni ​.

    Banks have been used before in channeling dirty money Siphoning dirty money and even with fines which Equity has been a casualty of CBK in several plunder of public funds, has never stopped the trade.

    Equity Bank was fined Ksh 120 million for facilitating NYS and other scandals where money was packed in bags. Banking industry is the second largest criminal cartel in Kenya second only to the government.

    Money laundering, according to authorities, seeks to hide the source of money believed to have been obtained illegally, by passing it through channels including commercial transactions and other forms of investment.

    According to the Financial Reporting Centre, such schemes seek to hide and legalise the funds without catching the attention of authorities and also making sure all connections of the funds to criminal activities is removed.

    Finally, the “cleansed” money returns to the owner in an indirect way, and is used for legitimate purposes.

    Fake currency dispensation at Equity bank ATMs.​

    Not so long when recently around mid August 2021 – an alleged case of fake currency dispensing at one of Equity bank branch in Donholm was reported by a Netizen on Twitter sparking new concerns as to how many fake notes of the same have circulated within the area and if this a normality is only an isolated case or replicated elsewhere and whether Equity bank has been upto the task put in place security measures by the regulator of curbing fake currency circulation, it’s a big shame for a big bank as Equity to be painted with such allegations as it casts many doubts on its security system- Bankers Association to tame such cases. 

    Equity Bank’s Eazzy Banking​ fraud

    Equity Bank’s mobile banking service named Eazzy Banking, has had the most complaints with the the customers say is prone to hackers. There has been endless cases of customers having their cash swept out from their accounts without authorization.

    Check the social media pages of the bank and it’s chaotic with complaints of mysterious missing funds.

    In a fraud case registered under OB /62/24/8/2020  a Nyeri man lost his entire savings in Equity Bank. According to his son Edward Karungu, the old man had gone to bed with money sitting in his account only to wake up to an empty shell in what he now suspects to be an insider job and a weak link in the bank’s system.

    In Last two weeks  in Uganda, upto 11 customers came out so far to demand that Equity Bank Uganda replenishes their money totaling Shs25M which they claim went missing from their accounts.

  • End of the Road for British Camellia’s Kakuzi PLC?

    End of the Road for British Camellia’s Kakuzi PLC?

    Kakuzi PLC is a Kenyan agricultural cultivation and manufacture company. Its products include tea, avocados (of which it has been Kenya’s largest exporter), pineapples, and livestock.

    In 2019 and 2020, 85 claims were brought in London against Camellia Plc and its subsidiaries, Linton Park Plc and Robertson Bois Dickson Anderson Limited. Those claims were based on allegations of serious human rights abuses against local residents by security guards employed by Kakuzi PLC, a company within the Camellia group based in Kenya.

    The legal claims were brought with the support of and in conjunction with the Kenya Human Rights Commission, the Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO) and the Ndula Resources Centre.

    The Accusations

    1. Ten women were raped by Kakuzi’s security guards, including a 16-17 year-old girl who was raped after being caught collecting firewood on the company’s land and another who was violently raped, also after being caught collecting wood, by two guards. Some became pregnant and contracted HIV as a result.

    2. A young man was beaten to death by Kakuzi’s security guards in May 2018 for allegedly stealing avocados

    3. Men and women were beaten, injured or unlawfully detained by Kakuzi’s security guards, including a man who sustained serious long-term injuries after being kicked in the head by a guard wearing heavy boots

    4. Thirty-four men and women involved in a protest on 2 September 2014 were violently attacked by Kakuzi’s security guards, including with a rungu (wooden club)

    5. A journalist and cameraman reporting on a protest led by children at Gitutu Secondary School in September 2016 were violently assaulted by Kakuzi’s security guards 

    The attacks were part of a pattern of systemic violence and intimidation of villagers by Kakuzi guards over many years and which have been documented by local human rights organisations.

    The Kakuzi farm occupies land acquired during the colonisation of Kenya by Britain in the early 20th century. It also includes land seized from local communities during the Kenya Emergency (1952-1960) and land sold by European farmers who left Kenya after independence in 1963. Many local communities live on or next to land registered to Kakuzi. Their water sources, paths, roads, and schools are on land registered to Kakuzi.

