Author: Guy Bolding PW

  • Multi-Million Dollar Fraud: Three Kenyans Face US Extradition in Massive Cybercrime Conspiracy

    Multi-Million Dollar Fraud: Three Kenyans Face US Extradition in Massive Cybercrime Conspiracy

    Three Kenyan nationals are staring at lengthy prison sentences in the United States after a Nairobi court ordered their detention pending extradition over their alleged involvement in a multi-million dollar wire fraud conspiracy that targeted American state and local government financial platforms.

    Peter Omari, Francis Asanyo and Elvis Obaigwa appeared before Milimani Law Courts on Sunday where magistrates ordered them held at Kileleshwa Police Station for two weeks as US authorities prepare formal extradition papers through diplomatic channels.

    The trio faces a catalogue of serious charges including conspiracy to commit computer intrusions, wire fraud, and aggravated identity theft. If convicted on all counts, they could each spend decades behind bars in American federal prisons.

    Elaborate Criminal Enterprise

    Court documents reveal a sophisticated operation that reads like a Hollywood heist movie. Between April 2019 and their arrest, the three allegedly orchestrated what American prosecutors describe as a textbook Business Email Compromise scheme that defrauded unsuspecting victims of millions of dollars.

    Their modus operandi was chillingly simple yet devastatingly effective. The suspects allegedly registered internet domains that looked almost identical to legitimate companies doing business with government agencies. They then created email accounts using these deceptive domains and deployed social engineering tactics to trick victims into rerouting payments to accounts they controlled.

    But the conspiracy did not end there. According to Inspector Joshat Chebon of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations Financial Investigations Unit, the trio recruited accomplices in the United States known in criminal parlance as “Money Mules” to receive the stolen funds. These individuals would then launder the money back to Kenya, completing the criminal circle.

    International Manhunt

    The wheels of justice began turning three years ago when the US District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia issued arrest warrants for the three on November 15, 2023. The warrants were the culmination of an FBI investigation that had tracked the suspects’ activities across continents.

    Their arrest last week came as the result of a joint operation involving Kenya’s Directorate of Criminal Investigations, Interpol and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The suspects are believed to have fled the United States before investigators closed in on them.

    Director of Public Prosecutions Renson Ingonga told the court that the allegations against the three constitute serious offences under Sections 28, 29 and 30 of Kenya’s Computer Misuse and Cybercrime Act. The magistrate agreed, ruling that the DPP had established sufficient grounds to justify their continued detention.

    Growing Cybercrime Menace

    The case shines a harsh spotlight on Kenya’s growing reputation as a hotbed for cybercriminals targeting international victims. Business Email Compromise scams have exploded globally, with the FBI reporting that such schemes cost American businesses and government agencies billions of dollars annually.

    Kenya, dubbed the Silicon Savannah for its vibrant tech ecosystem, has become an attractive base for sophisticated cybercrime syndicates. The country’s robust digital infrastructure, combined with pockets of inadequate cybersecurity enforcement, has created fertile ground for criminals operating on a global scale.

    In 2019, Operation reWired, a massive FBI-led international crackdown on BEC schemes, resulted in arrests across multiple continents including several in Kenya. The operation disrupted and recovered approximately 118 million dollars in fraudulent wire transfers and exposed the transnational nature of these criminal networks.

    High Stakes Legal Battle

    Defense lawyer Ishmaek Nyaribo informed the court that his clients were unwell and reluctant to speak with police investigators. Counsel Danstan Omari argued that the suspects have a constitutional right to respond to police questioning. The court subsequently ordered that the three be escorted to hospital for treatment.

    Danstan Omari

    The extradition process now enters a critical phase. During their detention, US law enforcement agencies are expected to submit a formal extradition request through diplomatic channels. Kenya and the United States have an extradition treaty dating back to 1969, which has been invoked in numerous high-profile cases over the years.

    Legal experts note that for extradition to succeed, the offences must satisfy the principle of double criminality, meaning they must be considered crimes in both Kenya and the United States. Given that Kenya’s Computer Misuse and Cybercrime Act criminalizes similar conduct, this threshold appears easily met.

    Pattern of Cross-Border Criminality

    This case is far from isolated. Recent years have seen several Kenyans extradited to the United States to face fraud and money laundering charges. In September 2025, Ahmednaji Maalim Aftin Sheikh, a 28-year-old Kenyan national, was indicted for his role in laundering millions of dollars in proceeds from the massive Feeding Our Future fraud scheme in Minnesota.

    Sheikh allegedly helped his brother stash millions in Kenya by purchasing real estate, including an apartment building in Nairobi’s South C neighborhood and land in Mandera Town. The case highlighted how Kenya has become a destination for laundering proceeds of crimes committed abroad.

    In 2022, a Nairobi court ordered the extradition of Abdulrahman Imraan Juma to face charges of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and money laundering in connection with schemes targeting American victims.

    If extradited and convicted, Omari, Asanyo and Obaigwa face maximum sentences that could see them locked away for decades. Wire fraud carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in federal prison per count, while conspiracy to commit computer intrusions carries up to five years. Aggravated identity theft carries a mandatory minimum sentence of two years.

    The case will be mentioned in court in a fortnight for further directions. Meanwhile, the three remain in custody at Kileleshwa Police Station as the extradition machinery grinds into motion.

    For Kenya’s growing tech sector, the case serves as yet another reminder that the country’s digital revolution must be accompanied by robust mechanisms to prevent its infrastructure from being exploited by criminals. As one FBI official grimly noted after Operation reWired, cybercriminals may operate from halfway around the world, but they are never truly beyond the reach of international law enforcement.

    The message to would-be fraudsters is unequivocal: you can run, but in the interconnected world of modern policing, there is nowhere left to hide.

  • DP World Boss Who Bragged Of Influence Over Kenyan Leader Quits After Epstein Scandal

    DP World Boss Who Bragged Of Influence Over Kenyan Leader Quits After Epstein Scandal

    Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, the powerful chairman and CEO of Dubai’s DP World, has stepped down with immediate effect after the release of over 3.5 million pages of files exposed his close relationship with convicted paedophile Jeffrey Epstein and raised uncomfortable questions about how the logistics giant secured lucrative East African port deals.

    The resignation on Friday comes weeks after US Department of Justice documents revealed Sulayem boasted to Epstein about his access to African presidents, including Kenya’s former President Uhuru Kenyatta, just months before DP World began its aggressive expansion across the continent.

    DP World announced that Essa Kazim, previously Governor of the Dubai International Financial Centre, would take over as chairman while Yuvraj Narayan, the company’s deputy CEO and CFO since 2005, becomes Group Chief Executive Officer.

    The company made no mention of the Epstein scandal in its terse statement, saying only that the appointments “support its strategy for sustainable growth and reinforce its role in strengthening global supply chains.”

    However, the timing of Sulayem’s departure leaves little doubt about the pressure that mounted after major international partners threatened to freeze billions in investments unless DP World took action.

    Canada’s second-largest pension fund, La Caisse, which has invested more than $5 billion alongside DP World over the past decade, announced this week it would pause “additional capital deployment” with the company. British International Investment, which partners with DP World on four African ports, followed suit.

    The Epstein files paint a disturbing portrait of Sulayem’s decade-long friendship with the disgraced financier, who died in 2019 while awaiting trial on sex trafficking charges.

    Between 2007 and 2018, the two exchanged what investigators describe as hundreds of emails covering business matters, sexual encounters, escort services and pornography. Photographs released by House Democrats show Epstein cooking with Sulayem, suggesting an intimacy that went beyond professional acquaintance.

    In one particularly troubling 2017 exchange, Sulayem helped arrange for a Russian “masseuse” from Epstein’s “private spa” to train at a Turkish hotel. During Ghislaine Maxwell’s 2022 trial, multiple witnesses testified that Epstein used massages as a cover to sexually exploit young girls.

    The files also reveal Sulayem repeatedly asked to visit Epstein’s private island, Little St. James, where victims testified they were trafficked and abused. In December 2014, years after Epstein’s first conviction for soliciting prostitution from a minor, Sulayem wrote asking for updates on spending Christmas at the island.

    Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem with Jeffrey Epstein.
    Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem with Jeffrey Epstein.

    But it is the Africa connection that has sent shockwaves through diplomatic and business circles in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam.

    In April 2013, Sulayem emailed Epstein to inform him he was attending President Kenyatta’s inauguration, writing: “I am in Nairobi for the inauguration of Uhuru Kenyatta as president of Kenya, whom I know very well.”

    Just over a year later, in October 2014, Sulayem updated Epstein about a three-hour meeting with Kenyatta in Mombasa to discuss building a massive logistics hub to serve Kenya and its landlocked neighbours.

    Within months, DP World began its East African expansion. In March 2022, Kenya’s Finance Ministry entered into a controversial concession giving DP World rights to operate berths at Mombasa, Lamu and Kisumu ports.

    The deal, which emerged after Kenyatta’s February 2022 visit to the UAE, sparked fierce political backlash. Kenya Kwanza Coalition leaders accused Kenyatta of secretly auctioning national assets. The letter requesting DP World’s proposal was addressed directly to Sulayem.

    Although the Kenya deal ultimately collapsed amid election-year politics, DP World’s appetite for East African ports did not wane.

    In October 2023, the company signed a 30-year concession to operate four berths at Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam Port, committing an initial $250 million that could grow to $1 billion. The deal, which took effect in April 2024, grants DP World control over one of the continent’s busiest maritime gateways.

    There is no evidence that President Kenyatta or other African leaders had any knowledge of or involvement in Epstein’s crimes. Being mentioned in correspondence does not imply criminal wrongdoing.

    Sulayem himself has not been charged with any crime. However, the revelations have permanently damaged his reputation and raised troubling questions about the due diligence conducted by East African governments before handing control of strategic national assets to a company led by a man who maintained such close ties to a convicted sex offender.

    The Epstein files also reference Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania and Senegal in darker contexts. Documents describe coastal towns like Malindi as areas frequented by individuals involved in paedophile activity, with Tanzania identified as a transit point in alleged trafficking operations.

    Newly released emails detail planning for 2009 trips to Kenya involving young women, with Epstein pledging $13,000 per girl for “safari and internship.” In May 2011, American publicist Peggy Siegal emailed Epstein that a girl “is finally turning legal.”

    Children from Ethiopia, South Sudan, Sudan and Somalia were reportedly trafficked through Mombasa, the very port where DP World sought control and where Sulayem met Kenyatta to discuss regional logistics infrastructure.

    DP World now controls ports and logistics centres across nine African countries, including Algeria, Angola, Djibouti, Egypt, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa, as well as Somaliland.

    The company’s expansion has been marked by long-term concessions spanning 20 to 30 years, granting extraordinary control over critical trade infrastructure. In Senegal, DP World is constructing a $1.1 billion deepwater port at Ndayane under a 25-year concession. In Angola, it secured a 20-year concession for Luanda port’s multipurpose terminal.

    Critics have long warned that such deals threaten national sovereignty. In Djibouti, the government nationalised the Doraleh Container Terminal in 2018, terminating DP World’s 30-year concession amid accusations of unfair contract terms.

    In Tanzania, activist Maria Tsehai told The Africa Report in 2023 that the DP World agreement contained “clauses that were blatantly one-sided in favour of the Dubai government.”

    As Kenya contemplates relaunching its port concessions and Tanzania deepens its partnership with DP World, the shadow of Jeffrey Epstein now looms over every contract.

    The question facing East African governments is whether they conducted adequate background checks before handing control of strategic assets to a company led by a man so deeply enmeshed with a convicted paedophile.

    Sulayem’s departure may close one chapter, but it opens another: will African nations demand better scrutiny of those who seek control over their critical infrastructure, or will the pursuit of foreign investment continue to trump considerations of character and judgment?

