NAIROBI, May 25, 2025 – Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary, Dr. Korir Sing’Oei, has sharply criticized a headline by The East African—a publication under the Nation Media Group (NMG)—labeling it as “desperate journalism.”
The headline, published in the May 24-30 edition, read: “How Kenya aided arrest of activists in Dar“, alleging that Kenya’s cooperation policy with regional regimes facilitated the arrest and deportation of activists in Tanzania, actions that lawyers argue breached the East African Community (EAC) Treaty.
The article detailed the arrest, torture, and deportation of Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire from Dar es Salaam, where they had traveled to support Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, facing politically motivated treason charges.
Renowned Kenyan jurists Martha Karua and former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga were also deported, with Tanzanian authorities citing a lack of legal practice licenses.
The report criticized Kenya’s “cooperation, not confrontation” policy under President William Ruto, pointing to similar incidents, such as the abduction of Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye in Nairobi in November 2024, and accused Kenya of complicity with oppressive regimes.
In a post on X on May 24, 2025, Sing’Oei rejected the claims, stating, “this headline by NMG’s *The East African* is a classic example of desperate journalism. Kenya remains committed to the principles of the EAC Treaty and the protection of its citizens’ rights.”
He denied any direct involvement in the activists’ arrests, echoing sentiments from Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, who had earlier admitted to “cooperation” with Ugandan authorities in the Besigye case but denied involvement in the Tanzanian incident.
The activists’ ordeal has sparked outrage among Kenyans, who accuse the Ruto administration of failing to protect its citizens abroad.
Mwangi, tortured for four days, was abandoned at the border after Kenya’s belated diplomatic intervention. Critics, including the International Commission of Jurists’ Demas Kiprono, argue that Tanzania’s actions violate the EAC Common Market Protocol, which guarantees free movement. Kiprono noted that while Kenya amended its Advocates Act in 2002 to allow Tanzanian and Ugandan lawyers to practice locally, reciprocity remains unfulfilled, with Kenyan professionals facing significant hurdles in the region.
Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu defended the deportations, accusing the activists of “meddling” in her country’s affairs.
“They have destroyed their countries, now they want to do the same with ours,” she said in a national address.
Meanwhile, Mudavadi’s refusal to send a protest note to Tanzania stating he agreed with Samia’s view that the activists were exporting “bad manners” drew further criticism for Kenya’s perceived inaction.
The incident underscores Kenya’s shifting foreign policy, once seen as a safe haven for regional dissidents but now criticized for enabling renditions, such as those of South Sudanese opposition members and Turkish asylum seekers in recent years.
Despite strong economic ties—Tanzania is Kenya’s second-largest export market in the EAC, with a 3.4% rise in exports by late 2024—the diplomatic flip-flop has strained relations, exposing tensions within the EAC over democratic freedoms and regional integration.
As Kenya navigates its role in the bloc, the fallout from this incident highlights the delicate balance between cooperation and the protection of citizens’ rights, with activists and lawyers calling for stronger adherence to EAC principles.
Governor Nassir orders two-day closure following meteorological warning of dangerous weather conditions
Mombasa’s public beaches remain off-limits today as authorities implement emergency safety measures following severe weather warnings from the Kenya Meteorological Department.
Governor Abdulswamad Sheriff Nassir announced the unprecedented closure yesterday evening, affecting all public beaches in the coastal county for Saturday and Sunday, with the possibility of extending the restriction through Monday if conditions don’t improve.
The decision came after Mombasa’s Disaster Preparedness Committee convened an emergency meeting in response to Met Department alerts warning of strong winds and dangerous ocean waves reaching heights of up to 2.5 meters along the coast.
“We’ve resolved to close public beaches for two days, suspend ocean activities, and halt all construction work for public safety. Daily updates will be shared,” Governor Nassir stated during a media briefing on Friday.
Severe weather alert
The Kenya Meteorological Department issued its advisory Friday, warning residents across 15 counties—including the entire coastal region—to prepare for destructive wind conditions over the next three days.
Wind speeds, which began Friday at over 30 knots (15.4 m/s), are expected to intensify significantly today, reaching more than 35 knots (18.0 m/s) before gradually subsiding to 25 knots by Monday.
The affected areas extend beyond the coast to include southeastern lowlands and northwestern regions, with counties such as Marsabit, Turkana, Samburu, Isiolo, Mandera, Wajir, Garissa, Kitui, Makueni, and Taita Taveta all under the weather warning.
Governor Nassir confirmed that all fishermen have been notified of the restrictions, while construction activities have been suspended to prevent weather-related accidents.
The Kenya Wildlife Service has been enlisted to help enforce the beach closures, ensuring no unauthorized access to dangerous coastal areas during the severe weather period.
Coastal counties Tana River, Kwale, and Kilifi face similar warnings about large ocean waves, though Mombasa appears to be taking the most proactive approach with its complete beach closure.
The closure marks the first time many residents can recall beaches being shuttered due to weather conditions, with some social media users expressing surprise at the unprecedented measure while others praised the governor’s cautious approach to public safety.
Local officials emphasize that the restrictions will be evaluated daily, with the possibility of reopening beaches Monday if meteorological conditions improve sufficiently.
Kenyan human rights activist describes brutal torture ordeal as he returns home barely able to walk, calls for prayers for fellow detainee still missing
Kenyan human rights activist Boniface Mwangi has returned home after four days of what he describes as brutal torture in Tanzanian custody, appearing frail and barely able to walk as he recounted his harrowing ordeal to journalists.
Speaking from a wheelchair at Moi International Airport in Mombasa on Thursday evening, the visibly shaken activist struggled to find words to describe his experience in detention.
“I have gone through four dark days. I have been tortured very badly. I can barely walk,” Mwangi said, his voice trembling as medical personnel prepared to airlift him to Nairobi for specialized treatment.
The activist was arrested in Dar es Salaam earlier this week while attempting to attend a court hearing for Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who faces treason charges. Mwangi was detained alongside Ugandan lawyer and journalist Agather Atuhaire, whose whereabouts remain unknown.
“I am very concerned about Agather because we were tortured together, and they did very horrible things to us. So, I hope Agather is safe. Please pray for her,” Mwangi pleaded, his concern for his fellow detainee evident despite his own physical condition.
The ordeal began on Monday when Mwangi posted a video on social media showing a tense late-night confrontation at his hotel room with suspected plainclothes Tanzanian officers. In the footage, he described refusing to open his door to unidentified men who declined to show proper identification.
“I’m scared of my life because there are a lot of abductions in this country, a lot of executions in this country, and people are in jail for refusing Suluhu’s dictatorship,” Mwangi had said in the video, referencing Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan.
Despite his precautions, Mwangi was subsequently arrested and held incommunicado for four days before being deported by road to the Kenyan border. Tanzanian authorities dumped him at Horohoro border post, from where he made his way to Lunga Lunga and eventually to Ukunda in Kwale County.
Muslim for Human Rights activist Khelef Khalifa, who picked up Mwangi at the border, described the activist’s condition as deeply concerning.
“He was badly beaten on his legs; he could barely walk. Torture is against the law. Can Tanzania tell us why they detained him? This is a violation of human rights,” Khalifa said.
Boniface Mwangi being helped by his wife to walk.
Videos shared by Haki Africa Executive Director Hussein Khalid showed Mwangi being wheeled through the airport, highlighting the severity of his physical condition. Medical personnel in Diani, where he was first taken for assessment, noted visible injuries and weakness.
Mwangi’s wife, Njeri, who rushed to be by his side, made an emotional plea to journalists to allow her husband to receive immediate medical attention.
“No questions… Please, no. He has already said he was tortured. I know this is important and you want a lot of information, but I beg you to please let him go home. He needs medical attention… he has told you himself he was wounded; they tortured him,” she said.
The activist’s detention sparked widespread condemnation from human rights organizations across East Africa and mounting diplomatic pressure. Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs CS Musalia Mudavadi confirmed Mwangi’s release following public outcry and threats of protests outside the Tanzanian High Commission in Nairobi.
Hussein Khalid of Haki Africa condemned the Tanzanian government’s treatment of the Kenyan citizen, warning of international intervention if justice is not served.