    Kakuzi plc Vs Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)

    In july 2021, Kakuzi PLC asked the High Court to withdraw a suit that the multinational filed against two human rights lobbies that raised the alarm over gross misconduct by the multinational’s security guards and which left several Murang’a County residents physically and psychologically damaged. Kakuzi’s move to withdraw the case caught lawyers representing the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) and Ndura Resource Centre off guard, as they sought time to consult with the lobby on whether or not to consent to withdrawal of the case.

    The multinational had sued KHRC and Ndura Resource Centre, demanding that the lobbies withdraw claims of human rights violations on the multinational’s Murang’a farms, or provide evidence of the alleged violations by security guards manning avocado and blue gum trees.

    The two lobby groups had been vocal about violence meted out on Murang’a residents neighbouring Kakuzi’s farms in Murang’a. Camellia PLC struck an out-of-court deal with the claimants, and paid them Sh696 million before settling their legal bills

    Recommended Reforms after out of court settlement.

    1. The Companies agreed to the payment of financial compensation to the 85 victims.  The sums in question remain confidential to the victims.

    2. Kakuzi confirmed that it will develop and implement an Operational-level Grievance Mechanism (‘OGM’) to allow any other allegations of human rights abuses to be resolved fairly and quickly without need to go to court. Triple R Alliance, a leading human rights and OGM consultancy, will review, guide and oversee the OGM.  An Independent Monitor will also observe and report on the OGM. The aim is to implement the OGM within 12 to 18 months.

    3. The building of three new roads, two of which cross Kakuzi’s land, which will be accessible by motorable vehicle without any requirement to obtain a licence, thereby allowing the communities better access to local amenities and services.

    4. The employment of around 30 predominantly female Safety Marshalls on Kakuzi’s farm to give visible reassurance to those using access routes and in particular vulnerable women over the next three years. 

    5. The establishment of a Technical Working Group to survey and properly demarcate over 150 acres of land which has been previously donated by Kakuzi. Kakuzi will endeavour to complete this survey over the next two years.

    6. The funding of charcoal kilns and access to firewood so local communities can produce and sell sustainable charcoal for their own income generation over the next three years.

    7. The construction and provision of staff at two social centres for community meetings to be located at Kinyangi and Munyu.

    8. The design and implementation of a human rights defenders policy, to be implemented within 12 months. 

    Shallow reforms.

    Britain’s largest supermarket chain, Tesco is yet to reinstate avocado supplies by Kakuzi  as it presses for compressive human rights reforms by the Murang’a-based agriculture firm.

    The British retailer on October 11, 2020 temporarily dropped Kakuzi as its supplier of avocados pending investigations into alleged assault and sexual misconduct by some of its employees. The ban stands nearly a year later.

    Tesco pressed for deeper reforms to safeguard the rights of workers and the communities living around the Kakuzi farms.

    Through its Kent-based parent Camellia Plc, Kakuzi was sued over the alleged human rights violations by its employees— which it denied. The UK-listed company Camellia owns 50.7 percent of Kakuzi. The Nairobi Securities Exchange-listed Kakuzi recently pledged to accelerate human rights reforms to comply with international standards as aforementioned; employment of a manager in charge of human rights issues, an audit by a global firm on the impact of its operations on human rights, and the establishment of a dedicated operational-level grievance reporting mechanism that will provide multiple avenues through which their employees and the community can raise issues they would like the company to address.

    Kakuzi also appointed former Attorney-General Githu Muigai to chair the company’s newly created Independent Human Rights Advisory Committee (IHRAC) that will provide technical advice to the board of directors.

    The measures include funding of charcoal kilns and access to firewood, building two social centres for community meetings, and employing predominantly female safety marshalls on Kakuzi’s farm “to give visible reassurance to those using access routes and particularly women.”

    Camellia and its local subsidiary are trying to win back the confidence of customers in Europe who value ethical corporate behaviour nearly as much as the quality of produce. The value of avocado supplies by Kakuzi to the UK and other countries in Europe in the half-year period to June this year fell by 52.88 percent to Sh137.2 million from Sh291.2 million in a similar period a year earlier, according to Kakuzi’s latest financial statements.