  • My Only Crime Is Not Supporting Ruto, I Remain Legitimate ODM SG, Sifuna Breaks Silence After Ouster‬

    My Only Crime Is Not Supporting Ruto, I Remain Legitimate ODM SG, Sifuna Breaks Silence After Ouster‬

    Nairobi Senator declares his removal illegal, vows to fight back in courts as ODM power struggle intensifies

    In a fiery press conference that has sent shockwaves through Kenya’s opposition ranks, embattled Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna has launched a blistering counterattack against his purported removal as Orange Democratic Movement Secretary-General, declaring the move illegal and vowing an all-out legal war to reclaim his position.

    Speaking before a packed room of supporters and media at a Nairobi hotel on Wednesday, February 12, a visibly defiant Sifuna dismissed Tuesday’s decision by a section of the ODM National Executive Committee as nothing more than a politically motivated hatchet job orchestrated by party leaders who have sold out to President William Ruto’s government.

    “Let me state, without fear of contradiction, that this action is illegal, unprocedural, and a blatant violation of the ODM Constitution, as well as the principles of natural justice,” Sifuna thundered, his voice cutting through the tension-filled room. “I remain the validly elected Secretary-General of the Orange Democratic Movement.”

    The senator’s defiance comes barely 24 hours after the ODM NEC convened in Mombasa and resolved to strip him of his duties, a move that has plunged Kenya’s main opposition party into unprecedented turmoil and exposed deep fractures within its leadership.

    “My Only Crime? Refusing to Support Ruto”

    In what is shaping up as the most dramatic internal party battle in ODM’s 18-year history, Sifuna pulled no punches in identifying what he believes is the real reason behind his ouster.

    “Indeed, as far as internal differences in opinion go, my only ‘crime’ is that I oppose any plans and schemes within the party to support President William Ruto’s re-election, because I have held and continue to hold the firm position that this country cannot afford another five years of this expensive, divisive, incompetent and disastrous Ruto misadventure,” he declared to thunderous applause from his supporters.

    The statement represents the most direct acknowledgment yet of the elephant in the room that has been tearing ODM apart since party leader Raila Odinga struck a rapprochement deal with President Ruto last year, a move that saw several ODM members appointed to Ruto’s cabinet.

    Sifuna’s opposition to this cooperation has been unwavering and vocal, putting him on a collision course with a section of the party leadership that appears increasingly comfortable with the government.

    “I Was Never Given a Chance to Defend Myself”

    Central to Sifuna’s legal challenge is his claim that he was afforded no opportunity to respond to whatever allegations were leveled against him before the NEC moved to remove him.

    “At no time have I been informed of any allegations against me, be they of indiscipline, insubordination or incompetence in the execution of my duties as SG,” he stated emphatically. “Neither have I been invited to respond to any complaints in and out of the party, on any matter that would constitute grounds for removal. Consequently, no lawful organ of the party has invited me for any hearing.”

    Legal experts suggest this procedural irregularity could form the backbone of Sifuna’s court challenge, as most party constitutions require members to be given an opportunity to be heard before disciplinary action is taken against them.

    The senator also took direct aim at governors and other party officials who he claims have made defamatory allegations against him, particularly accusations of extortion.

    “This is a coordinated war against me,” Sifuna charged. “You people know me and my work. Those governors making those allegations, we will meet them in court because it is very defamatory. If I have ever extorted you, bring the evidence for Kenyans to see.”

    Nine Years at the Helm: The Longest-Serving SG

    Sifuna’s removal, if it stands, would end a remarkable nine-year tenure as ODM Secretary-General, making him the longest-serving individual in that position in the party’s history.

    “This month marks the beginning of my ninth year as SG of ODM, the longest serving individual in that position,” he noted with evident pride. “To serve that long at the feet of the enigmatic Raila Odinga needed one to summon all reservoirs of wisdom from all possible sources, but most importantly, to remain a true and loyal student of the great icon.”

    The senator’s tenure has been marked by his fierce defense of party interests, his combative political style, and his ability to articulate the opposition’s position in ways that resonated with millions of Kenyans frustrated with government policies.

    His supporters argue that this track record of loyalty and service makes the manner of his removal all the more shocking and politically motivated.

    The Raila Factor: Honoring or Betraying the Icon?

    Perhaps the most emotionally charged element of Sifuna’s statement was his repeated invocation of Raila Odinga’s name and legacy, positioning himself as the true custodian of the veteran opposition leader’s principles.

    “Even in the current circumstances, I would never betray the ideals and principles of my late leader, Rt Hon Raila,” Sifuna declared, referring to Raila’s political mentor, his late father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

    He went on to paint a picture of a party leadership that has lost its way, abandoning the very principles that Raila Odinga spent decades fighting for.

    “It is painful to note that sections of the party continue to desecrate the legacy and memory of Raila, by turning this party into a theatre of the illegal,” Sifuna lamented, citing recent irregular gazette notices and procedural violations.

    The statement represents a direct challenge to those in ODM who claim to be acting with Raila’s blessing or at his direction, with Sifuna essentially arguing that the party godfather would never have sanctioned such irregular proceedings.

    “Raila Did Not Raise Cowards”

    In what may become one of the defining quotes of this political drama, Sifuna invoked the memory of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga to rally his supporters and signal his determination to fight.

    “As I said in Busia, Raila did not raise cowards. He did not teach us to run away from hardship or challenges but to confront them head on,” Sifuna declared. “Our Party constitution places a responsibility on us to fight for ODM. And fight we shall. Through all lawful means we shall fight for this great institution until the very end.”

    The reference to Jaramogi’s fighting spirit and legacy of resistance against injustice is likely calculated to resonate with ODM’s grassroots base, many of whom view the Odinga family’s political journey as synonymous with the struggle for democracy and social justice in Kenya.

    Show of Force: The Power Brokers Back Sifuna

    The optics at Wednesday’s press conference spoke volumes about the battle lines being drawn within ODM. Flanking Sifuna were some of the party’s most prominent figures, including Siaya Governor James Orengo, EALA MP Winnie Odinga (Raila’s daughter), and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino.

    Governor Orengo, himself a legal heavyweight and ODM’s Deputy Party Leader, was unequivocal in his support: “As I stand here, the Secretary General of ODM is Senator Edwin Sifuna.”

    The presence of Winnie Odinga was particularly significant, as it suggests that even within the Odinga family, there may not be unanimous support for the moves against Sifuna.

    The show of force indicates that Sifuna is not an isolated figure but rather has substantial backing from key party stakeholders who share his concerns about ODM’s direction and the manner of his removal.

    The Personal Opinion Defense

    Addressing allegations that he had confused party positions with personal opinions, Sifuna mounted a vigorous defense of his right to freedom of expression.

    “Those who have made accusations against me should come and explain how I confused party position with my own opinion,” he challenged. “I do not think it is correct to say that I do not have a right to a personal opinion. Raila told them that everyone in ODM, irrespective of the position, has a right to speak their mind.”

    This argument cuts to the heart of a fundamental tension in political parties: where does legitimate internal debate end and indiscipline begin? Sifuna is essentially arguing that robust internal debate is healthy for democracy and that silencing dissent turns a political party into an authoritarian structure.

    “We Will Go to That NDC”

    Looking ahead to the party’s National Delegates Conference, Sifuna made clear that he considers himself still very much in the game.

    “I am still the SG of ODM. We will go to that NDC. We are still members of NDC; these are delegates of ODM. No one can kick us out of the party,” he insisted.

    The statement suggests that the battle for ODM’s soul will ultimately be decided at the NDC, where delegates from across the country will have their say on the party’s direction and leadership.

    It also indicates that Sifuna plans to contest any attempts to exclude him from party processes and will likely seek court orders to protect his rights as a party member and elected official.

    The Legal Battle Ahead

    True to his combative nature, Sifuna has made clear that this dispute will be settled in the courts.

    “We will challenge every illegality in the courts of law and in the court of public opinion,” he declared. “Surrender is not an option.”

    Legal experts anticipate a protracted court battle that could parallel the dramatic 2014 case when the party faced internal rebellion from a faction led by some MPs who felt sidelined.

    The courts will likely be asked to determine whether proper procedures were followed in Sifuna’s removal, whether he was accorded his rights to be heard, and whether the NEC had the authority to remove him without following the constitutional process.

    A Party at War With Itself

    The Sifuna saga has exposed fault lines within ODM that go beyond personalities to fundamental questions about the party’s identity and future.

    On one side are those like Sifuna who believe ODM must remain a strong opposition force, holding the government accountable and offering Kenyans an alternative vision. They view cooperation with Ruto as a betrayal of everything the party stands for.

    On the other side are those who argue that political realism requires engagement with government, that ODM can achieve more for its constituencies through cooperation than confrontation, and that Raila’s own decision to work with Ruto should be respected.

    The fact that this battle is playing out so publicly and bitterly suggests that neither side is willing to compromise, setting the stage for either a dramatic reconciliation or a potential party split.

    The Grassroots Question

    Perhaps the most important unknown in this drama is where ODM’s grassroots base stands. Sifuna has positioned himself as defending the party’s core principles and resisting what he portrays as a sellout to Ruto.

    “I urge our members to remain calm, steadfast, and committed to the ideals that brought us together,” Sifuna appealed. “ODM is bigger than any individual, and it must remain anchored in justice, transparency, and respect for its own constitution.”

    If the grassroots rally behind Sifuna, the party leadership may find itself isolated and forced to reconsider. If they back the NEC’s decision, Sifuna’s defiance may prove futile.

    Early indications on social media suggest significant support for Sifuna among younger ODM supporters who view him as a principled fighter, but the party’s rural strongholds may take a different view.

    What Happens Next?

    As this political drama unfolds, several scenarios are possible. Sifuna could win in court and be reinstated, vindicating his stand and humiliating those who moved against him. The courts could rule against him, ending his tenure as Secretary-General and potentially diminishing his influence within the party.

    A compromise could be brokered, with Sifuna agreeing to tone down his criticism in exchange for retention of his position. Or the dispute could escalate into a full-blown party split, with Sifuna leading a faction that breaks away to form or join another opposition vehicle.

    What is clear is that this is not just about Edwin Sifuna’s political future. It is about the future direction of Kenya’s main opposition party, about whether there will be a strong opposition voice to hold the government accountable, and ultimately about the health of Kenya’s democracy.

    For now, Sifuna remains defiant, claiming his position, rallying his supporters, and preparing for the legal and political battles ahead. In a statement dripping with determination, he concluded: “I remain a loyal member and the SG of the ODM Party. I remain committed to the struggle for a fair, just, and democratic Kenya.”

    The coming weeks will reveal whether that commitment will be enough to save his position and his party.

  • Sakaja Denies Handing Nairobi Functions to State After State House Meeting with Ruto

    Sakaja Denies Handing Nairobi Functions to State After State House Meeting with Ruto

    Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja has dismissed claims that his administration has ceded key county functions to the National Government following a high-level meeting with President William Ruto at State House.

    Speculation of a fresh deed of transfer, similar to the 2020 arrangement that birthed the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, gained traction this week after reports suggested that departments such as roads, garbage collection and water services had been handed over.

    “There is no transfer of any functions,” Sakaja said on Wednesday morning, terming the reports false. In a subsequent social media post, he added: “Fake news. No functions or roles ceded.”

    Despite the categorical denial, it has emerged that the governor, accompanied by all County Executive Committee members, met President Ruto at State House on Tuesday. No official communiqué was issued after the meeting, and the exact timing remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the discussions say the future of the capital dominated the agenda.

    A senior City Hall official, who sought anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, said the President pressed the county leadership for progress reports in critical sectors, particularly roads and waste management.

    Nairobi County received Sh2.1 billion in 2025 earmarked for road improvements. According to the source, the President sought clarity on delivery timelines and the scope of completed works.

    The push for accelerated upgrades is understood to be linked to preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, which Kenya will co-host with Uganda and Tanzania.