“They were brutal and we will not take this thing lightly. If the Kenyan government is complicit we will involve the international community to seek redress,” Khalid stated.
The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights confirmed receiving Mwangi in Kwale County and coordinating his transfer to Nairobi for comprehensive medical evaluation. The full extent of his injuries remains to be determined by doctors in the capital.
Despite his ordeal, Mwangi expressed gratitude to Kenyans who advocated for his release.
“Thank you to everyone who spoke and stood with us; the solidarity was not in vain,” he said before being airlifted to Nairobi.
The incident has strained diplomatic relations between Kenya and Tanzania, with questions being raised about the treatment of East African citizens across borders. As Mwangi begins his recovery, concerns remain for Agather Atuhaire, whose fate continues to be unknown.
The activist’s case highlights growing tensions in Tanzania over human rights and political freedoms under President Suluhu’s administration, as opposition voices face increasing pressure and persecution.
ELDORET, Kenya – More than 170 farmers in Uasin Gishu County have taken to the streets in fierce opposition to what they describe as an exploitative carbon credits agreement that threatens their land ownership and farming rights.
The farmers staged a dramatic protest outside the offices of Earth Tree company in Eldoret on Tuesday, expressing outrage over significant changes made to their original 2023 carbon credit contract with Green Planet.
The alterations have raised serious concerns about land grabbing and corporate exploitation in Kenya’s rapidly expanding carbon credit market.
What began as a promising partnership has transformed into what farmers call a “bait and switch” operation. Joseph Mosop and Hoseah Koech, leading the farmers’ protest, revealed that a new entity called Earth Tree had emerged with a drastically different agreement from the one they originally signed with Green Planet.
“People we don’t know are now asking for our title deeds, saying they need to search the land. This is very questionable. They want to take our land,” one farmer told reporters, capturing the deep suspicion that has gripped the farming community.
The most alarming change involves the companies’ demand for copies of farmers’ title deeds – a requirement that was not part of the original agreement. Farmers view this as a potential precursor to land appropriation, given the history of land disputes in Kenya.
Extended exploitation period
Perhaps even more concerning is the extension of the lease period from 30 years in the original Green Planet agreement to 45 years under the new Earth Tree contract.
This 50% increase has farmers worried they will never see the benefits of their investment.
“The addition of years of lease will be a disservice to us and our people. We shall not be able to enjoy the fruits of those investments, and our land will probably have been snatched by the end of that period,” the farmers’ spokesperson warned.
For smallholder farmers already struggling with poverty and food security, losing control of their land for nearly half a century represents an existential threat to their livelihoods and their children’s future.
The new agreement has also stripped away crucial protections that farmers had negotiated in their original contract. Under the Green Planet deal, farmers could withdraw from the arrangement within the first five years by providing seven months’ written notice – a vital safety valve for those who might experience buyer’s remorse.
The Earth Tree contract eliminates this provision entirely, effectively trapping farmers in a 44-year commitment with no escape route. The new agreement only allows the company to harvest trees until the contract expires, giving farmers no control over their own land use decisions.
Adding insult to injury, the revised contract transfers control of tree seedling provision from farmers to the company. Originally, farmers would supply their own seedlings, maintaining some control over the species and quality of trees planted on their land. Now, Earth Tree demands exclusive rights to provide seedlings and manage the trees throughout the contract period.
Farmer Kipruto Maiyo expressed his bewilderment: “I was shocked when people came to my farm and introduced themselves as being from Earth Tree, yet I had signed an agreement with Green Planet. To make matters worse, they want to be the ones managing the trees.”
A pattern of carbon credit exploitation
The Uasin Gishu protest occurs against a backdrop of mounting scandals in Kenya’s carbon credit sector. Recent revelations have exposed how international companies are exploiting African farmers and indigenous communities through fraudulent carbon credit schemes.
In October 2024, US courts charged executives of CQC Impact Investors with defrauding carbon credit buyers of over $100 million through manipulated data on cookstove projects in Malawi, Zambia, and Angola. The company also operates in Kenya, raising questions about the integrity of carbon credit projects across East Africa.
Meanwhile, the controversial Northern Kenya Rangelands Carbon Project – used by tech giants Netflix and Meta – has been suspended twice by certification body Verra due to violations of indigenous peoples’ rights. The project severely restricts traditional grazing practices of the Maasai, Borana, and Samburu communities.
When farmers attempted to seek clarification about the contract changes, Earth Tree officials reportedly barred them from accessing company offices. The company’s gates remained closed to both farmers and media during the protest, highlighting the lack of transparency that has characterized the carbon credit industry.
“From today, we shall make sure that they leave. We will not engage with them at any point since they have shortchanged us,” declared farmer Mannasseh Koech, reflecting the community’s determination to resist what they see as corporate colonialism.
The Uasin Gishu farmers’ rebellion represents more than a local contract dispute – it’s a microcosm of how global climate finance mechanisms can become tools of exploitation rather than environmental progress.
While wealthy corporations in developed countries purchase carbon credits to continue polluting, African farmers bear the costs through restricted land use and surrendered autonomy.
The carbon credit market, worth billions of dollars globally, was designed to incentivize emissions reductions and environmental conservation.
However, the Kenyan experience suggests that without proper regulation and community protections, these schemes can become vehicles for a new form of land grabbing disguised as climate action.
The farmers have vowed to continue their resistance until the controversial clauses are removed and their land rights are respected. Their struggle highlights the urgent need for stronger regulatory frameworks governing carbon credit projects in Kenya and across Africa.
As Kenya positions itself as a leader in carbon markets through initiatives like the Africa Carbon Markets Initiative, the government must ensure that smallholder farmers and indigenous communities are protected from exploitation by international carbon credit companies.
Carbon credits let farmers earn money by reducing emissions, like planting trees or using sustainable methods.
Each credit equals one tonne of CO2 avoided, verified by experts. Companies buy these to offset emissions, funding farmers. In Kenya, this boosts income but risks exploitation.
The Uasin Gishu farmers’ rejection of the Earth Tree contract serves as a powerful reminder that true climate action cannot be built on the exploitation of Africa’s most vulnerable communities. Their fight for land rights and fair treatment deserves support from all Kenyans who believe in environmental justice and economic equity.
Kenya will soon require all social media users to verify their age using national identification documents before accessing popular platforms, officials confirmed yesterday.
The Communications Authority of Kenya (CA) has issued new guidelines for child online protection that will take effect in six months, mandating “age verification mechanisms” for all Information and Communication Technology (ICT) product and service providers operating in the country.
“Initially, service providers may accept user-entered ages, but ultimately everyone will be required to verify their identity through government-issued ID,” said a CA official.
The directive aims to minimize “exposure of children to online risks and vulnerabilities” by ensuring that minors aren’t accessing content intended for adults.
The measure comes amid growing global concern about children’s safety online and follows months after Kenya’s Interior ministry ordered social media companies to establish physical offices in the country.
Currently, users can access platforms like Facebook, TikTok, Instagram, and WhatsApp without proving their age, often bypassing minimum requirements by simply entering false birth dates.
The new regulations would change that landscape entirely.
If successfully implemented, Kenya would become the first country in the world to fully enforce age verification for social media access.
Kenyan national ID.
While other nations have debated similar measures, none have successfully deployed such mechanisms nationwide.
In Australia, efforts to ban users under 16 from social media have faced significant challenges, with government advisors warning that age verification technology remains difficult to enforce effectively.
The move raises questions about data privacy and potential exclusion.
While ID verification is already standard practice for financial technology applications in Kenya, extending this requirement to social media platforms introduces new risks of data breaches and could potentially exclude undocumented individuals.
Alternative verification methods mentioned in the guidelines include AI-based facial analysis and third-party verification, though these approaches have limited accuracy compared to ID verification.
Beyond age verification, the new guidelines will require ICT industry players to develop and publish child protection policies and implement measures to combat child sexual abuse material.
Kenya currently ranks poorly on global benchmarks for child online protection, according to the DQ Institute, performing below average in regulation, infrastructure, and ensuring safe technology use by children.
The CA stated that the guidelines were developed through public consultation and form part of its constitutional mandate to ensure safer internet experiences for all ICT consumers, including children.
As the six-month implementation window approaches, both industry stakeholders and users are watching closely to see how this unprecedented regulatory move will transform Kenya’s digital landscape.