    Resolving of the human rights disputes was to be of importance in Kakuzi’s readmission as a supplier of avocadoes to UK supermarkets, including Tesco that suspended their orders after the alleged abuses which they pleaded guilty by seeking out of court settlement and paid the victims. In early 2021 this year, The parent company of Kakuzi , Camellia Plc, paid Sh696 million to settle claims of alleged human rights abuses perpetrated by employees in its Kenyan agricultural operation.

    The amount included payouts to victims of alleged violence and rape as well as remedial investments in the local community in Murang’a County where Kakuzi runs its agricultural business. The multinational also paid Sh348 million to settle similar allegations brought against its Malawian subsidiary, Eastern Produce Malawi (EPM), raising its total spend on the human rights row to Sh1 billion.

    UK law firm Leigh Day had initially filed rights abuse claims against Kakuzi in the High Court in London but the assertions were dropped, with the litigation going ahead against Camellia and its subsidiaries Linton Park Plc and Robertson Bois Dickson Anderson Limited. As part of the deal, Leigh Day agreed not to bring or support any further claims against any part of the Camellia Group in connection with their operations in Kenya, “for a substantial period.”

    The alleged abuses were carried out by employees of Kakuzi and EPM, including security guards as mentioned before.

    Makuyu Golf club land scandal.

    Vandalized Makuyu Golf Clubhouse that was abandoned 17 years ago, following land dispute between trustees and management of Kakuzi Limited in Murang’a. [Boniface Gikandi, Standard]
    In October 2019, Makuyu golf club won the right to manage 72 acres worth millions of shillings that it has been occupying since 1934.

    The Environment and Land Court (ELC) sitting in Murang’a gave Makuyu Golf Club rights to the land, ending a protracted dispute with its neighbour, listed agricultural firm Kakuzi Limited.

    The ruling by Oscar Angote brought closure to a matter that had been pending before the Nyeri and Thika courts since 2002. The judgement was read on Justice Angote’s behalf by Thika ELC Judge Lucy Waithaka. In his judgement, Justice Angote found that the golf club was formed in 1934 while the agricultural firm acquired thousands of acres of land in the area in 1966.

    Angote added that Kakuzi Limited, formerly Kakuzi Fibreland Limited, failed to take possession of the land the club sits on when the firm bought out Sisal Limited, the land’s previous owners.

    “I find that the club has acquired the title of the land by adverse possession… by being in possession of the land for a period of more than 12 years from 1934 to date,” read the judgement. The court battle arose after Kakuzi demanded fees for use of the land.

    It also demanded to be notified when tournaments were organised and to share in any profits. The club’s trustees told the court the land was donated for use as a golf course by white settlers.

    “Based on the evidence before me, I am satisfied that the plaintiff’s use of approximately 72 acres of land as a golf course has been continuous, exclusive and without the permission of the defendant for a period of 12 years,” read the judgement.

    “The defendant’s title in respect of the said land has, therefore, been extinguished by effluxion of time.” It also emerged that the clubhouse, which is located on a 17-acre land and is valued at millions of shillings, had been vandalised.

    The judge found the land had been used exclusively by club members “and Kakuzi Limited like any other philanthropic member of the society, or as part of its social corporate responsibility mandate”.

    Kakuzi’s claims of having assisted in running the golf course were challenged by club officials who told the court they had sunk a 300-metre borehole to maintain the grounds. Kakuzi’s management had sworn an affidavit saying they supplied the club with water from one of their dams and paid the wages of the club’s watchmen.

    The company also said they assisted the club with tractors and lawnmowers until their services were terminated in March 1996. Kakuzi’s management had claimed that they were granted a title, LR 11674, for the land in 1966 for a term of 941 years.

    Conclusion

    At this century and era, it’s unfair that a colonial company still owns such large parcels of land, owns roads and social amenities – violates human rights through assaults and labour slavery. Perhaps the best reform that can be done is land expopriation without compensation. With the action of  Tesco, it shows how dumb the reforms are and it is just a matter of time before the cat gets of bag again and their human rights violation reverts back to factory settings as it were before.

    Kakuzi and the parent company is a multi-million company and bribing victims , witnesses and media houses is their biggest deal with hopes of getting back onto their feets again. And all these back and forth depends on the government of the day which needs spiritual intervention since the corruption in the Jubilee government is beyond repair to take this matter into consideration, but being hopeful in the relevant authorities is all that’s needed with the push of People’s power. Kakuzi might be economically viable but the glass is already broken.