    The meeting is said to have resolved that both levels of government would continue working in tandem, with an ambitious proposal that each Member of County Assembly will see at least one kilometre of tarmac road constructed in their respective wards.

    Waste management also featured prominently. Discussions reportedly touched on Green Nairobi Company Limited, an entity expected to play a central role in garbage collection and city cleanliness under a long-term arrangement believed to span 25 years.

    Sakaja has previously defended the model as a structural overhaul of the city’s waste ecosystem. In an earlier television interview, he argued that the current system incentivises volume rather than cleanliness. He has also pledged the establishment of a 45-megawatt waste-to-energy plant in Dandora, saying the project would transform refuse management while generating electricity.

    President Ruto and Sakaja in a past event.
    President Ruto and Sakaja in a past event.

    President Ruto has in recent months intensified his public pronouncements on Nairobi’s transformation. In October last year, he declared that the capital “cannot continue to be a city in filth,” signalling imminent agreements with private sector players to modernise waste management. He has repeatedly pledged national resources to improve roads, lighting and drainage, framing Nairobi as central to Kenya’s global image.

    In July, the President announced a 70-kilometre road construction plan within the city, promising completion of major stretches in Embakasi by year’s end. Earlier this month, he said the National Government, in collaboration with the county, would from April roll out structured garbage management services, alongside major investments in water supply, informal settlement upgrades and electricity connectivity.

    The renewed coordination has revived memories of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, which in 2020 assumed control of four key county functions following a deed of transfer signed between former Governor Mike Sonko and the National Government. The arrangement, later wound up, fundamentally altered the governance structure of the capital and remains politically sensitive.

    Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna questioned whether any constitutional process had been initiated this time. Under Article 187 of the Constitution, a transfer of functions between levels of government requires a formal agreement and approval by the relevant legislative bodies. “Constitutionally, there has to be a deed of transfer of functions. It has to be approved by the county assembly. I have seen neither,” Sifuna said.

    While Sakaja maintains that no such process is underway, the optics of a full county cabinet meeting at State House and the deepening joint planning on roads, waste, water and housing underscore an increasingly central role for the National Government in shaping Nairobi’s trajectory.

    With AFCON 2027 on the horizon and mounting public pressure over traffic congestion, garbage backlogs and infrastructure strain, the capital has become a test case for intergovernmental cooperation. Sakaja is expected to address the County Assembly later today, where attention will focus on whether he offers further details on what transpired behind closed doors at State House.

  • Commander Ali Nuno Orders Shoot-to-Kill on Coast Panga Gangs

    Commander Ali Nuno Orders Shoot-to-Kill on Coast Panga Gangs

    Coast regional police commander Ali Nuno has issued one of the toughest security directives in recent years, authorising officers to shoot and kill members of machete-wielding gangs terrorising residents across the region.

    Nuno said police would no longer tolerate attacks by the notorious Panga Boys, whose violent robberies have left a trail of injured victims and shaken communities in Mombasa, Kilifi and Kwale counties. He warned that officers on the ground have been given clear instructions to use firearms where the law allows.

    Addressing the media, the commander delivered a blunt ultimatum to criminals operating at the Coast, telling them to abandon crime or leave the region entirely. He said police would not hesitate to act decisively against suspects found armed and endangering lives.

    “All those men and ladies involved in crime, your days are numbered. Crime doesn’t pay. You have two options, desist and accept salvation or move out of the entire Coast region. Where we are justified to use our firearms, we will not hesitate,” Nuno said.

    He stressed that gangs armed with pangas posed a lethal threat to both civilians and police officers, insisting that the level of violence being witnessed demanded firm action. Speaking partly in Kiswahili, Nuno said officers had been authorised to neutralise suspects found attacking members of the public with machetes.

    “Nikikupata na panga ukiumiza mtu, nakupiga risasi, hatutacheka na mtu. These are lethal weapons capable of killing. Nimepeana amri ya kutosha, maafisa watumie silaha yao na hao vijana waangushwe,” he said.

    The hardline remarks come amid rising concern over a surge in violent robberies along the Coast, with gangs increasingly targeting shops, pedestrians and homes, often in broad daylight. CCTV footage circulating online has captured armed attackers storming businesses in areas such as Mtwapa and Bondo, leaving traders injured and residents traumatised.

    In one recent incident, police in Kwale County arrested four suspected members of the Panga Boys following a violent robbery in Mbuwani Village on January 22, 2026. The suspects are accused of attacking a man with machetes, inflicting deep cuts to his head and hand before fleeing with his mobile phone. Officers later recovered four pangas and six mobile phones believed to be stolen.

    Security officials say the gangs have become increasingly brazen, exploiting fear and intimidation to overpower victims. Residents in several neighbourhoods have complained of sleepless nights and reduced business activity as attacks persist.

    Following the latest incidents, the National Police Service said operations have been intensified to dismantle organised criminal networks and restore safety across the Coast. Police say patrols, intelligence-led operations and rapid response teams have been deployed in hotspots as part of the crackdown.

    Nuno maintained that the police would operate within the law but warned that criminals who choose violence should expect a lethal response. He urged residents to cooperate with officers and share information, saying public support was critical to ending the reign of machete-wielding gangs.

  • Kenyan Authorities Foil Two Human Trafficking Attempts at JKIA

    Kenyan Authorities Foil Two Human Trafficking Attempts at JKIA

    Nairobi, February 7, 2026 – Vigilant immigration officers at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) have thwarted two separate attempts involving immigration fraud and human trafficking, leading to the arrest of four suspects, including a Sudanese national.

    In the first incident, Iman Dib was apprehended while attempting to board a flight to Amsterdam after authorities discovered he was carrying a forged Bosnia and Herzegovina visa. Following investigations, his facilitator, Samira Dib, was also arrested and is set to face charges related to human trafficking. 7

    In a parallel operation, Sudanese national Ahmed Eltayeb was detained en route to the United Kingdom when officers found him in possession of a forged UK residence permit. His alleged Kenyan facilitator, Abdullahi Ali, was arrested alongside him.

    The arrests were made possible through heightened screening protocols and intelligence-led operations at the airport, which targeted transnational crime networks exploiting vulnerable individuals via document forgery and illegal migration routes.

    Police described the syndicates as increasingly sophisticated, with facilitators profiting from arranging fraudulent travel.

    A statement from the Kenya Police Service highlighted their ongoing efforts to bolster border security and dismantle trafficking networks at key points like JKIA.

    This marks the second such operation this week, underscoring the authorities’ commitment to combating human trafficking.

    The suspects have been taken to the JKIA police station and are expected to be arraigned in court as investigations continue.

    Authorities urge the public to report any suspicious activities related to immigration fraud.

  • Inside Dramatic DCI Chase to Tanzania Border to Recover Mercedes Stolen from Nairobi Yard

    Inside Dramatic DCI Chase to Tanzania Border to Recover Mercedes Stolen from Nairobi Yard

    A daring, intelligence-led manhunt stretching from Nairobi’s leafy suburbs to the edge of the Kenya–Tanzania border has ended with detectives recovering a high-end Mercedes-Benz that vanished from a city garage under mysterious circumstances.

    The sleek Mercedes-Benz GLK350d disappeared without a trace from Mascardi Cars in Spring Valley garage where it had been booked for a routine paint job, triggering alarm bells within days.

    Even more troubling was the sudden disappearance of the night watchman assigned to guard the yard. His phone went off minutes after the vehicle was reported missing, deepening suspicions of an inside job and setting off a nationwide alert.

    Stolen car notice from Mascardi Cars

    Detectives from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations swung into action, deploying officers from the Crime Research and Intelligence Bureau, Nairobi Region, Gigiri and local stations along key exit routes.

    What followed was a forensic dragnet that pieced together digital trails, CCTV footage and road intelligence, revealing that the luxury machine was being quietly spirited out of the city.

    The breakthrough came when surveillance teams spotted the Mercedes cruising along the heavily policed Mombasa Road, a major artery often used by car theft syndicates heading south.

    Within minutes, unmarked vehicles fell in behind the SUV, shadowing it as it sped toward Kajiado County in what investigators believe was an attempt to slip it across the Tanzania border.

    As the chase intensified, officers at Imbirikani Police Station were alerted and swiftly mounted a roadblock in Kajiado South Sub-County. Trapped with no clear escape route, the suspects abandoned the vehicle and bolted into nearby thickets, vanishing toward Oltiasika and Nosilale villages under the cover of dusk.

    A closer inspection of the recovered Mercedes confirmed detectives’ fears. The vehicle had been tampered with and fitted with fake registration plates bearing the number KDR 003N, a classic tactic used by organized car theft rings to evade detection as they ferry stolen vehicles out of the country.

    The recovered car.

    The SUV has since been seized and escorted back to Nairobi for further forensic examination as detectives intensify the hunt for the fugitives, including the missing watchman believed to be key to the puzzle.

    Investigators say the dramatic recovery underscores a growing sophistication in vehicle theft syndicates targeting high-end cars from trusted yards, but also signals the DCI’s determination to choke off cross-border smuggling routes that have long frustrated law enforcement.

    As the search for the suspects widens, police are urging garage owners and car dealers to tighten internal security, warning that Nairobi’s booming luxury car market has become prime hunting ground for criminal networks with eyes firmly set beyond Kenya’s borders.

  • AUDIT EXPOSES INEQUALITY IN STAREHE SCHOOLS: PARENTS BLED DRY AS FEES HIT Sh300,000 AGAINST Sh67,244 CAP

    AUDIT EXPOSES INEQUALITY IN STAREHE SCHOOLS: PARENTS BLED DRY AS FEES HIT Sh300,000 AGAINST Sh67,244 CAP

    A damning audit by the Office of the Auditor General has torn open a festering scandal inside two of Kenya’s most revered schools, revealing that Starehe Boys Centre and Starehe Girls Centre charged parents fees as high as Sh300,000 in a single academic year, nearly five times the government-mandated cap of Sh67,244.

    The report, prepared by Auditor General Nancy Gathungu, paints a deeply troubling picture of a governance crisis at institutions founded on the noble mission of educating Kenya’s most disadvantaged children. Far from honouring that legacy, the schools appear to have quietly turned what was once a refuge for orphans and the destitute into a fee-gouging operation that locked out the very families they were built to serve.

    The numbers tell a brutal story

    Starehe Boys Centre led the charge in overcharging. The audit established that in the 2024 academic year, the school quoted fees ranging from Sh140,000 to Sh300,000 to parents. The Ministry of Education had capped fees for Category A boarding schools at Sh67,244. Even at the lowest end of the range at Starehe Boys, parents were paying more than double what the law allowed.

    Starehe Girls Centre was no better. The school charged a flat Sh150,000, which was nearly three times the Sh53,554 that had been recommended by the Ministry of Education for its category. The Auditor General’s office calculated that each girl at the school was overcharged by up to Sh96,446 in a single year. In total, Starehe Boys Centre alone raked in over Sh92 million from parents during that period.

    The school’s management attempted to frame the fee disparity as a voluntary arrangement. However, the Auditor General rejected this defence outright, finding that the school had entered into individual fee agreements with parents at wildly different rates without ever obtaining the legally required written approval from the Cabinet Secretary for Education, as mandated by Section 3.2 of Ministry of Education Circular Number MOE-HQS/311313.

    A school without a principal for five years

    What makes the findings even more alarming is the state of governance uncovered alongside the fee irregularities. At the time of the audit, Starehe Boys Centre had been without a substantive principal for close to five years. The school was also short 28 teachers, yet the report noted there was no indication that the Board of Management had made any effort whatsoever to fill those positions.

    This is not a minor administrative oversight. A school that cannot retain or appoint a head and is severely understaffed is a school that is failing its students at every level, regardless of how much their parents are paying.