Former Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko has claimed that US President Donald Trump has lifted a travel ban imposed on him and his family three years ago over corruption allegations, according to a statement posted on his social media account.
“Thank you President Donald Trump for lifting my travel ban to the US. Details to follow. Those who implicated me are the ones who are most corrupt in this country,” Sonko wrote on social media, tagging the US president’s official account.
The controversial politician has not provided any official documentation or additional details to substantiate his claim.
Sonko claims the U.S. president Donald Trump has lifted his travel ban.
The US Embassy in Nairobi has not yet commented on the matter.
In March 2022, the United States government banned Sonko and his immediate family members from traveling to the US, citing “involvement in significant corruption” during his tenure as Nairobi’s governor.
At that time, US Embassy Counselor for Public Affairs Eric Watnik announced that Sonko, his wife Primrose Mbuvi, daughters Saumu and Salma, and his underage son were all declared ineligible for entry into the US.
The designation also prohibited them from conducting business with the United States.
“The department has credible information that the former governor was involved in significant corruption when serving as governor of Nairobi. We determined that he received bribes in kickbacks in exchange for irregular awarding of contracts to his associates for personal gains,” Watnik stated when announcing the ban.
When the ban was first imposed, Sonko held a press conference at his Shanzu residence in Mombasa, where he expressed shock and insisted on his innocence.
“I am shocked and surprised. My wife and daughters have never applied or won any tenders while I was Nairobi governor,” Sonko said at the time, questioning why his family was included in the ban.
He also claimed political persecution: “I am being persecuted because I differed with the State over some issues. But I will exhaust all avenues of appeal and ensure I am cleared.”
At the time of the ban, Sonko was facing multiple corruption charges in Kenyan courts, including allegations that he received a kickback of Ksh 8.4 million from ROG Security Ltd.
The US government stated that the outcome of those trials would not impact their decision to ban him.
Sonko became the second high-profile Kenyan official to be publicly banned from traveling to the US during former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s administration, following former Attorney General Amos Wako who was banned in 2019.
NAIROBI — Security forces surrounded the residences of former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua on Sunday night, as the government moved to arrest him over alleged involvement in last year’s deadly “Occupy Parliament” protests, according to Belgut MP Nelson Koech.
Speaking during a Monday morning interview on Citizen TV, MP Koech claimed that Gachagua, along with several unnamed members of parliament, is facing imminent charges related to the June 25, 2024, protests that saw demonstrators storm Parliament.
“Rigathi Gachagua, as we are talking right now, including a few members of parliament, are about to be charged for what happened last year on June 25. The invasion of parliament and the chaos after, and the act itself, include Rigathi Gachagua,” Koech stated.
The move comes days after Gachagua made controversial statements about the upcoming 2027 general elections, warning that any attempt to manipulate the electoral process could lead to violence worse than the 2007/2008 post-election crisis that claimed over 1,000 lives.
“With the mood in the country, if that IEBC tries to mess with the elections, there will be no country here. I want to tell you that 2007 will look like a Christmas party,” Gachagua reportedly said on Friday, referring to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission.
Belgut MP Nelson Koech.
Koech alleged that authorities view Gachagua as a threat because of his inflammatory rhetoric.
“When he issues another statement, it is not taken lightly because this is someone who has the capability of causing chaos, not by any power that he has, but through his tongue,” he said.
Government officials, including Deputy President Kithure Kindiki and Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen, have publicly denounced Gachagua’s remarks, promising legal action against anyone threatening peace during the upcoming elections.
Gachagua has since attempted to clarify his statements, claiming they were taken out of context.
“I never said there would be chaos in Kenya. What I said is that, according to the concerns being raised by Kenyans, there must be no attempts to rig the elections—so that we avoid a repeat of the tragic events of 2007/2008,” he explained during a church service in Murang’a County on Sunday.
By Sunday night, police had surrounded Gachagua’s homes in both Karen, Nairobi, and in Nyeri County, according to reports.
The June 2024 “Gen Z” protests, which the government is now linking to Gachagua, saw young Kenyans storm Parliament buildings in demonstrations that turned violent, resulting in multiple casualties.
The potential arrest of Gachagua comes amid heightened political tensions in the region, highlighted by the recent deportation of opposition figure Martha Karua from neighboring Tanzania, where she was attempting to attend court proceedings for Tanzanian opposition politician Tundu Lissu.
Koech, who also chairs the Foreign Relations Committee, commented on Karua’s deportation during the same interview, suggesting she should “focus on Kenya” rather than involving herself in matters across East Africa.
People’s Liberation Party (PLP) leader Martha Karua was deported from Tanzania Sunday after being detained for nearly six hours at Julius Nyerere International Airport in Dar es Salaam, highlighting growing regional tensions over political freedoms.
“Deportation complete! On board KQ flight No 485 for Nairobi,” Karua wrote on her social media account, confirming her forced return to Kenya.
According to Karua, she arrived at the airport at 9 a.m. when immigration officials referred her passport to a supervisor, who kept her waiting for an hour while consulting with superiors. Ultimately, Tanzanian authorities denied her entry into the country.
Karua was traveling with two Kenyan human rights attorneys, Lynn Ngugi and Gloria Kimani. All three were guests of the East Africa Law Society (EALS) and the Law Society of Kenya (LSK).
The deportation appears to be politically motivated, as Karua suggested her detention was linked to interest in the case of detained Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who currently faces treason charges.
“The common thread between Gloria Kimani, a council member of LSK, and Lynn Ngugi is that we are guests of EALS. I suspect all visitors who may be interested in the politically motivated case against Tundu Lissu are being denied entry,” Karua stated.
Diplomatic response
The incident prompted a swift response from Kenya’s government. Principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs Korir Sing’Oei confirmed that the Kenyan mission in Dar es Salaam, headed by High Commissioner Isaac Njenga, had contacted Tanzanian authorities regarding the matter.
“Our Mission in Dar es Salaam has reached out to relevant authorities in the United Republic of Tanzania and will be apprising further on the matter shortly,” Sing’Oei said.
Karua, a respected political figure and former presidential candidate in Kenya, expressed concern about what this incident means for East African Community integration.
“I am concerned that, as a citizen of Jumuiya, my access within the East African Community (EAC) appears inexplicably restricted,” she noted, referring to the regional intergovernmental organization that promotes cooperation among its member states.
This incident raises questions about freedom of movement within the EAC and may strain diplomatic relations between Kenya and Tanzania as officials work to resolve the situation.
Karua has been representing Tanzanian opposition leader Tindu Lissu, who is on trial for treason and faces a possible death penalty.
Lissu is due in court on Monday.
The trial comes as Tanzania prepares for elections in October.
A former justice minister in Kenya, Karua has been vocal about “democratic backsliding” in the East Africa region.
She has also been representing Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye, who was kidnapped in Kenya last year and taken back to his home country to also face treason charges.
Uganda holds elections in January.
“What we are seeing is total erosion of democratic principles in the three countries: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda,” Karua told AFP in an interview earlier this month.
“All these countries now have become dangerous, not just to others but to their own nationals. I tie this to the forthcoming elections,” she said.
She accused the leadership of the three countries of “collaborating”.
“It’s a pattern,” she said. “They are neutering the opposition ahead of elections.”
Karua launched the People’s Liberation Party in February, vowing to engage with youths as she prepares a run for the presidency in 2027.
She faces competition from an array of opposition leaders in the country, all hoping to take on President William Ruto, whose popularity was undermined by mass protests last year over tax rises and corruption.
NAIROBI — What began as a Sh19 million land rates dispute with the Nairobi County Government has evolved into a rare public relations opportunity for the historically private Freemasons society in Kenya.
William Ramsay McGhee, Grand Master of Scottish Freemasonry, used the unexpected spotlight during a press briefing on Friday to dispel long-held suspicions about the organization and extend an invitation to Kenyan men to join their ranks.
“We are looking for good men to make better men. That’s what Freemasonry is all about—living with honesty, supporting our neighbours, and giving back to the world around us,” McGhee told journalists at the Freemasons’ Hall in Nairobi, just days after county officials had clamped the property over unpaid land rates.