    At Starehe Girls Centre, the situation was equally concerning. The school was operating without parental representation on its governing board, and the board itself had no one to hold it accountable. Parents, the very people bearing the financial burden, were systematically sidelined from the decision-making processes that governed the schools their children attended.

    The founding promise, betrayed

    Starehe Boys Centre was established in 1959 by Dr Geoffrey William Griffin as a rescue centre for orphans displaced during the Mau Mau uprising. The school’s founding charter was built on a simple promise: to educate boys in need. For decades, the institution operated on a means-tested model, with at least 70 percent of its students reportedly receiving education at no cost and the remainder at a reduced rate. The school’s very name, drawn from the Swahili word for peace and comfort, signified a safe harbour for children with nowhere else to turn.

    Starehe Girls Centre, founded in 2005 in the same spirit, was established to provide quality education to bright but financially disadvantaged girls from across Kenya. Both schools continue to receive government funding through capitation grants and have teaching staff paid for by the State through the Teachers Service Commission.

    The audit findings therefore carry a significance beyond simple financial irregularity. They raise a fundamental question about whether these institutions have drifted so far from their charitable origins that they no longer deserve the trust and resources the State continues to pour into them.

    A pattern of defiance

    The Starehe schools’ disregard for Ministry of Education directives is not a new phenomenon. Years before this audit, both institutions were already at odds with the government over governance, admissions, and autonomy. The schools have repeatedly pushed back against the establishment of statutory boards of management, resisted principals posted by the Teachers Service Commission, and insisted on running their admissions independently of national systems.

    This pattern of defiance was back in sharp focus just weeks ago, when the Ministry of Education placed 632 Grade 10 learners at Starehe Boys and Starehe Girls through the national senior school placement portal. The two institutions rejected the majority of those students, with 317 turned away from Starehe Boys and 315 from Starehe Girls. The schools applied their own internal criteria, leaving hundreds of parents who had believed their children secured a spot scrambling to find alternative placements at the last minute.

    Education Cabinet Secretary Julius Ogamba confirmed that the Ministry had allowed the rejections to stand, a decision that drew sharp criticism from parents who felt the government had caved to institutional pressure.

    The Starehe scandal does not stand alone.

    The same Auditor General’s report flagged a wider pattern of fee violations and governance failures across multiple top schools in Kenya, including Loreto Kiambu Girls High, Shimo la Tewa, Thika High School, and several others.

    In some cases, parents were asked to contribute as much as Sh1.2 million for school-initiated projects.

    The audit also exposed data manipulation. At Thika High School, for instance, the number of students recorded on the government’s National Education Management Information System differed from County Director of Education records by 316 students, a discrepancy that resulted in underfunding of nearly Sh2.6 million.

    These revelations come at a particularly sensitive time. Kenya is in the middle of one of the most consequential education transitions in its history, with over 1.1 million learners moving into the new senior school system under the Competency Based Education framework. The government has capped boarding fees at Sh53,554 nationwide and promised strict enforcement. If the institutions flagged by the Auditor General are allowed to continue flouting those directives without consequence, the promise of equal access to quality education may remain exactly what critics have long feared it to be: just a promise.

    The questions that must be answered

    The Ministry of Education has warned principals against imposing unauthorized fees and has vowed administrative action against non-compliant schools. But words from Jogoo House have not historically translated into action when it comes to institutions like Starehe, which have operated with remarkable independence despite their dependence on public funding.

    The Auditor General’s report must not gather dust in parliamentary archives. Accountability demands that the Ministry of Education act swiftly, not only to recover the funds overcharged to Starehe parents but to enforce a clear and visible line: institutions that receive State resources must play by the State’s rules. No school, however storied its history or impressive its alumni list, should be above the law.

    The children of Kenya deserve better.

  • DCI Warns Kenyans to Shun Stolen Phones as Detectives Tighten Noose on Crime Syndicates

    DCI Warns Kenyans to Shun Stolen Phones as Detectives Tighten Noose on Crime Syndicates

    The Directorate of Criminal Investigations has issued a stern warning to Kenyans buying second-hand mobile phones, saying the era of casual purchases from backstreet dealers and online shadows is coming to a brutal end.

    Detectives say a nationwide crackdown is underway targeting not just phone thieves, but the powerful receivers who bankroll and sustain the criminal networks behind the booming black market for stolen devices.

    In a dramatic operation in Nairobi’s Kamukunji area, detectives came within inches of arresting a key suspect believed to be a major conduit in the stolen phone trade. The suspect, identified as Silas Kivyatu, is accused of coordinating the collection, storage and export of stolen mobile phones, some destined for markets outside Kenya.

    According to investigators, forensic trails led officers to Silas’ hideout in California Estate within Kamukunji Sub-County. But in a scene straight out of a crime thriller, the suspect sensed danger and fled on a motorbike moments before officers closed in.

    His escape, however, was sloppy.

    As he sped off, Silas dropped a black carrier bag that turned out to be a treasure trove of criminal evidence. Inside were three tightly wrapped packages sealed with yellow cellotape. When opened, detectives discovered 62 assorted mobile phones, all believed to be stolen.

    The haul exposed the sheer scale of the operation and confirmed detectives’ fears that mobile phone theft in Nairobi and other urban centres is no longer the work of petty criminals, but well-organised syndicates with supply chains, storage points and cross-border links.

    Two of Silas’ alleged accomplices were arrested last week in a related operation, where detectives recovered another batch of stolen phones reportedly headed for the Ugandan market. Investigators believe the syndicate has been active for months, possibly years, feeding on phones snatched from commuters, passengers, clubgoers and unsuspecting Kenyans across the country.

    The DCI says the latest operations mark a shift in strategy. Instead of only chasing thieves on the streets, detectives are now aggressively targeting receivers, the silent engines that keep phone theft profitable.

    “These buyers are not innocent,” a senior investigator said. “They know exactly what they are buying, and they are the reason phones keep getting stolen every day.”

    The warning to the public is blunt. Anyone found in possession of a stolen phone risks arrest, prosecution and forfeiture of the device, regardless of how cheap or convincing the deal appeared.

    With recovered phones now secured as exhibits and detectives still hunting down Silas and other suspects at large, the DCI insists the dragnet is only tightening.

    For Kenyans tempted by suspiciously cheap smartphones, the message is clear: that bargain could land you in handcuffs.

  • Senators Want Governor Khalif Probed Over Sh449 Million Spending Mystery Including Sh349 Million in Relief Food, Sh55.9 Million on Seedlings

    Senators Want Governor Khalif Probed Over Sh449 Million Spending Mystery Including Sh349 Million in Relief Food, Sh55.9 Million on Seedlings

    NAIROBI, Kenya – A fierce confrontation at the Senate has exposed gaping holes in how Mandera County spent nearly half a billion shillings meant for drought relief, with senators now demanding criminal investigations into what they term a systematic plunder of emergency funds.

    Governor Mohamed Adan Khalif found himself in the hot seat on Tuesday as the Senate County Public Accounts Committee tore into his administration’s use of Sh449.1 million from the county’s emergency kitty, with lawmakers expressing outrage over missing documentation, phantom seedlings and relief food that cannot be traced to any beneficiaries.

    The explosive session, chaired by Homa Bay Senator Moses Kajwang, revealed that Sh349 million allegedly spent on relief food during the drought and Sh55.9 million purportedly used to purchase seedlings could not be linked to actual recipients or verified projects, raising the spectre of massive theft in one of Kenya’s poorest counties.

    “We need assurance that the funds were properly used. If you can provide that, we will move to the next issue,” Kajwang told a visibly uncomfortable Khalif. But the governor’s explanations only deepened the mystery.

    According to the breakdown presented to the committee, Sh349 million went to relief food, Sh32.2 million to water trucking, Sh55.9 million on seedlings and Sh12 million in cash transfers to vulnerable families. Yet when pressed for details, the county boss could not produce a single name of a beneficiary, a list of farmers who received seedlings or any credible paper trail showing the money reached its intended targets.

    The seedlings controversy proved particularly explosive. Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna delivered a stinging rebuke when Governor Khalif claimed the Sh55.9 million had been spent on maize seedlings.

    “Maize does not come from seedlings,” Sifuna interjected sharply, correcting the governor’s apparent confusion between seeds and seedlings. “Tell us the right story, not the one you are telling us.”

    When Khalif attempted to recover by claiming the seedlings were for vegetables along River Dawa, senators demanded to know exactly where the millions of seedlings could be found.

    “Seedlings are something you need to see,” Kajwang pressed. “Sh55 million worth of seedlings is how many seedlings? If we came to Mandera to oversee this expenditure, where do we find them?”

    Sifuna added with barely concealed contempt: “If I give farmers 10,000 avocado seedlings, I should be able to point and say those are the trees.”

    Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei highlighted the opportunity cost of the questionable spending, noting that Sh55.9 million could have built 55 early childhood development classrooms or funded extensive water trucking for drought-stricken communities.

    The governor’s claim that the seedlings were distributed to more than 6,000 registered farmers along riverlines and rainfields fell flat when he could not produce a register of beneficiaries or specify which crops were actually planted.

    Former Mandera Senator Billow Kerrow, a renowned economist, did not hide his disgust at the revelations. Taking to social media platform X, Kerrow unleashed a scathing critique of his successor’s administration.

    “Sh55.9 million on seedlings? My hometown of Rhamu on River Dawa with 22,000 hectares of farmland doesn’t enjoy free inputs from the county administration,” Kerrow, who hails from Rhamu, wrote with evident frustration.

    He contrasted the alleged free seedling distribution with the reality on the ground, where farmers are forced to pay Sh6,000 per hour for the only plough tractor in the sub-county.

    “The same county that claims to supply free seedlings charges Sh6,000 per hour for the only plough tractor in the sub-county,” he pointed out, questioning the administration’s priorities.

    Kerrow argued that if the county genuinely supported farmers along River Dawa with inputs, the region would not be perpetually dependent on famine relief. He ended his post with the Swahili phrase “Akili ni mali,” roughly translated as “intelligence is wealth,” a pointed jab at the county leadership.

    The River Dawa region, which forms part of the Kenya-Ethiopia border, is known for its agricultural potential with some 22,000 hectares of arable land. Farmers there grow crops including maize, vegetables, sunflowers and fruits through irrigation. However, they have long complained about lack of government support despite the county’s claims of massive spending on agricultural inputs.

    The audit controversy extends beyond seedlings. Senators expressed equal concern over the Sh349 million allegedly spent on relief food, noting the impossibility of verifying whether drought-stricken families actually received assistance.

    “Whatever you’re calling assurance here is a desktop sample,” Kajwang said dismissively when county auditors claimed they had conducted verification through phone calls and limited site visits. “Boots must be on the ground. This county is facing drought. We cannot rely on stories.”

    The Sh32.2 million reportedly spent on water trucking also came under scrutiny, with senators questioning how the county tracked distribution in such a vast, arid region where many communities are nomadic.

    The Sh12 million listed as cash transfers to vulnerable families and the elderly triggered demands for a complete audit showing names, identification numbers and evidence of actual disbursement.

    Committee members noted with alarm that Mandera County had not established a proper Emergency Fund as required by law, despite being one of the counties most vulnerable to climate-related disasters.

    Kajwang later announced on Facebook that the committee had directed Auditor General Nancy Gathungu to conduct a comprehensive forensic audit of all emergency-related expenditure, covering Sh382 million on relief and refugee assistance, the controversial Sh55.9 million on seedlings, Sh32.8 million on water trucking and a whopping Sh459 million on scholarships and education benefits.

    “The Senate expressed grave concern that the county had not established an Emergency Fund as required by law,” Kajwang stated, adding that the audit would determine whether funds were stolen or simply mismanaged.

    The revelations come as Mandera County grapples with a worsening humanitarian crisis, with prolonged drought leaving millions facing hunger and acute water shortages. The county, which borders both Ethiopia and Somalia, is predominantly inhabited by pastoralist communities whose livelihoods depend on livestock.