The Grand Lodge of East Africa’s Freemasons’ Hall was among several properties targeted in Nairobi County’s operation to recover approximately Sh50 billion in outstanding land rates.
Nairobi County Council team, led by Health CEC Suzanne Silantoi, at the Freemasons Hall along Processional Way, Nairobi on May 14, 2025.
According to county officials, the society owes Sh19 million in arrears.
McGhee, who bears the titles O.ST. J and D.L. (Officer of the Order of Saint John and Dame of the English monarchy), confirmed that the dispute had been referred to legal advisers.
“As you can see, we are back as normal,” he stated, indicating the reopening of the hall that had been temporarily closed.
In what appeared to be a calculated move to shift the narrative from tax troubles to recruitment, the Grand Master took pains to counter popular misconceptions about the organization.
“If it was a secret society, I wouldn’t be standing here talking to you today,” McGhee said. “There are no dark secrets, just a few traditional practices kept to enrich the ceremonial journey of members.”
The Freemasons have long been the subject of conspiracy theories and suspicion in Kenya and globally, with rumors of occult practices and secretive rituals.
McGhee directly addressed these concerns, stating: “Contrary to what some people believe, Freemasonry is purely and simply an organization where we try and make good men better men.”
He emphasized that Freemasonry is not a religion but rather a fraternity built on “three pillars” representing “all that is good in mankind” including integrity, charity, and the betterment of humanity.
On membership criteria, McGhee clarified that the organization is open to men of good character regardless of age or background, with only one explicit disqualification: a criminal record involving murder.
The Grand Master revealed that in East Africa alone, the Scottish Freemasonry has 10 lodges with approximately 34,000 members.
Globally, Scottish Freemasonry comprises between 600-700 lodges in Scotland and nearly 400 lodges spread across more than 40 countries.
McGhee warned against believing internet rumors about the organization.
“My concern is that if you’re going to the website, you will see so many things in there that are totally and utterly untrue when it comes to Freemasonry,” he said. “There’s no hockery-pockery or anything at all about it.”
He encouraged those curious about the organization to attend lodge open days or visit their official websites for accurate information.
The Nairobi Freemasons’ Hall houses lodges under various constitutions, including Scottish, Irish, and English, each meeting regularly.
While the tax dispute remains unresolved, McGhee’s public appearance marks a significant departure from the organization’s typically low-profile approach to public relations, suggesting a potential shift toward greater transparency or at least better public image management for the centuries-old fraternity in Kenya.
Kileleshwa MCA Robert Alai, once celebrated for exposing land scams in Nairobi, is now at the center of a disturbing land-grab scandal.
In a shocking twist, Alai stands accused of illegally seizing a multi-million shilling property in Nairobi’s upscale Runda estate.
A lawsuit filed by Cancer Investments Ltd claims that Alai and a group of armed men violently invaded the property, assaulted the company’s director, and refused to vacate.
The case has stunned many Kenyans who once viewed Alai as a champion against land cartels. His fall from whistleblower to alleged perpetrator marks a dark chapter in his political career.
Robert Alai built a public image as a defender of the people, a man who exposed land theft and corruption. But the ongoing legal battle suggests that he may now be on the other side of the law. [Photo: Courtesy]
Robert Alai Sued Over Prime Runda Land Grab in Shocking U-turn
Cancer Investments Ltd has taken Robert Alai to court, accusing him of forcefully and illegally taking over their land in Runda on March 31. The firm, through lawyer Harrison Kinyanjui, filed a petition at the Environment and Land Court, calling for Alai’s immediate removal from the property.
According to court documents, individuals linked to Alai broke into the property using crude weapons, demolished a concrete pillar at the gate, and physically attacked the company’s director, Mukhtar Ahmed Parkar.
Mr. Parkar told the court that his calls for police assistance went unanswered because Alai allegedly used his political connections to block any action.
The judge, Mohamed Kullow, certified the case as urgent and ordered that Alai, the Attorney General, and the Officer Commanding Gigiri Police Station be served ahead of the hearing set for May 19.
Cancer Investments insists that they legally bought the land from Trans National Bank in 1992 and have maintained all legal dues, including payments to Runda Water Ltd and power utility firms.
The land was recently leased to a neighboring school, and preparations for renovations were underway when Alai’s team allegedly stormed in.
The company says it has never entered any transaction with Alai regarding the property. Its original title remains intact and is currently still under a charge from a bank, a fact that the company plans to prove in court.
From Land Activist to Alleged Land Grabber
Robert Alai’s reputation was built on publicly exposing rogue developers, land fraud, and political corruption. He rose to prominence as a fearless blogger who took on the Nairobi land mafia and gave voice to communities suffering from evictions and shady deals.
But his entry into politics seems to have flipped the script. Once on the side of victims, Alai is now accused of using violence and political influence to benefit from the very crimes he once condemned.
The alleged invasion of Runda raises serious concerns about abuse of office. Mukhtar Ahmed Parkar claims Alai’s name intimidated law enforcement, who refused to act even after the violent assault and property damage.
In a country where land conflicts have long fueled injustice and impunity, this case underscores how political muscle can silence justice.
Observers are now questioning whether Alai’s anti-land fraud campaigns were genuine or part of a calculated path to gain political capital. Many feel betrayed by what they see as a classic case of power corrupting a former activist.
Political Protection and a Pattern of Impunity
This case against Robert Alai shines a light on a wider problem—how elected officials often use their positions to bypass the law. According to Parkar, despite presenting proof of ownership and a history of utility payments, he was unable to stop the takeover. That alone shows how deep the rot runs.
Court proceedings will now have to determine whether Alai acted illegally and if the property will be returned to Cancer Investments Ltd. But the larger question remains: how many other properties have been quietly taken over by those with power and influence?
This scandal also reopens conversations about the failure of zoning laws and the growing number of illegal developments across Nairobi.
Experts have often blamed political interference for shielding land grabbers. If proven guilty, Alai’s case will join a growing list of politicians-turned-developers exploiting their offices for personal gain.
With the May 19 court date approaching, all eyes are on the judiciary to determine whether justice will finally catch up with Robert Alai.
Conclusion
Robert Alai built a public image as a defender of the people, a man who exposed land theft and corruption. But the ongoing legal battle suggests that he may now be on the other side of the law.
As Cancer Investments Ltd fights to reclaim its land in Runda, the public must reckon with the uncomfortable reality that those who speak loudest against corruption can sometimes fall prey to it themselves. The case is a test not only for the courts but for Kenyan democracy and accountability.
Freemasons Grand Master Refutes Nairobi County’s Sh19 Million Land Rates Claim, Tells Kenyans Their Secrets
In a rare public appearance, William Ramsay McGhee, Grand Master Mason of the Grand Lodge of Scotland, has denied allegations that the Freemason Society owes Governor Johnson Sakaja’s Nairobi County Sh19 million in unpaid land rates, describing the claims as “unfounded.”
McGhee’s statement follows a raid on Freemasons’ Hall on Nyerere Road by county officials led by Health CEC Susan Silantoi.
The operation was part of a broader crackdown targeting Sh50 billion in outstanding land rate payments across the county.
“The property is registered under a trust, which exempts it from such rates,” McGhee explained.
“We are currently in talks with the county government, and a joint statement will be issued soon.”
During the enforcement operation, a county official identified as Njoroge contradicted the initial Sh19 million figure, stating that the plot in question owes approximately Sh4 million.
Officials threatened to seize the property until the debt is cleared.
McGhee took the opportunity to address public misconceptions about Freemasonry.
“We are told Freemasonry is a secret society, it is not,” he stated. “Freemasonry is purely an organization where we try to make good men better men.”
He emphasized the society’s core values of integrity, honesty, and godliness, highlighting its three foundational pillars which he described as representing “all that is good in mankind.”
McGhee also stressed the organization’s commitment to supporting both members and non-members.
The Nairobi County operation is part of an aggressive campaign to recover Sh10 billion within two months.
County officials noted that many landowners had ignored a previous waiver period offered for settling outstanding debts.
This public defense marks a significant moment for the Freemasons, an organization traditionally shrouded in mystery, as it navigates both financial scrutiny and public perception in Kenya.