    This is not the first time Governor Khalif’s administration has faced serious questions over financial management. In July last year, senators directed the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to investigate the construction of the governor’s official residence, which ballooned from an initial budget of Sh107 million in 2014 to a final cost of Sh285 million, far exceeding the Salaries and Remuneration Commission’s ceiling of Sh45 million for county governor residences.

    At that hearing, Kajwang accused the county leadership of building “Hollywood kind of homes, the homes for NBA and multibillion shilling football stars” while hospitals lacked drugs and children went without bursaries.

    “The governor is competing with Cristiano Ronaldo in lifestyles when there are no drugs in county hospitals, when there is no bursary for children,” Kajwang had thundered.

    The Auditor General’s reports have consistently flagged Mandera County for financial irregularities, including the lack of proper documentation for Sh69.3 million allocated for National Police Reservists, absence of a fixed assets register and reliance on manual payroll systems that are vulnerable to manipulation.

    The current emergency fund scandal has reignited calls for criminal accountability in county governments, with civil society groups demanding that perpetrators of financial crimes face prosecution rather than merely being asked to provide explanations.

    As Mandera’s drought crisis deepens and residents struggle with hunger and thirst, the revelation that hundreds of millions meant for their relief may have been stolen or wasted has sparked anger across the county.

    Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has called on the government to declare the drought in North Eastern Kenya a national disaster, warning that the humanitarian situation is rapidly deteriorating.

    For farmers like those in Rhamu who till the fertile banks of River Dawa, the seedlings scandal represents a bitter betrayal. While their county government claims to have spent tens of millions supporting them, they remain without basic inputs, forced to pay exorbitant fees for tractors and left to wonder where all the money went.

    The Senate’s decision to order a forensic audit represents a crucial test of accountability in Kenya’s devolved system. Whether it leads to prosecutions and recovery of stolen funds or ends up as yet another report gathering dust on a shelf will determine if county governments can continue to operate with impunity or must finally answer for their stewardship of public resources.

    As Kenya battles a nationwide cost-of-living crisis and counties complain about inadequate funding from the national government, the Mandera scandal serves as a stark reminder that the problem may not always be insufficient resources but rather the systematic theft and mismanagement of what little is available.

    For now, the people of Mandera wait to see if this latest expose will finally bring justice or if their emergency funds will remain another unsolved mystery in Kenya’s long catalogue of corruption scandals.

  • Another Kenyan National Fighting for Russian Army Killed in Ukraine

    Another Kenyan National Fighting for Russian Army Killed in Ukraine

    A Kenyan man who had been living and working in Qatar has been killed while fighting for the Russian army in eastern Ukraine, in yet another grim reminder of how foreign recruits are being sucked into a brutal war far from home.

    Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence has identified the body of Clinton Nyapara Mogesa, a Kenyan citizen born in 1997, at a Russian position in the Donetsk region.

    Mogesa is said to have travelled from Qatar to Russia, where he later signed a contract with the Russian armed forces and was assigned to an assault unit.

    According to Ukrainian intelligence, Mogesa underwent only brief training before being sent to the front line and killed during what was described as a “meat assault,” a term widely used to describe mass infantry attacks with little regard for casualties.

    Even in death, Mogesa was reportedly abandoned. Russian forces did not evacuate his body from the battlefield, and his family has received neither compensation nor any official explanation from Russian authorities about how or where he died.

    Disturbingly, Ukrainian intelligence says Mogesa was found carrying passports belonging to two other Kenyan citizens.

    The documents are believed to belong to men recruited under similar circumstances and possibly earmarked for future deployment to the front lines.

    The case adds to growing concerns about the recruitment of African nationals into the Russian military, often through opaque contracts, false promises of high pay or legal work, and minimal disclosure of the risks involved.

    Kenyan nationals have previously surfaced among foreign fighters captured or killed in Ukraine, raising questions about how they are being recruited and whether they fully understand the consequences.

    Ukrainian defence officials have warned foreign citizens against travelling to Russia or accepting work there, cautioning that migrants and recruits face a real risk of being forcibly deployed into combat units without adequate training or protection.

    Mogesa’s death has reignited debate at home about the vulnerability of young Kenyans seeking opportunities abroad and the lack of safeguards once they fall into foreign military systems.

    For his family, the tragedy is compounded by silence from Moscow and the reality that a son who left Africa in search of a better life in Qatar ended up dying alone in a frozen trench thousands of kilometres away.

  • Puzzle Of Mysterious 15 Deaths of Street Children in Nairobi Under A Month and Mass Burials

    Puzzle Of Mysterious 15 Deaths of Street Children in Nairobi Under A Month and Mass Burials

    The silence at Lang’ata Cemetery was deafening on Wednesday as nine small wooden coffins, one containing the body of a three-month-old infant, were lowered into mass graves in a haunting spectacle that has left Kenyans demanding answers about the mysterious deaths of 15 street children over the past month.

    In scenes that would break the hardest of hearts, barefoot street families, the very people most Nairobians ignore at traffic lights, served as pallbearers.

    They carried the small caskets of their own, tears streaming down their faces as they bid farewell to friends who had shared scraps of food and cardboard shelters with them on the capital’s harsh streets.

    The burial, coordinated by city politician and philanthropist Agnes Kagure through her foundation, has exposed a disturbing pattern of deaths among Nairobi’s most vulnerable population, with the actual causes remaining largely unexplained despite bodies being collected from various city mortuaries.

    Records from the Nairobi Funeral Home reveal a chilling timeline. Two children died suddenly on December 26, 2025, in Mlango Kubwa and Mathare. Another took their own life in Kariobangi on December 29. Two more succumbed to what officials vaguely termed “natural causes” on Christmas Day and Boxing Day from Pangani and Shauri Moyo.

    But the circumstances surrounding these deaths have raised more questions than answers. The causes listed range from pneumonia and malnutrition to the euphemistic “mob justice,” a term that barely conceals the brutal violence street children face daily.

    Among those mourning was Moses, who spoke quietly about his friend Enock. “I never imagined I would be burying him so soon,” Moses said, his voice breaking. “To survive on the streets as a street child, you can’t be sober. Enock was always intoxicated.”

    The two had met at Mlango Kubwa along Juja Road, where fate had united them. Now, Moses was left with only memories of the good days they shared.

    Then there was Mary Nyambura, who knew Munyiri as a good neighbor from their base around Pangani Girls’ High School. “We one day found him dead,” Nyambura said, her voice heavy with grief. “We think he was strangled to death.”

    Peter Wanjiru, known as Chokora Msafi and coordinator of street families, painted a grim picture of life on Nairobi’s streets. “We’re not on the streets because we like it. It’s because of circumstances,” he said. “The cause of death for most is cold and hunger.”

    The deaths reveal a darker truth about Kenya’s capital. While most of the deceased were between 18 and 35 years old, the presence of a three-month-old infant among them underscores the vulnerability of street families.

    Agnes Kagure, who covered the burial costs and provided buses to transport the bodies and mourners, did not mince her words. “They die from malnutrition. Others are attacked by criminals at night. Others develop pneumonia because of sleeping on the streets,” she said.

    Kagure challenged the county government to establish clear, humane systems for handling unclaimed bodies and supporting street families. “Hunger, illness, neglect and unexplained deaths are daily realities for street families,” she stated. “I call on the county leadership to wake up and activate coordinated healthcare, feeding programs, and rehabilitation initiatives.”

    The businesswoman and gubernatorial hopeful criticized what she described as systemic failure by county leadership under Governor Johnson Sakaja’s administration. “This situation persists because our county leadership has failed, and we have developed indifference as a society,” she said.

    According to mortuary records, nine bodies were collected from the Nairobi Funeral Home, while others came from Mama Lucy Kibaki Hospital mortuary. Six more bodies remained at the facilities awaiting postmortem examinations, adding to the mystery surrounding the deaths.

    Pastor David Maina of PEFA Church, Lang’ata, who presided over the brief ceremony, offered the only comfort available. “From earth you came and earth you return,” he prayed as each small coffin was lowered six feet under.

    The mass burial has sparked outrage on social media, with Kenyans questioning what led to the sudden spike in deaths among street children. Many have criticized the lack of official investigation into the circumstances surrounding the deaths.

    “These were lives that mattered. Children who deserved love, protection, and a future,” one social media user wrote. “May our leaders, institutions, and all of us as a society wake up and act, because silence and inaction are costing lives.”

    The tragedy has also highlighted the broader crisis of street children in Kenya. According to the Consortium of Street Children, an international charity, Kenya has between 250,000 and 300,000 street children, with approximately 60,000 in Nairobi alone.

    Research conducted in Eldoret between 2009 and 2016 on street-connected young people found that they carry a disproportionate burden of morbidities and engage in practices that heighten their risk of premature mortality. The study revealed that tuberculosis, injuries, and HIV/AIDS were among the leading causes of death.

    For Nairobi’s street children, survival is a daily battle against hunger, cold, violence, and disease. Many turn to glue sniffing to numb the pain of their existence. Others fall victim to mob justice, criminal attacks, or simply succumb to the harsh conditions.

    The nine coffins at Lang’ata Cemetery represent more than just statistics. They represent children who had names, dreams, and friendships. They represent a society’s failure to protect its most vulnerable.

    As the red earth of Lang’ata covered the 15 coffins, traffic on Lang’ata Road roared on, oblivious. Nairobi had buried its shame, but the problem remains alive on the streets.

    Tonight, another child will sleep in the cold. Tomorrow, another might not wake up. Unless urgent action is taken, another mass burial may soon be needed.

    The question that haunts the city is simple yet profound: How many more children must die before Nairobi confronts this crisis?

    Kagure’s foundation has promised to organize a county-wide medical camp for street families and continue pushing for systemic reforms. But for Moses, Nyambura, and the dozens of other street families who watched their friends being buried, the damage is already done.

    “From earth you came and earth you return.” The pastor’s words echo across the cemetery, a reminder that in death, at least, these forgotten children finally found peace.

    But for those who remain on Nairobi’s streets, the struggle continues. The mystery of why 15 of their own died in such a short span remains unsolved. The city’s indifference remains unchanged. And the next victim, statistically speaking, is already out there, invisible to most, fighting to survive one more day.

  • SCANDAL: 20 Kenyan Athletes Found Guilty of Age Cheating

    SCANDAL: 20 Kenyan Athletes Found Guilty of Age Cheating

    A damning investigation has unmasked 20 Kenyan international athletes who doctored their ages to gain unfair advantage in competitions, exposing a web of deceit that stretches from school compounds to the highest levels of athletics.

    The shocking revelation by Athletics Kenya and World Athletics has sent tremors through the country’s athletics fraternity, with some of the guilty parties being medallists from prestigious global championships who now face the grim prospect of being stripped of their hard-won laurels.

    Joseph Ilovi, secretary of the AK Youth and Development Committee, dropped the bombshell that out of 60 athletes investigated in a probe dating back to 2016, only 25 have been cleared while 20 were found to have falsified their birth documents. Another 15 cases remain under investigation, hanging like a sword of Damocles over their careers.

    “While we’ve stopped those found guilty from competing locally, we are waiting for World Athletics to advise us on how to proceed,” Ilovi disclosed, revealing that the suspended athletes are now in limbo, unable to compete as investigations continue.

    The scandal has cast a dark shadow over Kenya’s athletics glory, with four of the guilty parties being medallists from the 2021 World Under-20 Athletics Championships. Even more troubling, fresh cases have emerged from the recently concluded 2025 Africa Athletics Under-20 and Under-18 Championships in Nigeria.

    What makes this scandal particularly explosive is the revelation that teachers and coaches at high school level manipulated athletes’ ages without parental consent, driven by the hunger for championship glory and the lucrative scholarships that follow.

    “The tricky part is that most of those found to have falsified their ages are now competing at a senior level, with some having secured scholarships to study at colleges in the US,” Ilovi revealed, exposing how the fraud has created a complicated situation where cheaters are now reaping rewards at the highest levels.

    The investigation has identified ten schools that engaged in age manipulation and falsification of birth documents. Athletics Kenya is now seeking an urgent meeting with the Ministry of Education to discuss appropriate punishments for these institutions that betrayed the trust of young athletes and their families.

    “That is why some athletes have different birth certificates and passports,” Ilovi explained, revealing the extent of document forgery that has enabled the scam to flourish unchecked for years.

    When World Athletics president Sebastian Coe toured Kenya in March last year, he issued a stern warning that would now haunt the guilty athletes. He declared that those found guilty of age cheating would be stripped of their titles and medals and could face severe bans similar to doping violations.

    The investigation was carried out through collaboration between Athletics Kenya, World Athletics, immigration department officers and the civil registry, painting a picture of a sophisticated operation to root out the cheats.

    But Kenya is not alone in this scandal. Ilovi revealed that World Athletics has Nigeria, South Africa and Ethiopia on its radar for age cheating. The Ethiopian case is particularly jaw-dropping. At this year’s World Athletics Cross Country Championships in Florida, USA, Ethiopia could only field one male athlete and three female athletes in the under-20 categories after most of their athletes were denied visas due to age cheating concerns.

    In a stunning revelation that exposes the scale of the problem in Ethiopia, of the 76 athletes who took part in their national trials for the 2025 Africa Athletics Under-20 and Under-18 Championships in Nigeria, only 22 were found to be the correct age. This means over 70 per cent were overage, a figure that has sent shockwaves through the athletics world.

    During Coe’s visit, Athletics Kenya president Jack Tuwei cautioned that local collaborators would face legal consequences. He warned that the cancer of age cheating was becoming as serious as doping, with coaches, athletes, parents, schools, teachers and some key officials potentially involved in the conspiracy.

    Tuwei noted that cases of birth certificates, passports and other documents being falsified were increasing at an alarming rate, particularly in under-20 events, and that this trend was fast becoming a serious concern that could rival the doping crisis that has already tainted Kenya’s athletics reputation.

    “Some athletes provided inconsistent birth dates, with some cases going back eight years. Even top athletes are under scrutiny,” revealed Barnaba Korir, AK’s Director of Youth Development, in an earlier interview, showing that the fraud has been systematic and long-running.

    World Athletics has put Kenya on notice that the country’s participation in the World Athletics U20 Championships, scheduled to take place from August 5 to 9 at Hayward Field in Eugene, Oregon, USA, will be under heavy scrutiny. Any hint of further age cheating could see Kenya’s participation restricted or even banned.

    Athletics Kenya dropped four athletes who had falsified their ages from Team Kenya for the 2024 World Under-20 Athletics Championships in Peru, a move that was seen as a first step in cleaning up the sport but which now appears to have been just the tip of the iceberg.

    The scandal threatens to further tarnish Kenya’s already battered reputation in global athletics. The country has over 100 athletes serving doping-related suspensions on the Athletics Integrity Unit’s Global List of Ineligible Persons, and now faces a second front in the battle for integrity.

    “Neither Athletics Kenya nor the Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya have rules governing age cheating,” Ilovi admitted, exposing a gaping hole in the regulatory framework that has allowed the vice to flourish. The local body has provisionally suspended the affected athletes but is powerless to impose final sanctions, which must come from World Athletics.

    “We shall only publish their names the moment World Athletics announces what should be done,” Ilovi said, leaving the public in suspense about the identities of the cheats who have brought shame to Kenyan athletics.

    The looming question now is what punishment World Athletics will hand down to the 20 athletes. With Coe having promised that medals would be stripped and performances nullified, the guilty parties face the prospect of seeing years of their athletic achievements wiped out in an instant.

    For the young athletes who competed fairly and lost to these cheats, the scandal represents a profound injustice. They were robbed of medals, scholarships and opportunities by athletes who were essentially adults competing against children.

    As Athletics Kenya prepares for its crucial meeting with the Ministry of Education, all eyes are on what consequences will befall the ten schools that enabled this fraud. Will teachers and coaches face criminal charges for document forgery? Will schools be banned from competitions? The answers will determine whether Kenya is serious about rooting out this cancer from its athletics system.

    World Athletics has established working groups specifically to handle age cheating and results manipulation, signaling that the global body is treating this as seriously as doping. The organization is also exploring the use of artificial intelligence and advanced medical technology, including MRI scans similar to those used by FIFA in football, to detect age fraud more effectively.

    The scandal comes at a critical time for Kenyan athletics. With the sport already reeling from the doping crisis and facing questions about its integrity on the world stage, the age cheating revelations represent another devastating blow to the country’s reputation as an athletics powerhouse.

    As the investigation continues and World Athletics prepares to announce its sanctions, one thing is clear: Kenyan athletics is at a crossroads. The choices made now will determine whether the country can restore trust in its systems and ensure that future competitions are fair, or whether it will sink deeper into a morass of scandals that could see it isolated from international competition.

    For the 20 athletes found guilty, their dreams of athletic glory have turned into a nightmare. For the young athletes they cheated, justice may finally be at hand. And for Kenyan athletics as a whole, this is a moment of reckoning that cannot be ignored.

  • How Rogue Hospitals Siphoned Sh11 Billion From SHA in Massive Healthcare Heist

    How Rogue Hospitals Siphoned Sh11 Billion From SHA in Massive Healthcare Heist

    NAIROBI, Kenya – Kenya’s healthcare system has been rocked by revelations of a staggering Sh11 billion fraud orchestrated by rogue private hospitals and health facilities in just six months, exposing the darkest side of the country’s flagship universal health coverage programme.

    In a shocking exposé, Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale has lifted the lid on what he describes as “real theft” that nearly crippled the Social Health Authority between October 2024 and April 2025, with private hospitals leading the criminal enterprise that has left the government reeling.

    The scale of the fraud is breathtaking. Hospitals converted simple outpatient visits into fake inpatient admissions, billed for surgeries that were never performed, and in the most audacious cases, healthcare workers registered themselves as patients to steal from the system meant to serve millions of vulnerable Kenyans.

    “This is when the real theft took place. The situation was shocking,” Duale revealed during an exclusive interview, pulling back the curtain on why the Health Ministry earned its notorious nickname, Mafia House.

    The Anatomy of Healthcare Robbery

    The fraud scheme reads like a crime thriller. Desperate Kenyans who walked into hospitals for minor ailments found themselves mysteriously admitted overnight, not because their conditions warranted it, but because greedy facility owners saw an opportunity to inflate their claims and pocket taxpayer money.

    In a particularly brazen twist, some maternity hospitals claimed that every single delivery they handled was a caesarean section, a medical impossibility that defies World Health Organisation standards and common sense. The CS did not mince his words when describing these claims as outright fraud.

    Private facilities, which have historically profited handsomely from the now-defunct National Health Insurance Fund, emerged as the primary culprits in this grand theft. Faith-based hospitals, by contrast, recorded the lowest rejection rates, suggesting a moral compass that their private counterparts appear to have lost in their pursuit of profit.

    Ghost Patients and Phantom Surgeries

    The fraud went deeper. Surgical claims became a lucrative avenue for theft, with missing theatre notes and incomplete documentation making it impossible to verify whether procedures were ever performed. Hospital owners had the audacity to complain about SHA’s high rejection rates for surgeries, even as investigators uncovered evidence of systematic billing fraud.

    In some facilities, the betrayal was internal. Healthcare workers who had taken oaths to heal instead turned into thieves, registering themselves as patients and logging false claims into the system. These facilities have since been shut down, but the damage was done.

    Government Fights Back

    Duale has declared war on the fraudsters. Last year alone, he presented 118 files to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations. Twenty-four files have been completed, with 15 forwarded to the Director of Public Prosecutions just last week. Court cases are already underway, including some involving senior SHA staff.

    More than 18 doctors and 22 clinicians have been permanently banned from the SHA portal, their careers in the public health system effectively over. The message is clear: those who steal from sick Kenyans will face the full force of the law.

    In October last year, DPP Renson Ingonga approved charges against 10 suspects, including four directors of health facilities in Kilifi and Vihiga counties. Two facilities, Jambo Jipya Medical Clinic and St Mark Orthodox Hospital, allegedly colluded with a SHA employee in a criminal conspiracy to defraud the system. Jambo Jipya alone submitted Sh2 million in fraudulent claims.

    The Road to Recovery

    Despite the massive losses, the government has poured Sh75 billion into the Social Health Insurance Fund over the last 14 months, alongside Sh4 billion to the Public Officers Medical Scheme and Sh1 billion to the Emergency, Chronic and Critical Fund. The healthcare system runs on government money, and Duale wants facilities to deliver what Kenyans have paid for.

    Some hospitals with smaller debts have signed consent agreements and are negotiating repayment terms. Those willing to disclose what they stole and commit to paying it back will be given a chance, but the CS has warned that no one involved in fraud will be spared.

    Digital safeguards and investigative mechanisms have now been deployed. The daily claims and revenue are balanced, and the system automatically notifies facilities when claims are rejected, explaining what documentation is required. The era of easy theft, Duale insists, is over.

    A Vision for the Future

    Looking beyond the scandal, the CS has set an ambitious vision for Kenyan healthcare. He wants the country to become the leading nation in healthcare delivery in Africa, where even presidents can be treated in the same facilities as ordinary citizens.

    It is a bold dream, but one that can only be realised if the thieves in white coats are completely weeded out and the system rebuilt on a foundation of integrity. For now, the government is focused on one thing: recovering every shilling stolen from sick Kenyans who deserved better than to be robbed by those who swore to heal them.

    The Sh11 billion heist has exposed the rot in Kenya’s healthcare system. Whether the government can successfully recover the stolen funds and restore public trust remains to be seen. What is certain is that the days of unchecked fraud are numbered, and those who participated in this grand theft should be looking over their shoulders.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

  • Seth Panyako Dismissed From Government Job

    Seth Panyako Dismissed From Government Job

    Seth Sindani Panyako, one of Kenya’s most combative trade union figures, has quietly been dropped from a government board, marking an abrupt end to his nearly three-year stint in a State appointment that many viewed as politically sensitive from the start.

    In a Kenya Gazette notice dated January 23, 2026, Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi Ng’ongo revoked Panyako’s appointment as a member of the Local Authorities Provident Fund Board. No reasons were given for the dismissal, a silence that has only intensified speculation about the political calculations behind the decision.

    Panyako was appointed to the board in March 2023, at a time when the Kenya Kwanza administration was attempting to project inclusivity by accommodating vocal union leaders within State structures.

    His removal now comes against the backdrop of deepening tensions between organised labour and the government over wages, delayed promotions, and persistent crises in the public health sector.

    A nurse by training, Panyako has been the Secretary-General of the Kenya National Union of Nurses since 2013, a position from which he built a reputation as an unyielding negotiator. He has repeatedly taken on successive governments, accusing them of exploiting healthcare workers while presiding over a collapsing public health system. His confrontational style was most visible in 2020, when he led nationwide calls for nurses to strike after the Salaries and Remuneration Commission declared that the State could not meet their demands.

    Beyond labour activism, Panyako has harboured clear political ambitions. He contested the Malava parliamentary seat in 2022 on a United Democratic Alliance ticket but lost to the late ANC MP Malulu Injendi. He challenged the outcome in court, a move that further entrenched his image as a combative political actor unwilling to retreat quietly. Following Injendi’s death, Panyako made another attempt at the seat in a by-election, only to suffer a second defeat.

    His relationship with UDA has also been fraught. Despite campaigning for President William Ruto in Western Kenya, Panyako has publicly accused his own party of sidelining him once power was secured. At one point, he claimed he had been offered a Cabinet Secretary position, which he said he declined, arguing that his role as nurses’ union boss was “bigger than that of a CS.”