The JKIA Magistrate Court has granted businessman and politician Philip Aroko a Ksh 300,000 cash bail in connection with the murder case of Kasipul MP Charles Were.
Magistrate Irene Gichobi, presiding over the case, imposed strict bail conditions, barring Aroko from traveling to Homa Bay County and requiring him to report to the investigating officer twice weekly until investigations are complete.
The court’s decision came after rejecting an application by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) to extend Aroko’s custodial detention by an additional seven days.
The DPP had argued that more time was needed to complete investigations into the high-profile case, which has drawn significant public attention due to its political implications.
“The court finds insufficient grounds to continue holding the suspect in custody,” stated Magistrate Gichobi in her ruling. “However, the seriousness of the allegations necessitates strict bail conditions.”
Aroko, a controversial businessman in gold trade and a budding politician, is accused of involvement in the murder of the Kasipul MP, a case that has heightened tensions in Homa Bay County.
Aroko is a politician and was Ong’ondo Were’s fiercest rival during the 2022 general election.
His lawyer, Danstan Omari had on Monday told the court that he wants to be released so he can go and pray at the grave of the late MP.
However, magistrate Gicobi restricted Aroko from setting foot in the constituency, which is in Homa Bay county.
Aroko is also barred from contacting the MP’s family members, other suspects, or any individuals linked to the case.
The bail conditions, particularly the restriction on traveling to the region, aim to prevent potential interference with witnesses and evidence collection.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has dropped two petitions he had filed to stop his impeachment. His legal team says the cases are no longer necessary.
This move comes as Gachagua chooses to concentrate on a more important legal battle—the post-impeachment case that could define his political future.
The withdrawn petitions were originally aimed at blocking Parliament from kicking him out of office.
But now, his lawyers argue that the key legal questions raised in those cases are already part of the ongoing case, making the earlier petitions irrelevant.
The Gachagua petitions, once aimed at stopping his impeachment, have been withdrawn to focus on a stronger post-impeachment case. [Photo: Courtesy]
Ex-DP Gachagua Petitions Withdrawn After Court of Appeal Ruling
On Thursday, May 15, Gachagua’s lawyers formally asked the High Court to drop the two pre-impeachment petitions. The former deputy president filed these petitions in October last year when Parliament introduced a special motion to remove him from office on 11 charges.
These charges ranged from abuse of office to mismanagement of public funds. Gachagua, who now leads the Democracy for Citizens Party (DCP), believed the impeachment process was politically motivated. His initial legal strategy was to stop the National Assembly and Senate from debating and voting on the motion.
However, the legal landscape changed quickly. On May 9, the Court of Appeal overturned a decision by Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu. Mwilu had appointed three judges—Eric Ogolla, Anthony Murima, and Fred Mugambi—to handle the impeachment petitions.
Gachagua’s team opposed this, arguing that only the Chief Justice, Martha Koome, had the authority to create such a bench. The appellate court agreed with Gachagua. It ruled that the Chief Justice must personally appoint a bench to hear the case.
With this decision, Gachagua’s lawyers saw an opportunity to streamline the legal process. They withdrew the pre-impeachment cases and instead asked the High Court to forward the post-impeachment petition to Chief Justice Koome for action.
In their formal notice, the legal team wrote, “The conditional and legal issues raised in the above-mentioned pre-impeachment petitions are replicated in the post-impeachment petitions.” They requested the court to consider this overlap and treat the post-impeachment case as the main legal challenge going forward.
Political Stakes Still High for Gachagua
Even though Gachagua is no longer in office, his legal fight is far from over. The post-impeachment petition could determine whether the process that led to his removal was fair and constitutional. If the court finds faults in how Parliament handled the case, it could open the door for political or even legal consequences.
This case is not just about Gachagua’s personal reputation. It’s about the balance of power between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. His legal team is pushing to have a full bench hear the matter, which shows they are aiming for a thorough and transparent review.
There’s also a wider political dimension. Since his removal, Gachagua has rebranded himself through the DCP party. Winning this case could boost his chances of a political comeback. Losing it might permanently damage his career.
The next steps depend on Chief Justice Martha Koome. If she agrees to empanel a new bench, the post-impeachment petition will move forward. If not, Gachagua may face a longer legal battle, possibly dragging on for months.
What the Gachagua Petitions Mean for Legal Procedure
The withdrawal of the Gachagua petitions highlights a bigger issue—how legal procedures around impeachment are managed in Kenya. The Court of Appeal’s ruling made it clear: only the Chief Justice can appoint judges to hear such sensitive cases.
This decision reinforces the importance of following proper legal channels, especially in high-stakes political matters. It also places more responsibility on the Chief Justice’s office. With this new precedent, other political leaders facing similar battles may look to this case as a guide.
Whether you agree with Gachagua or not, his case is now part of a growing conversation about the independence of Kenya’s judiciary.
His team’s move to focus on one strong petition instead of juggling multiple cases may prove to be a smarter legal strategy. It avoids confusion, reduces court delays, and allows judges to zero in on the key constitutional questions.
As the country waits for Chief Justice Koome’s next move, one thing is clear—the outcome of the post-impeachment case could have a lasting impact on both law and politics in Kenya.
A vicious turf war is unfolding in Kenya’s oil sector. The Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (EPRA) and the Kenya Petroleum Refineries Limited (KPRL) are locked in a fierce contest over control of multi-billion-shilling petroleum strategic reserves.
As Parliament scrutinizes the 2025/26 budget, explosive revelations have emerged. KPRL accuses EPRA of overstepping its mandate, hijacking oil import quotas, and sidelining the National Oil Corporation of Kenya (NOCK).
The stakes are dangerously high. At the heart of the battle lies control of funding, policy direction, and the future of Kenya’s oil security. The consequences could leave the country vulnerable to oil shocks.
The wrangle between EPRA and KPRL is more than a bureaucratic turf war. It’s a national emergency in slow motion. If Kenya cannot fix its petroleum laws and properly fund strategic reserves, the country risks paying the price in future fuel shortages and economic instability. [Photo: Screenshot]
EPRA and KPRL Clash Over Strategic Stocks
The fight between EPRA and KPRL has exposed serious gaps in the Petroleum Act, 2019. These legal grey areas have allowed power plays, confusion, and overlapping roles in managing petroleum reserves.
KPRL boss Leparan ole Morintat has asked Parliament to step in. He wants urgent changes to the law to clearly define roles and end the ongoing interference by EPRA.
According to him, EPRA has continuously encroached on KPRL’s mandate, especially in controlling oil imports and allocating quotas to Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs).
During a heated session with the Budget Committee, Mr. Morintat laid bare how strategic stock management has become a free-for-all. He said the current wording in the law around “the National Oil Company” is vague and exploited by EPRA to edge out the rightful custodian of petroleum reserves.
He pointed to the 2008 Energy (Petroleum Strategic Stock) Regulations, which mandate that strategic reserves of fuels like kerosene, LPG, and diesel should be maintained at levels covering 90 days of national consumption.
The law gives the procurement mandate to NOCK, while Kenya Pipeline Company stores the products. Parliament was supposed to fund this initiative gradually starting from 2008/09. But that never happened.
In 2019, a new provision under Section 107 of the Petroleum Act introduced the Consolidated Petroleum Fund to fix the funding issue. Still, money was never disbursed. Meanwhile, EPRA has taken over critical parts of the process, and in doing so, weakened NOCK and KPRL’s roles.
Backdoor Deals and Tender Wars
KPRL raised concerns over the 2020 draft Petroleum (Strategic Stock) Regulations, which were quietly gazetted by the Petroleum Ministry. These regulations propose that the Cabinet Secretary—through a competitive tendering process—can select any Oil Marketing Company to supply and manage strategic stocks. This move completely sidelines NOCK.
In response, NOCK submitted a formal memorandum to EPRA rejecting the new regulation. They argued that it strips them of their legal duty to manage the reserves. The memo, however, appears to have been ignored.
According to Mr. Morintat, the changes not only violate earlier laws but open the door to backdoor deals. Strategic stocks are no longer about national security—they are becoming a cash cow for select companies with government connections.
The idea of strategic petroleum reserves was to cushion Kenyans from global price shocks and supply chain disruptions. But in reality, no serious stockpiling has taken place. Instead, private oil firms are making profits under the guise of managing national reserves, without any clear accountability.