    The revocation of his board appointment is likely to be interpreted by his supporters as political punishment rather than routine administrative housekeeping. To critics within government, Panyako has long represented an uncomfortable contradiction: a State appointee who remained openly hostile to government policy, regularly mobilising workers against the same system that had placed him on a public board.

    As of now, Panyako has not publicly responded to the dismissal. Whether his removal signals a broader purge of outspoken unionists from government-linked positions or is merely an isolated decision remains to be seen. What is clear is that one of Kenya’s loudest labour voices has lost a foothold inside government, a development that may further harden his stance outside it.

  • Supreme Court Lifts Ban on Ahmednasir After Fiery Lawyer Pledges to End Attacks

    Supreme Court Lifts Ban on Ahmednasir After Fiery Lawyer Pledges to End Attacks

    The Supreme Court has lifted its unprecedented two-year ban on outspoken lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi, marking a dramatic end to one of the most bitter feuds between the judiciary and the legal fraternity in Kenya’s history.

    In a ruling delivered on Friday, January 23, 2026, a six-judge bench led by Chief Justice Martha Koome declared that the sanction imposed exactly two years earlier had “served its purpose” after the firebrand lawyer pledged to stop his relentless attacks on judges.

    The decision came after senior counsels Paul Muite and Fred Ngatia conveyed Ahmednasir’s remorse and commitment to reform, a significant shift for the lawyer who had previously vowed never to appear before the court “as long as CJ Koome, DCJ Mwilu, Smokin Wanja and Njoki are judges.”

    The ban, imposed on January 23, 2024, had sent shockwaves through the legal community. In an unprecedented move, the Supreme Court barred Ahmednasir, his law firm employees, and anyone acting on his instructions from appearing before it, citing his “relentless and unabashed” criticism of the judiciary through social media.

    “Ahmednasir Abdullahi, his Senior Counsel, shall have no audience before this Supreme Court, either by himself, through an employee of his law firm, or any other person holding his brief,” the original ban stated.

    The court had questioned how the lawyer could seek justice from an institution “whose reputation and integrity you never tire in assaulting.”

    The controversy escalated when Ahmednasir took to X, formerly Twitter, to outline his defiant conditions for returning to practice before the apex court. His scathing critiques of judges and allegations of corruption and incompetence sparked a bitter feud that spilled over to the Judicial Service Commission and even reached the East African Court of Justice.

    Several petitions were subsequently filed seeking the removal of Supreme Court judges, including Chief Justice Koome, with accusations of suppressing free speech and abusing judicial authority flying thick and fast.

    The turning point came during the court’s first sitting of the year, following a minute of silence for the late Justice Mohammed Ibrahim. What began as proceedings in a decades-old land dispute between the government and rancher Nguruman Limited quickly shifted focus when Muite and Ngatia made an oral plea for reconsideration.

    Ironically, Ahmednasir had previously represented Nguruman Limited at the Court of Appeal, where the company secured a staggering Sh17 billion compensation award over repeated land invasions.

    “The denial of audience has achieved its objective, and we pray that the order be vacated,” Muite told the court, revealing that discussions had been held with Ahmednasir about his conduct.

    Ngatia emphasized that two years had provided sufficient time for reflection. “Time enables introspection,” he stated, urging the court not to be “held hostage by past events.”

    The lawyers assured the judges that Ahmednasir’s future commentaries would be scholarly and respectful, a promise that drew cautious questioning from the bench.

    Justice Isaac Lenaola pressed for concrete assurances. “You are diplomatic but have not made a firm commitment,” he told Ngatia.

    Justice Njoki Ndung’u similarly sought clarity on whether Ahmednasir would uphold decorum in future statements.

    In response, Muite affirmed that firm commitments had been secured. “The Bar and bench collaborate in serving justice. Any commentary must recognise the decorum and dignity of judicial office,” he said.

    Ngatia went further, describing respect for the judiciary as an “irreducible minimum” and assuring the court that “this incident will not happen again.”

    Lawyer Dennis Ben Mosota, representing Nguruman Limited, described the ban as a “collective measure to uphold the court’s dignity” and confirmed Ahmednasir’s “genuine remorse.”

    Previous attempts to overturn the ban had failed on procedural grounds, while negotiations between the court and the Law Society of Kenya made little progress, making Friday’s ruling all the more significant.

    The lifting of the ban effectively ends a standoff that had divided opinion in legal circles, with some viewing it as necessary to maintain judicial dignity while others saw it as an affront to free speech and the right to criticize public institutions.

    For Ahmednasir, known as the “Grand Mullah” in legal circles, the ruling represents both a victory and a retreat. The lawyer built his reputation on fearless criticism of what he perceived as corruption and incompetence in the judiciary, but his return to the Supreme Court comes with strings attached.

    The question now is whether the controversial lawyer can maintain the scholarly and respectful discourse he has promised, or whether his trademark combative style will resurface. The legal fraternity will be watching closely as this new chapter unfolds in the relationship between one of Kenya’s most outspoken lawyers and the country’s highest court.

  • Jaramogi Clan Tells Raila Jr, Winnie Against Disrespecting Their Uncle Oburu, Warns of Curses

    Jaramogi Clan Tells Raila Jr, Winnie Against Disrespecting Their Uncle Oburu, Warns of Curses

    The powerful Kawuor clan has issued a stern warning to Raila Odinga’s children, Winnie and Raila Junior, demanding they cease what elders termed as blatant disrespect toward their uncle, Senator Oburu Oginga, or risk facing traditional curses that have historically befallen those who defy family hierarchy.

    In a dramatic intervention that has sent shockwaves through Kenyan political circles, senior members of the clan that produced independence hero Jaramogi Oginga Odinga gathered at the iconic Kang’o Ka Jaramogi homestead in Bondo on Tuesday to publicly reprimand the younger Odingas for their perceived insubordination.

    William Ojonyo, Jaramogi’s nephew and a respected voice within the clan, delivered the explosive message with the weight of ancestral authority behind him. The altercation involving Winnie and Raila Junior should not happen again. We call on all children and grandchildren to respect the eldest son of Jaramogi. This is not just about politics. It is about our culture, our traditions, and the natural order that has governed our family for generations.

    The clan’s fury was triggered by parallel political rallies held last weekend, a spectacle that laid bare the deepening fault lines within the once-impregnable Odinga political dynasty.

    Dr. Oburu Oginga.
    Dr. Oburu Oginga.

    While Oburu, now ODM party leader, addressed supporters in Kakamega as part of a Western Kenya tour, his niece Winnie and nephew Raila Junior held their own rally at Kamukunji grounds in Nairobi, openly challenging his leadership.

    Winnie, an East African Legislative Assembly MP, threw caution to the wind during her fiery Kamukunji address. “We were passengers, and Baba was our driver. Then, one day, he was gone. Out of nowhere, those who were near him jumped to the steering wheel. They are pushing us like luggage,” she declared to thunderous applause from a youthful crowd that included Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino.

    Her words, widely interpreted as a direct attack on Oburu, have now placed her and her brother in direct conflict with clan elders who view such public confrontation as a grave violation of Luo customs that demand deference to elder male relatives, particularly the firstborn son of a patriarch like Jaramogi.

    Winnie, Raila Odinga Junior during a recent rally in Kibera.
    Winnie, Raila Odinga Junior during a recent rally in Kibera.

    Sources within the clan say that behind closed doors, discussions have gone beyond mere political disagreements.

    There are serious conversations about invoking traditional mechanisms to restore order.

    “In our culture, when younger family members openly disrespect their elders, especially the firstborn male, there are consequences. The spirits of our ancestors do not take such things lightly,” one elder who requested anonymity revealed.

    Cardinal John Awala, speaking at the Kisumu gathering, adopted a more conciliatory tone but the message remained unmistakable. “We invite our kin, Honorable Winnie Odinga and Raila Junior, to come share their concerns within the larger family fold. We are ready to listen. But let it be clear, the eldest son of Jaramogi commands respect. This is not negotiable.”

    The public rebuke comes at a time when ODM, the party that Raila Odinga built into a national political force over two decades, faces its most serious existential crisis.

    With Raila’s sudden death creating a leadership vacuum, battle lines have been drawn between Oburu’s old guard, which includes party Chairperson Gladys Wanga and Director of Elections Junet Mohammed, and a younger, more militant faction rallying behind Winnie Odinga.

    The generational clash has been further complicated by ideological differences over President William Ruto’s government.

    Oburu has signaled openness to supporting Ruto’s 2027 re-election bid, a position that has horrified party purists who see it as a betrayal of ODM’s opposition DNA.

    Sifuna and Babu Owino have emerged as fierce critics of what they term a sellout to the government.

    Babu Owino, never one to mince words, has publicly questioned Oburu’s suitability to lead the party, using biblical analogies to make his point. “What kind of general do we need after Baba? Our Moses is gone, and we need a Joshua who is younger than Moses, with vim, vigor, courage and temerity to lead the people Baba left to Canaan. The current ODM does not reflect what Baba stood for.”

    Such rhetoric has only deepened the clan’s concerns. Political commentator Barrack Muluka observed that the crisis mirrors the chaos that consumed Ford Kenya in 1994 following Jaramogi’s death, when Raila himself battled Kijana Wamalwa for party control.

    “History is repeating itself, but this time Raila’s own children are on the opposite side of the generational divide,” Muluka noted.

    Interestingly, not all family members are convinced there is a crisis.

    Omondi Oginga, Oburu’s younger brother, dismissed the tensions as media hype. There is no crack in the Odinga family. Winnie is a politician and is only playing her own game. She is not challenging her uncle. But his reassurances have done little to calm public anxiety.

    The stakes extend far beyond family pride. ODM boasts 6.3 million members, making it Kenya’s largest political party and a prize target for external actors.

    President Ruto is reportedly courting the party, while former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is said to be exploring opportunities to exploit the divisions ahead of 2027.

    The succession battle has also seen multiple leaders position themselves as potential Luo community kingpins, a role Raila occupied for over three decades. Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga, Energy CS Opiyo Wandayi, Treasury CS John Mbadi, Interior PS Raymond Omollo and Babu Owino are all jostling for regional supremacy, each backed by different factions.

    As the Kawuor clan prepares for more elaborate commemorations of Jaramogi’s death once Oburu returns from official duties abroad, the unresolved tensions threaten to overshadow what should be a solemn family occasion. For now, all eyes are on whether Winnie and Raila Junior will heed the clan’s warning or whether the Odinga dynasty will fracture irreparably under the weight of ambition, tradition and political intrigue.

    The ghost of 1994 looms large, a reminder that in Kenyan politics, family feuds can destroy even the mightiest of political machines.

  • Blow to North Highridge School as Court Allows Mandera Governor’s Flats on Grabbed Land

    Blow to North Highridge School as Court Allows Mandera Governor’s Flats on Grabbed Land

    North Highridge Primary School has suffered a major setback in its long-running land dispute after the Environment and Land Court declined to stop construction of a high-rise apartment project linked to Mandera Governor Mohamed Adan Khalif on a contested Parklands property.

    In a ruling delivered in Nairobi, the court refused to grant the school a temporary injunction to halt the development, finding that the Board of Management had not placed sufficient documentary evidence before the court to prove ownership of the specific parcel under dispute.

    The decision clears the way for construction to proceed pending a full hearing of the case.

    Justice Christine Ochieng said the school’s filings detailed a history of alleged land loss dating back to the mid-1990s, but failed to establish, at the interlocutory stage, a prima facie case over LR No. 209/21526, the parcel on which the apartments are being built.

    She held that claims of fraud, illegal excisions and forged records could only be determined after a substantive trial.

    The disputed project involves a multi-storey residential development approved for 160 housing units.

    The governor maintains that he lawfully acquired the land in 2021 at a reported cost of Sh140 million and obtained all statutory approvals before commencing construction.

    The National Construction Authority has confirmed that the developer complied with regulatory requirements prior to resuming works earlier this year.

    North Highridge School, however, insists the land forms part of its original 2.2-hectare compound that was set aside for educational purposes and has been systematically reduced through what it describes as decades of irregular surveys, excisions and re-registrations.

    According to court documents, the school’s original parcel, LR No. 209/8262, was allegedly altered and portions carved out and reissued under new numbers, including LR No. 209/21526.

    The school further alleges that government officials and statutory agencies colluded to sanitise the transfers, issuing certificates and approvals that made the transactions appear lawful.

    It says one of the excised parcels was first allocated to Nairobi County, later passed to a private individual, and eventually acquired by the governor.

    Beyond ownership, the school has raised concerns about the impact of the construction on learning. Management says the development has eaten into playgrounds, damaged perimeter fences and displaced the head teacher’s residence.

    Classrooms now sit only metres from the rising structure, which parents and teachers argue poses safety risks and has worsened congestion in a school that hosts ECDE, primary, junior and secondary sections.

    Records before the court show the dispute was reported at Parklands Police Station in May 2024, even as planning approvals continued.

    The school also pointed to an apparent contradiction by Nairobi City County, which in 2019 indicated the land belonged to the school, but later approved building permits in September 2024 for the housing project under the governor’s name.

    An environmental report submitted to NEMA in April 2025 reportedly cautioned against premature construction.

    Despite these concerns, the court ruled that the threshold for stopping the project had not been met at this stage.

    As a result, construction will continue as the main suit proceeds, where the court will interrogate the legality of historical surveys, transfers and titles linked to the land.

    The school is seeking revocation of the disputed titles, restoration of the land to its original boundaries, and legal action against officials involved in the alleged irregular transfers.

    For now, however, the ruling represents a significant blow to its bid to reclaim what it says is part of its historic compound.

  • Death Traps: Nairobi Sitting on a Time Bomb as 85 Per Cent of Buildings Risk Collapse

    Death Traps: Nairobi Sitting on a Time Bomb as 85 Per Cent of Buildings Risk Collapse

    Nairobi residents are unknowingly living in death traps, with a staggering 85 per cent of buildings in the capital unsafe for human habitation and vulnerable to collapse even from minor tremors, professional architects and engineers have warned.

    The chilling revelation came as construction industry professionals broke their silence following the South C building collapse that killed two people last week, painting a grim picture of a city where corruption, greed and regulatory failure have turned homes into potential mass graves.

    “If a tremor, even on a very low Richter scale, happened today, many buildings would come down. We are living by the grace of God,” declared Architectural Association of Kenya President Prof George Ndege in a stark warning that has sent shockwaves through the nation.

    The professionals revealed that a 2018 audit by the National Building Inspectorate covering 14,925 buildings found that only 2,194 structures were safe. A staggering 723 buildings were classified as very dangerous, while 10,791 were deemed unsafe and 1,217 rated as fair.

    “NBI took a sample of 15,000 buildings and only 15 per cent of them were safe. You are talking about all the others as being unsafe,” said Institution of Engineers of Kenya President Shammah Kiteme, his voice heavy with the weight of the statistics.

    The implications are terrifying. Millions of Kenyans go to bed each night in buildings that could become their tombs at any moment. Children attend schools, families worship in churches, workers toil in offices, all within structures that professional engineers warn are fundamentally unsound.

    Prof Ndege painted a disturbing picture of daily life in Nairobi’s residential buildings. “How many buildings have natural light during the day? How many have fresh air, family-friendly spaces, proper sanitation and access to open areas for children to play? If you have to switch on your lights during the day, that is a problem. If there is a sewer outside your house, that is a problem. The number of buildings that are not fit for human habitation is extremely high.”

    The South C tragedy, where a 16-storey residential building crumbled like a house of cards, has exposed what professionals describe as a toxic cocktail of corruption, political interference, counterfeit materials and regulatory capture that has turned Kenya’s construction sector into what they call a “ticking time bomb.”

    Speaking at a joint press conference, leaders from eight registered professional bodies, including the Institution of Engineers of Kenya, The Architects Alliance, Kenya Institute of Planners, Institution of Surveyors of Kenya and Institute of Quantity Surveyors of Kenya, laid bare the rot in the sector.

    “Many investigations have been done. There is no evidence that we have implemented the lessons learnt from the dissections and investigations. The failure to make people take responsibility makes this culture of impunity entrenched and there is no way to stop it,” the lobbies warned in a damning indictment of the system.

    The professionals revealed that developers routinely add extra floors to buildings mid-construction without redesigning foundations, a practice that significantly increases structural load and the risk of catastrophic collapse. Counterfeit construction materials flood the market unchecked, while quacks masquerading as qualified engineers sign off on deadly designs.

    “We worry about counterfeit alcohol because it kills, yet our buildings are killing us silently. We don’t know the quality of materials being used and that is the harsh reality professionals are grappling with,” said The Architects Alliance President Senator Sylvia Kasanga.

    Perhaps most shocking is the revelation that corruption has become so entrenched that approvals are routinely fast-tracked through bribery, with powerful political connections shielding rogue developers from consequences.

    The South C building itself exemplified the systemic failures. Investigations revealed that the National Construction Authority issued registration before mandatory approvals from county government and the National Environment Management Authority were secured. Additional floors were approved without proof of structural review. The developer was listed as the engineer, raising red flags about conflict of interest. Construction continued despite enforcement notices issued in May, July and December 2025.

    “Looking at the rubble, it is clear this was a poor job. Everybody involved took shortcuts. The county bears responsibility for approving four additional floors when the building was nearly complete,” said Lands and Public Works Cabinet Secretary Alice Wahome.

    A human rights activist has now petitioned the High Court to remove NCA Executive Director Maurice Akech, alleging regulatory failures that contributed to building collapses. Francis Awino argues that Akech is unfit for office due to alleged negligence, incompetence and failure to enforce construction laws despite repeated warnings.

    The professionals warned that without immediate and comprehensive reforms, the question is not if another building will collapse, but when. Since 1990, over 200 people have lost their lives in building collapses, with thousands injured and the economy losing over Sh2.4 billion worth of investments.

    “The audit must go beyond this incident to examine systemic failures. If we do not address this mess comprehensively, we will forget this tragedy and another building will collapse,” Kiteme warned.

    The professionals demanded accountability across the entire chain, from developers and contractors to county governments and regulatory agencies. They called for the blacklisting of rogue contractors, public disclosure of unsafe buildings, and criminal prosecution of those who cut corners.

    As Nairobi’s skyline continues to sprout new towers at breakneck speed, the question haunting every resident is simple but terrifying: Is my building next?

  • Fears of Fallout As ODM Gives Ruto Fresh Demands For 2027 Support

    Fears of Fallout As ODM Gives Ruto Fresh Demands For 2027 Support

    President William Ruto faces mounting pressure to renegotiate power-sharing arrangements with the Orange Democratic Movement as the party threatens to withdraw support for his 2027 re-election bid unless key demands are met.

    Senior ODM figures have drawn a hard line in ongoing political discussions, insisting that the party’s considerable vote bank cannot be taken for granted without clear, documented commitments from the Kenya Kwanza administration.

    National Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohamed delivered the blunt ultimatum during a gathering at the home of former Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo on Sunday, warning that ODM would not support the President unconditionally despite their current working relationship.

    The Suna East MP emphasized that while Kenya Kwanza appointed six ODM members to Cabinet positions after the 2022 election, this gesture falls short of what the party expects ahead of the next general election.

    Those appointed include Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi, Hassan Joho at Blue Economy, Wycliffe Oparanya in Cooperatives and Opiyo Wandayi heading Energy docket.

    However, ODM leadership argues these positions represent only an initial step in what should be a more comprehensive power-sharing arrangement.

    “We cannot sit back without a plan simply because we are in a broad-based government,” Mohamed declared, adding that the party commands significant support across Coast, Western, Turkana, North Eastern and Nairobi regions.

    He dismissed suggestions from some quarters that ODM has no choice but to back Ruto unconditionally, stating emphatically that anyone making such claims does not speak for the party.

    “We did not vote for President Ruto, yet the Kenya Kwanza administration appointed six of our members to the Cabinet. If they want our votes in 2027, they must table their proposals. We must engage in talks before the election,” the legislator said.

    ODM national chairperson Gladys Wanga reinforced these sentiments, announcing that the party is preparing for fresh negotiations with the President.

    The Homa Bay Governor stressed that any agreement must include detailed outlines of benefits earmarked for each region, particularly those previously marginalized from national development.

    “We must know what is in store for us. We will present our proposals, and UDA must do the same. We will not go into an election without a clear plan,” Wanga stated, dismissing claims that ODM would collapse following the death of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga in October.

    The Governor emphasized that ODM’s strength lies in its membership and called on supporters to maintain unity and strengthen the party rather than abandon it.

    Vihiga Senator Godfrey Osotsi, the party’s deputy leader, echoed these concerns, insisting that ODM must be consulted on any coalition formation ahead of 2027.

    He linked the broad-based government arrangement to the ten-point agenda agreed upon between ODM and Kenya Kwanza, arguing that both are inseparable as they directly affect ordinary Kenyans.

    The renewed push for negotiations comes seven months after Kenya Kwanza and ODM signed a memorandum of understanding on March 7, 2025, aimed at fostering political cooperation.

    That agreement saw Ruto and Raila pledge to work together on issues including youth unemployment, national unity, inclusivity in governance and ending government wastage.

    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)
    ODM leader Raila Odinga and President William Ruto. (Photo: Handout)

    However, following Raila’s death in October, ODM leaders have made it clear that supporting the government does not mean they agreed with every aspect of the coalition arrangement.

    Party leader Oburu Oginga, who assumed leadership after his brother’s passing, has previously stated that ODM will settle for nothing less than the Deputy President position in any 2027 political arrangement.

    This demand has complicated matters for Ruto, who faces the delicate task of balancing ODM’s expectations against loyalty to current Deputy President Kithure Kindiki and his Mt Kenya support base.

    Political analysts suggest the President is caught between securing crucial votes from Nyanza and coastal regions through ODM, and maintaining the coalition that brought him to power in 2022.

    Already, Members of Parliament from Meru and Tharaka Nithi have warned against any attempt to sideline Kindiki in favor of an ODM running mate, describing such a move as political self-destruction.

    Ruto has attempted to navigate these treacherous waters by publicly encouraging ODM to strengthen its party structures while hinting at future coalition possibilities.

    During the Piny Luo Festival in Migori last week, the President told ODM leaders he wants a strong opposition party so both sides can negotiate from positions of strength.

    “I am calling on the ODM party to strategize itself and remain strong. We want a strong ODM so that we can plan Kenyan affairs together,” Ruto said, adding that he would similarly strengthen UDA for any future government formation through mutual agreement.

    However, ODM’s latest demands suggest the party is not content with vague promises and wants concrete commitments documented before committing to any electoral alliance.

    The party has made it clear that its substantial vote bank, which influences outcomes across multiple regions, gives it leverage that cannot be ignored.

    Mohamed warned that withholding ODM support could significantly affect Ruto’s re-election prospects, describing the party as a national outfit with supporters who appreciate the current working relationship but expect more substantial gains.

    The minority leader also indicated that ODM’s engagement would be limited to Kenya Kwanza, dismissing any involvement of impeached former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua in their 2027 political calculations.

    As the 2027 election approaches, the political chess game between Ruto and ODM appears set to intensify, with both sides maneuvering for advantage while maintaining a facade of cooperation.

    The outcome of these negotiations could prove decisive not only for Ruto’s re-election prospects but also for the future direction of Kenyan politics in a post-Raila era.

    Whether the President can satisfy ODM’s appetite for power while keeping his current coalition intact remains the central question as the country heads toward what promises to be a fiercely contested election.