Legal Loopholes Fuel a Crisis in the Making
At the core of this fight is a broken legal framework. The Petroleum Act, 2019 was meant to streamline the sector. Instead, it has deepened confusion. Multiple agencies now claim overlapping authority, while none seems to be held accountable.
KPRL wants the law amended to clearly state that NOCK alone should handle the procurement, storage, and replenishment of strategic petroleum reserves. This would stop EPRA from hijacking the process through tendering arrangements that prioritize private players.
Mr. Morintat warned Parliament that unless the law is fixed and funding is properly allocated, Kenya risks facing a catastrophic energy crisis. The country would have no buffer in the event of global fuel shortages or price spikes.
For now, billions of shillings in potential petroleum stock funding remain in limbo. Parliament must act quickly. The public deserves clarity, transparency, and protection—not another state-sanctioned oil heist masked as reform.
In the heart of Nairobi, on the quiet stretch of Nyerere Road, stands a building shrouded in whispers. Its colonial facade, modestly dignified, bears the weight of over a century of secrecy and symbolism.
This is the Freemasons’ Hall, a landmark often overlooked, yet central to one of Kenya’s most persistent cultural enigmas.
In May 14th, the veil was momentarily lifted when Nairobi County officials raided the premises and closed it over a Ksh.19 million land rate debt.
The operation, led by Health CEC Susan Silantoi, wasn’t unusual in administrative terms, it was part of a broader county-wide crackdown on revenue defaulters.
Yet the backlash online was immediate and electric, not because of unpaid dues, but because of who had been targeted: the Freemasons.
To many Kenyans, Freemasonry evokes a potent mix of fear, fascination, and folklore.
Long rumored to be a cabal of the wealthy and powerful, the organization is often accused without evidence of devil worship, secretive dealings, and supernatural acquisition of wealth.
But what lies beyond the conspiracy theories?
From European Fraternity to African Chapter
Freemasonry’s history in East Africa begins in colonial Zanzibar in 1905, where British settlers first introduced it. In those early days, membership was strictly reserved for Europeans.
Even as late as the 1930s, only a handful of lodges admitted Asians, and even fewer welcomed Africans, an institution that mirrored the racial exclusions of empire.
The landscape began to change in the mid-20th century.
A pivotal figure was Tanzanian businessman Sir Jayantilal Keshavji Chande, who joined the fraternity in 1954 after a two-year wait.
Over decades, he rose to become District Grand Master of East Africa, overseeing lodges in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and the Seychelles.
In his writings, particularly “Whither Directing Your Course,” Chande argued passionately for the craft’s moral foundation: “Freemasonry admits a good man with a view to making him better.”
Contrary to popular belief, Freemasonry is not a religion—nor does it aim to replace one.
Members must profess belief in a Supreme Being, and lodges often contain the King James Bible, the Quran, the Bhagavad Gita, or other holy texts depending on the region. The philosophy, rooted in Enlightenment ideals, emphasizes brotherly love, relief, and truth.
Inside the Lodge: An Insider’s Account
Nairobi-based lawyer and Gor Mahia Football Club chairman Ambrose Rachier during a past interview at his office in February 2020. Mr Rachier says Freemasons have their own ceremonies; just like weddings or cultural functions like circumcisions, where there are certain rituals that they cannot talk about publicly.
Prominent Nairobi lawyer Ambrose Rachier, who has been a Freemason since 1994, offers a rare glimpse into this secretive world. “Our main objective is to engage in charity to help humanity,” Rachier explains.
“But in the process, we ensure that our intellectual faculties are all the time interrogated, and we also have what you can call companionship or fellowship through dinners and so forth.”
The society operates through a structured hierarchy of degrees, beginning with apprentice, then craft person, and finally master.
Beyond these initial three degrees lies a path to the 33rd degree symbolically significant as the age at which Jesus was crucified.
Rachier himself has reached the 30th degree after nearly three decades of membership.
According to Rachier, joining requires sponsorship from existing members. “It is a member’s organization in which someone who knows you very well invites you to join,” he says.
Prospective members undergo interviews and a vetting process to ensure they meet the fraternity’s standards of honor and charity.
“We are trying to build a group of people with the same interests… You need to be a good person.”
Meetings typically commence at 6 p.m. to accommodate working schedules and conclude by 9 p.m. with dinner at the Freemasons’ Hall.
Members dress in formal attire, including an apron that symbolizes building, a nod to the craft’s historical roots in stonemasonry. “We just wear a suit and some kind of apron to symbolize building, because when you go to build, you wear an apron,” Rachier explains.
The Mask of Mystery
Secrecy remains central to Freemasonry’s identity. From elaborate initiation rituals to the use of symbols like the square and compass, the fraternity guards its traditions with near-religious zeal.
And in Kenya, where religious and cultural interpretations often collide with colonial legacies, this secrecy breeds suspicion.
When asked about certain rituals, Rachier demurs: “I am not allowed to talk about it.”
He acknowledges the fraternity’s ceremonial aspects but insists they’re no different from religious or cultural observances.
“We have our own ceremonies, just like weddings or cultural functions like circumcisions, where there are certain rituals that we cannot talk about publicly.”
The mythos surrounding Freemasonry in Kenya intensified in the early 1990s during a moral panic over “devil worship.”
President Daniel arap Moi ordered an official commission of inquiry in 1994 to investigate alleged satanic practices infiltrating churches, schools, and allegedly Masonic lodges.
The commission’s report, largely withheld from the public, deepened the air of mistrust.
“We ushered them in and took them around and urged them to ask questions,” Rachier recalls of the commission’s visit to the Freemasons’ Hall.
“I think that was a good thing to open up for the world to see what Freemasons do and what they stand for.”
Debunking the Myths
Among the most persistent rumors is that Freemasonry involves human sacrifice for wealth and power.
Rachier vehemently denies this: “In the 28 years I have been a member, I have never seen a sacrifice. I have not seen anyone who has sacrificed anybody.”
Rather than requiring members to sacrifice family, Rachier claims to have introduced about 20 of his own family members and close associates to the fraternity.
“I have a son who is 43 years old and practices law with me in my firm here. I have other children, and I have suffered no death,” he says, countering the narrative that membership demands sacrificing loved ones.
He also dismisses the notion that Freemasonry is exclusively for the wealthy and powerful, “we join Freemasonry to propagate charity. There are a few wealthy people in Freemasonry, and there are those people who live ordinary lives like me. I am not a wealthy person, and I am not a powerful person.”
The organization has traditionally been male-only, though Rachier acknowledges that women’s lodges have emerged in the United States.
He compares this gender exclusion to historical practices in religious institutions, “just ask yourself, in Catholicism, the priesthood, for a long time, has been a preserve of men… These are things that as men, we need to address.”
Freemasonry’s global membership has steadily declined since the 1980s, including in Africa.
Younger generations, increasingly secular and skeptical, often see the fraternity as outdated.
But paradoxically, in Kenya, public curiosity has reached new heights.
Social media platforms fuel perceptions of Freemasonry as a shadowy power structure accessible only to elites.
This phenomenon may be partly psychological. In a society where inequality and corruption often dominate headlines, the idea of a secret society pulling the strings offers both a convenient explanation and a compelling narrative.
Freemasons continue to assert that the craft focuses on self-improvement and moral guidance not monetary enrichment.
“If you get to the Masonic Hall, the first thing you get is a citation of King Solomon to God saying, ‘I shall build you a house and you shall establish your throne forever,’” explains Rachier.
“In reference to building a temple for God, nothing could be further from satanic than that.”
The fraternity maintains lodges across East Africa, with branches in Mombasa, Kisumu, and Ruiru within Kenya, as well as in Tanzania, Uganda, and Seychelles.
Members regularly travel between these lodges for what they describe as brotherhood and charitable work.
A Building, a Symbol, a Mirror
The Freemasons’ Hall in Nairobi.
The Freemasons’ Hall in Nairobi remains a silent witness to this ongoing tension between myth and reality.
Its colonial walls have seen Kenya through independence, political transformation, and cultural upheaval.
Today, as county revenue officers place chains on its gates, the building has once again become a mirror reflecting not just the fate of a debt-ridden organization, but the country’s deeper anxieties about power, secrecy, and truth.
Whether viewed as an exclusive gentleman’s club, a philanthropic network, or something more sinister, Freemasonry in Kenya resists easy categorization.
It is a story still unfolding, hidden in plain sight, yet now with voices like Rachier’s offering unprecedented insight into a world that has been, until recently, closed to public scrutiny.
“I am not scared to say I am one of them, and it is something I don’t regret joining,” Rachier concludes.
His candor marks a new chapter in the relationship between this ancient fraternity and a skeptical public, one that may gradually transform whispers into understanding, even as the rituals behind those colonial walls remain closely guarded.
Nairobi was thrown into confusion on Thursday morning when chaos broke out at former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s political party launch.
The event, held in the upscale Lavington area, ended abruptly after gunshots rang out moments after Gachagua and other senior officials of the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) had exited the venue.
A crowd that had gathered at the gates surged forward, creating panic. Police officers on high alert responded by firing shots into the air to control the scene. The incident has since stirred mixed reactions across the country.
The swift intervention by police during the incident also raises questions about the state’s involvement and whether the chaos was coincidental or a sign of deeper resistance to his political comeback. [Photo:X/DCP]
Gunfire and Confusion as Chaos Erupts Outside Party Headquarters
Chaos at Gachagua’s Party Launch began just after the former DP left the party’s headquarters. Videos circulating online captured the tense moments. One clip showed a man, believed to be a police officer, firing his weapon in the air.
Another armed individual, thought to be part of Gachagua’s security detail, could be heard shouting, “Remove the vehicle!” as people tried to force their way through a congested exit. The situation appeared to have caught both police and security guards off guard.
As the crowd surged, the former DP’s motorcade was forced to stop temporarily. Officers scrambled to manage the crowd, which had grown rowdy, with many hoping to catch a glimpse of the political figures in attendance.
The confusion lasted about five minutes before police managed to restore order. No injuries were reported during the incident. However, questions remain about how such a lapse in security happened at such a high-profile event.
Nairobi police have not yet released an official statement, but many are calling for a full investigation into the security breaches and the role of the armed personnel involved.
Gachagua Unveils New Political Movement Amid Rising Political Heat
Earlier that morning, Gachagua had launched the Democracy for the Citizens Party, marking his return to frontline politics. The event attracted several political allies, including former Kakamega Senator Cleophas Malala and ex-Agriculture Cabinet Secretary Mithika Linturi.
Taking the podium first, Gachagua declared the party’s mission as one that prioritizes listening to the people. “We finally have a political party that listens to the people,” he said. The slogan, “Please, listen to Kenyans,” reflects his call for a shift in leadership style.
The new party’s logo features fingers pressed to an ear, set against a neon green and white background, reinforcing the party’s commitment to public engagement. Gachagua emphasized that this is not just symbolism but a call to action. He encouraged leaders to connect with ordinary citizens and take their concerns seriously.
He also named Malala as the party’s deputy leader and Linturi as the National Organising Secretary. Both appointments hint at Gachagua’s strategy to unite key political players as he attempts to build a strong opposition force.
Gachagua’s decision to front a new party and position it as a voice of the people could complicate future coalitions, especially as the 2027 general elections approach. [Photo: Courtesy]
Political Tensions Rise as Gachagua’s Move Shakes Power Blocs
Chaos at Gachagua’s Party Launch highlights the mounting tension in Kenya’s political landscape. With the former Deputy President now officially leading a new party, the move is seen by many as a challenge to the current administration and ruling party alliances.
Observers note that the DCP launch may signal a deepening rift within Kenya’s political elite. Gachagua’s decision to front a new party and position it as a voice of the people could complicate future coalitions, especially as the 2027 general elections approach.
While Gachagua has not directly declared his next political move, many believe the launch signals his ambition to remain a key player in national politics.
The swift intervention by police during the incident also raises questions about the state’s involvement and whether the chaos was coincidental or a sign of deeper resistance to his political comeback.
For now, Gachagua’s message remains clear — he wants leaders to reconnect with the people. Whether his new party will gain enough traction remains to be seen, but Thursday’s launch has already captured national attention for both its message and the dramatic scenes that followed.
Key Takeaways:
Gunshots were fired outside the DCP launch in Lavington, Nairobi, as police tried to disperse a crowd.
Former DP Rigathi Gachagua unveiled his new party with the slogan “Please, listen to Kenyans.”
Gachagua appointed Cleophas Malala and Mithika Linturi as key officials in the new party.
The launch hints at growing political tensions ahead of the 2027 elections.
The dramatic events of the day have left many wondering what comes next in Kenya’s evolving political drama. One thing is certain — Gachagua is back, and he wants to be heard.
Busia Senator Andrew Omtatah Okoiti has escalated his probe into the controversial handover of a multibillion-shilling liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) facility from Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) to Nigerian firm Asharami Synergy, formally requesting a statement from the Senate’s Standing Committee on Energy.
In a document dated May 6, 2025, Senator Omtatah invoked Standing Order 53(1) to demand answers regarding what he termed “a matter of national concern” – the abrupt halting of KPC’s plans to develop a 30,000-metric-tonne LPG facility in Mombasa and its subsequent transfer to the Nigerian company.
“The Kenya Pipeline Company has been left counting losses amounting to millions of shillings after its plan to develop a 30,000-metric-tonne liquefied petroleum gas facility in Mombasa, aimed at making gas more affordable and accessible to consumers, was halted,” Omtatah stated in his formal request to the Senate.
According to Omtatah, the Kenya Petroleum Refinery Limited (KPRL) has agreed to lease 23.19 acres of public land to Asharami Synergy on a 31-year lease to develop, operate, and maintain the plant.
This decision comes after KPC had already invested significant taxpayer funds in preparatory work.
Five Critical Questions Raised
Senator Omtatah’s request outlines five specific issues the Energy Committee must address:
1. Why KPC’s original plan to develop the Mombasa gas facility was “quashed” and handed over to Asharami Synergy, a subsidiary of Nigeria’s Sahara Group
2. The circumstances behind the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum’s decision to bypass KPC in favor of the Nigerian firm
3. Whether KPRL followed legal procedures in leasing 23.19 acres of public land to Asharami Synergy
4. The selection process for the project developer, including details of all proposals received and justifications for the 31-year lease agreement
5. How KPC plans to recover KES 192.64 million of taxpayers’ money spent on preliminary studies, including demand surveys, environmental assessments, and front-end engineering designs
Omtatah alleges that KPC spent KES 192.64 million on preparatory work during the financial year ending June 2024. This includes demand surveys, environmental and social impact assessments, and front-end engineering designs – investments that may now benefit the Nigerian firm while leaving Kenyan taxpayers to absorb the losses.
“KPC has been left to bear the costs of preparatory work already completed,” Omtatah noted.
Timeline Raises New Questions
This latest development adds a significant time element to the controversy.
Our previous reporting revealed that the lease agreement was signed on April 6, 2025, just one month before Omtatah’s Senate request, and troublingly, two days before the mandatory Kenya Gazette notice was published.
The Senator’s inquiry now reveals that substantial public funds were spent on the project as recently as the 2023-2024 financial year, raising questions about when the decision to transfer the project was actually made.
Omtatah’s Senate submission reinforces concerns in our previous report about the deal’s transparency and legality.
The matter has already drawn attention from the National Assembly’s Energy Committee, which summoned KPC’s managing director over allegations that the deal proceeded without proper environmental studies or the Attorney General’s consent.
The controversy centers not just on procedural issues but on fundamental questions about Kenya’s energy sovereignty and asset management.
Many have questioned why a project initially conceived to make cooking gas more affordable for Kenyans has been handed to a foreign entity, potentially compromising both national interests and consumer benefits.
And with both houses of Parliament now investigating the matter, pressure is mounting on the Ministry of Energy and the involved parastatals to provide clear answers.
Nairobi County officials on Tuesday sealed off the Grand Lodge of East Africa’s Freemasons’ Hall in the city center as the county government intensifies its crackdown on land rate defaulters across the capital.
The enforcement action targeted the prominent establishment over an outstanding debt of Sh19 million in unpaid land rates, according to county officials who led the operation.
“This particular premises owes Nairobi County over Sh19 million in land rates arrears,” said Revenue Team Leader Suzanne Silantoi, who spearheaded the enforcement alongside Chief Officer for Revenue Lydia Mathia.
The clampdown forms part of a broader campaign by the county government to recover millions in unpaid land rates from property owners throughout Nairobi.
Officials warned that enforcement measures would extend beyond clamping to include disconnection of essential services.
“We will not only be clamping properties belonging to defaulters, but we are also moving to disconnect services such as water and sewer lines where necessary,” Silantoi added.
County representatives emphasized that the enforcement followed established legal protocols, including issuing demand notices and publishing warnings in local newspapers.
“Before any clamping is done, we issue demand notices and publish the same in local dailies instructing landowners to settle outstanding rates,” explained Silantoi.
“Failure to comply gives us the legal mandate to clamp.”
The county’s records reveal a troubling compliance rate, with only 50,000 of the approximately 256,000 registered land parcels in Nairobi current on their land rate payments—a mere 20 percent compliance rate.
Mathia acknowledged that while tenants might be inconvenienced by such enforcement actions, the county is within its legal rights to disconnect services from non-compliant property owners.
“If you can’t pay land rates, how do you expect to benefit from county services?” Mathia questioned. “It is unfortunate that tenants may suffer due to their landlords’ negligence.”
The aggressive revenue collection drive comes as Nairobi County grapples with financial challenges attributed to an increasing wage bill, delayed infrastructure projects, and gaps in service delivery.
“We are determined to recover what is owed to the county,” Silantoi declared. “This is just the beginning.”
In a significant blow to major tech corporations’ environmental initiatives, a Kenyan court has ruled in favor of local Maasai herders in a dispute over carbon credits that could potentially cost companies like Netflix and Meta billions in invalid offsets.
The Northern Kenya Rangelands Carbon Project, touted as the world’s largest soil-carbon plan covering 4.7 million acres of grasslands, has been suspended by Verra, the international nonprofit that certifies carbon credits.
This suspension follows the court ruling that found project developers had not properly secured consent from the indigenous communities whose lands were being used.
“The project completely destroyed the traditional system and brought another one, which is like a displacement,” said Hassan Bidhu, one of the plaintiffs who challenged the project in court.
The 33-year-old herder claimed that grazing restrictions imposed by the carbon project prevented him from accessing traditional dry-season pastures during Kenya’s devastating 2022 drought, resulting in cattle losses.
The ruling potentially invalidates approximately 20% of the project’s credits, with rights groups suggesting that credits in around half of the project’s 14 wildlife conservancies could be vulnerable to similar legal challenges.
This creates a precarious situation for corporations like Netflix and Meta, which have spent between $42 million and $90 million on over six million carbon credits to offset their substantial carbon footprints from energy-intensive operations.
Both companies have used these credits to claim carbon neutrality – Meta in 2020 and Netflix in 2022. Representatives from both corporations defended their purchases, stating the credits had been “rigorously verified,” including by Verra.
The dispute centers on allegations that the Northern Rangelands Trust, which runs the project, created conservancies through “pressure and intimidation rather than informed consent” from the pastoralist communities.
While the trust has appealed the decision, the controversy highlights growing tensions in the rapidly expanding carbon offset market, which Morgan Stanley projects will grow from $1.4 billion today to between $7 billion and $35 billion by 2030.
“This raises big questions about what the carbon industry will do about this,” said Simon Counsell, who co-authored a report on the issue with indigenous-rights group Survival International, noting companies might be forced to surrender invalid credits.
The conflict reflects a broader clash between corporate environmental goals and indigenous rights.
While some pastoralists support the project, citing benefits like new hospitals, scholarships, and wells, opponents argue that project restrictions disrupt centuries-old migration patterns based on seasonal rainfall and pasture availability.
Similar disputes are emerging elsewhere, with violent protests recently erupting over a carbon project in southern Kenya.
Maasai activists in neighboring Tanzania have called for a five-year suspension of carbon projects, with rights organizations warning that these initiatives could eventually lock nearly all ancestral Maasai lands into offset projects or protected areas.
For 23-year-old Gedion Kanchori, who is leading opposition efforts in southern Kenya, the issue is existential: “This land is our inheritance. We will do anything to protect it.”
As corporations face increasing pressure to meet climate commitments, this ruling serves as a stark reminder that environmental solutions must include meaningful consultation with and consent from indigenous communities to be truly sustainable.
After months of whispers and speculation, the wait is over. Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua is finally stepping into the political ring with a new party set to be launched this week.
The announcement, made during a church service in Juja on Sunday, May 11, has set tongues wagging and political calculations shifting.
Gachagua’s declaration was nothing short of explosive. Not only did he confirm the long-rumored party launch, but he also promised a grand celebration to mark the beginning of what he calls a new political dawn.
With bold words aimed at President William Ruto and an unveiled plan to consolidate Mount Kenya’s political base, Gachagua is gearing up to make a strong comeback—this time as the boss of his own political machine.
Rigathi Gachagua to Launch New Party and Challenge Kenya Kwanza Strategy
Rigathi Gachagua’s decision to form a new party is a direct challenge to President Ruto’s grip on the Mount Kenya region. The former Deputy President, ousted just seven months ago through impeachment, seems undeterred.
Instead, he is charging back with a clear mission—to protect Mount Kenya’s political voice from being diluted by Ruto’s allies. Speaking to a crowd of supporters in Juja, Gachagua made it clear that he sees Ruto’s strategy for 2027 as manipulative.
He warned that the government would try to scatter the Mount Kenya vote by propping up small political parties and fake presidential bids. “We will not accept that,” he said. “People know their party, and they will know their candidate in due time.”
Gachagua’s sharp tone left no doubt that he is ready to go head-to-head with the Kenya Kwanza administration. Sources close to his camp confirm that the much-anticipated launch is set for Thursday, March 15. The event will unveil the party’s name, slogan, and colours, with celebrations expected to follow.
In a move that surprised many, Gachagua revealed that the party will have strong leadership from Kajiado, with the national chairperson hailing from the county. This signals an attempt to expand his influence beyond the traditional Mount Kenya stronghold.
Gachagua is not just thinking about the party’s future but also about the country’s democratic health. He dismissed fears of rigging in the 2027 polls following the controversial appointment of a new IEBC commissioner.
“The polling station result is final. That’s what the Supreme Court ruled in 2013,” he said. “The IEBC just tallies. The real power lies in your vote.”
Mount Kenya Power Politics at the Heart of Gachagua New Party Launch
Mount Kenya has long been the crown jewel in any serious presidential campaign. Gachagua’s move to launch his own party is clearly aimed at keeping that jewel within his grip.
The former DP is betting big on regional loyalty and voter fatigue with broken promises. His message is simple: Mount Kenya deserves its own voice, not a borrowed one. He’s capitalizing on the growing sense of betrayal among voters in the region who feel abandoned by the current regime despite their overwhelming support in 2022.
His rhetoric paints President Ruto as a leader willing to sacrifice regional unity for political convenience. By claiming that Ruto plans to flood the mountain with decoy candidates and parties, Gachagua is presenting himself as the lone protector of the region’s political integrity.
Insiders say the new party will push for grassroots development, youth empowerment, and regional autonomy—areas where many believe Ruto has underperformed.
With Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Eugene Wamalwa, and Fred Matiang’i already in the opposition orbit, Gachagua’s entry could reshape the entire 2027 election narrative.
New Alliances and 2027 Presidential Ambitions
While Gachagua has yet to announce his presidential ambitions, he did not rule out a joint ticket with fellow opposition leaders. “We are in talks,” a close ally revealed. “There’s growing interest in forming a grand coalition to face off with Ruto.”
If Gachagua’s party launch succeeds this week, it will mark the start of a new era in Kenyan politics—one where no region can be taken for granted, and no election is a sure bet.
Observers are watching closely. Will he team up with Kalonzo? Could Karua or Matiang’i become his running mate? Or will Gachagua take the plunge himself and go for the top seat?
One thing is certain: the Gachagua New Party Launch is more than just a rebranding—it’s a declaration of war. And as the 2027 race begins to take shape, Gachagua is making sure he’s not just in the game—he’s ready to win it.
